For PEC several nominal derivates can be reconstructed:

    1) *r-Hĕmχ_wV 'mill, mill-stone' > Lak. nih, PL *reχ:Iʷa, Khin. zoχ.

    2) *Hĕmχ_wV-rV, (with Ablaut and/or reduction) *Hĭmχ_wV-rV > *χ_HwVrV 'mill, mill-stone' > PN *ħēr, PA *χʷor-, PC *ʔaʁ:ʷǝr, Lak. hara-qalu.

    3) *Hĭmχ_wV-rV > *χ_HwVrV 'meal, flour' > PN *ħāru, Av. χ:ara-b, PL *χ:Iur. This form probably differed from the second one in vocalism (cf. the opposition in PN), which is rather hard to reconstruct in this case.

    4) *Hĭmχ_wV-wV̄ > *χ_HwVwV̄ 'mill, mill-stone' > Av. hobó, PA *ʔiχʷobu / *χʷobu, PC *ʁ:ʷǝbǝ, *ʁ:ʷǝbǝ-r, PL *χ:Iuw(a).

    It is rather difficult to attribute the PD form *ʔurχ:ʷab / *ʔurχ:ʷam : the latter variant probably reflects (with metathesis) the second stem (PEC *Hĕmχ_wVrV 'mill'); the former variant may actually represent a contamination of the second and the fourth stems.

    A NC source is probable for Osset. kʷɨroj / kurojnä 'mill' (the Indo-European etymology of it is hardly possible, see Abayev 1958, 612).

    1) PN *ħēr (obl. *ħāri-, sometimes passing to dir.) "mill": Chech. ħer (ħēra-) 'mill' (cf. also ka-ħar 'hand-mill', ħar-χō 'miller'); Ing. ħajra (erg. ħäro) 'mill' (cf. also kel-ħar 'hand-mill'); Bacb. ħajrĭ, ħajră 'mill'. 4th class in all languages.

    2) PN *ħāru 'meal, flour': Ing. ħɔr, Bacb. ħajrŭ, ħajrĭ (3d class in Ing., 4th class in Bacb.).

    1) PA *χʷobu (*ʔiχʷobu) 'mill': Av. hobó (habí-l, habá-l, Chad. hubí-l, habá-l); And. iχʷob; Akhv. χʷaba; Cham. χʷab (Gig. χobu); Tind. χʷabu; Kar. χabu (Anch. χʷaba, Tok. hobu); Botl. χʷabu; Bagv. hʷab (Tlis. χʷab); God. χʷabu. Note that Av. here reveals a h-reflex (old dialectal variation of χ: and *χ > h).

    2) PA *χʷor- (oblique base in the archaic paradigm of *χʷobu): Akhv. Tlan. plur. χel-ar, Kar. Anch. plur. χʷar-e, Bagv. (obl. stem) hʷar-.

    Also derived from this root is Av. χ:árab 'meal, flour' (it could be united with PA *χʷor-, but the meaning and external evidence show that these are two different derivates).

    1) PTs *ʁ:ʷǝ̃bu A, *ʁ:ʷǝ̃bǝr A : PTsKh *ʁǝ̃bu, *ʁǝ̃bǝR > Gin. ʁemer / ʁeme 'mill; wheel' (Lomtadze records also a variant ʁIemer), Khvarsh. ʁabo 'mill, millstone', ʁabal 'wheel', Inkh. ʁobol 'mill'; PGB *hɔbu, *hɔbǝr > Bezht. haboj 'mill' (Khosh. habo 'mill', habor 'blades of the mill-wheel', Tlad. habor 'mill; wheel'), Gunz. hɔbur 'mill'.

    2) PTs *ʔaʁ:ʷǝ, *ʔaʁ:ʷǝr, reflected in Tsez. aʁur 'mill, millstone' (in dialects: Asakh. aʁʷir id., Kid. ʕaʁIu / aʁIu 'mill', ʕaʁIur 'mill-wheel, wheel').

    Lak. also reflects old nominal derivates: hara-qalu (Khosr. haraqalu) 'mill', nih (Khosr. nih) 'mill-stone, wheel'.

    The original verbal root is not preserved as such in PL; instead, a secondary denominal stem *reχ:Iʷa- was used. Besides the listed Kryz., Bud. and Ud. forms cf.: Lezg. reʁʷe-z, Tab. ra-ʁI-uz (Düb. ra-ʁI-us), Ag. ruX̀-as (Bursh. urX̀a-s), Rut. -u-ruχIʷa-s, Tsakh. gi-χ:Iʷar-es, Arch. de-χI:a-s (dur. derχI:u-r). The verb belongs to the weak verbal class. Lezghian languages preserve also two other archaic derivates from the same verbal root:

    1) PL *χ:Iur / *χ:Iuj 'meal, flour': Lezg. ʁür (Khl. χür), Tab. χIu (Düb. χIuj), Ag. X̀ur (Fit. χIur, Tp. ʕur, Burk. raX̀u < *X̀aruj), Rut. χIur, Tsakh. χIu (χIujɨ-), Ud. χari. The word belongs to the 3d class in Rut. and Tsakh.

    2) PL *χ:Iuw(a) 'mill': Kryz. ħuw, Bud. ħuw / ʕuw (4th class in Kryz., but 3d class in Bud.). See Бокаpев 1961, 68; Лексика 1971, 174-175, 205; Гигинейшвили 1977, 121; Магометов 1966, 342.