Heine & Honken 2010: 14.

Transcribed as ǂhhoe in [ǂHoan-Cornell]; ɳǂoe ~ ɳǂue ~ ɳǂuʰe in [Traill 1973: 29]. Comparison of both transcriptions indicates that the click must be accompanied with "delayed aspiration" (phonetically, pre-nasalized aspirated articulation, with nasalization only heard clearly in mid-phrase).

Not attested.

Heine & Honken 2010: 17. Quoted as !o in [Collins 2001a: 457]. Polysemy: 'stomach / belly'. Entirely different form found in [Traill 1973: 29]: ǀaˤbe. A. Traill mentions the existence of the exact same form in ǀGwi (Central Khoisan), in which case the ǂHoan form is very likely a borrowing; however, none of the principal published sources on ǀGwi mention the existence of such a form in this language (ɳǀnâ is the standard form for 'belly' in this language).

Traill 1973: 29. Somewhat dubious, since at least two other words with similar meanings are recorded: (a) ɡǂao [ǂHoan-Cornell]; (b) ǂʰi [Bell & Collins 2001a: 134]. The latter at least, attested within the phrase ma ǂʰi 'I am big' (?; unclear what is being meant exactly), may be ineligible, since it is also quoted as ǂʰi: ~ ǂǝi [Traill 1973: 32] in the meaning 'wide' (rather than 'big').

Gruber 1975: 2. Quoted as ǀi:se ~ ǂiisi ~ ǂi:si in [Traill 1973: 29]. The suffix -si, according to J. Gruber, is a diminutive morpheme.

Collins 2001a: 468. Quoted as ɡ!ae ~ ɡ!ǝi in [Traill 1973: 29].

Bell & Collins 2001a: 144. Quoted as ǂxau ~ !kxiu in [Traill 1973: 29]; we rely on the Bell/Collins transcription as better verified by means of acoustic analysis.

Bell & Collins 2001a: 145; Collins 2001a: 457. Quoted as ǀʼi: ~ ǀkʼei ~ ɡǀi: in [Traill 1973: 29].

Collins 2001a: 457 (transcribed as kya"a). Quoted as ɕeaˤa ~ ɕiaˤa ~ ɕeaˤ in [Traill 1973].

Collins 2001a: 458 (transcribed as ng!a"ma; the "nasalized voiced click" of Collins and Gruber is phonologically analyzed as a voiced uvular click in [Bell-Collins 2001a]). According to the same source, this item, in the meaning 'human chest', is lexically opposed to ɡǀoʔe 'chest (of animal)' [ibid.].

Not attested. [Traill 1973: 29] quotes two different forms, ʘui and ʔɳ!am, both with the meaning 'burn'. He does not specify, however, whether these stems are transitive or intransitive, and their existence has not yet been confirmed in published sources.

Heine & Honken 2010: 19. Quoted as !oˤʔo in [ǂHoan-Cornell].

Not attested.

ǂHoan-Cornell. Quoted as ǀɜba in [Traill 1973: 29]. Secondary synonyms: (a) ǀǀqau [ǂHoan-Cornell], glossed with the polysemy 'ice / cold' = ǀǀao 'cold' [Traill 1973: 29]; (b) ǂaˤ [ǂHoan-Cornell]. Since the former entry is more likely to be a noun, and the latter is not supported in [Traill 1973], we tentatively choose ǀaba as the main entry.

Gruber 1975: 5; Collins 2001a: 472. Quoted as ča ~ ca in [Traill 1973: 29].

Gruber 1975: 6; Collins 2001a: 472. Quoted as šeː ~ sẽ: ~ sĩː in [Traill 1973: 29]. Plural action form is šĩ-ʔɳǀa [Collins 2001a: 472].

Collins 2001a: 457. Quoted as ɕeaːma ~ ɕiaːma in [Traill 1973: 29].

Collins 2001a: 468. Quoted as cʰuː ~ cuː in [Traill 1973: 29].

ǂHoan-Cornell. Quoted as ǀʼao ~ ǀkʼǝu ~ ǀau in [Traill 1973: 29].