North Caucasian etymology : Query result

Proto-North Caucasian: *Hĕmχ_wV

Sino-Caucasian etymology: Sino-Caucasian etymology

Meaning: to grind

Proto-Nakh: *ʔaħ-

Proto-Avaro-Andian: *ʔiχʷVn-

Proto-Tsezian: *ʔaʁ:ʷǝ-

Proto-Lak: ha=a-

Proto-Dargwa: *ʔurχ:ʷab

Proto-Lezghian: *reχ:Iʷa

Proto-Khinalug: zoχ

Proto-West Caucasian: *Łʷa-ga-

Notes: One of the cases of the non-trivial correspondence PEC *χw (with tense phonation) : PWC *Łʷ (cf. also *χ_Hwĕje 'dog'); note in both cases the existence of an oblique stem or derivates in -r-. See Абдоков 1983, 181-182.

For PEC several nominal derivates can be reconstructed:

1) *r-Hĕmχ_wV 'mill, mill-stone' > Lak. nih, PL *reχ:Iʷa, Khin. zoχ.

2) *Hĕmχ_wV-rV, (with Ablaut and/or reduction) *Hĭmχ_wV-rV > *χ_HwVrV 'mill, mill-stone' > PN *ħēr, PA *χʷor-, PC *ʔaʁ:ʷǝr, Lak. hara-qalu.

3) *Hĭmχ_wV-rV > *χ_HwVrV 'meal, flour' > PN *ħāru, Av. χ:ara-b, PL *χ:Iur. This form probably differed from the second one in vocalism (cf. the opposition in PN), which is rather hard to reconstruct in this case.

4) *Hĭmχ_wV-wV̄ > *χ_HwVwV̄ 'mill, mill-stone' > Av. hobó, PA *ʔiχʷobu / *χʷobu, PC *ʁ:ʷǝbǝ, *ʁ:ʷǝbǝ-r, PL *χ:Iuw(a).

It is rather difficult to attribute the PD form *ʔurχ:ʷab / *ʔurχ:ʷam : the latter variant probably reflects (with metathesis) the second stem (PEC *Hĕmχ_wVrV 'mill'); the former variant may actually represent a contamination of the second and the fourth stems.

A NC source is probable for Osset. kʷɨroj / kurojnä 'mill' (the Indo-European etymology of it is hardly possible, see Abayev 1958, 612).