Adams 2013: 432. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. Cf.: "all the fires of hell suffusing my body", "his whole body burns like a firebrand with passion" etc. Corresponds to Tocharian A po / pont- 'all'. Goes back to Proto-Tocharian *pont-, further to Ancient Greek {πα̃ς, πάντες} 'all'.

Not attested reliably. Cf. two words normally used in juxtaposition whose meanings are close to 'ashes', but there is no evidence that any of them indeed functioned as a basic term for 'ashes':

    1) tweye 'dust, ashes' [Adams 2013: 344], used for Sanskrit {rajāṁsi} 'particles of dust', cf. "toward the air like dust (taur) and ashes (tweye)", "because of this, infertile ground, dust (taur) and ashes (tweye), appears", "never does either dust or ashes stick to his body". Could be from PIE {*dʰwoyo}-, derived from {*dʰew-} 'to blow'.

    2) taur 'dust, ashes; rubbish-heap' [Adams 2013: 330], see above for examples, without evident etymology. Cf. also 'they spread dust (taur) over [their] head[s], [and] (they lamented?) out of the whole throat' (PK-NS-36A a5).

Not attested reliably. Cf. the words enm-e-tre and last-o, which could mean 'bark' or 'root-bark', see the discussion in [Adams 2013: 92, 593].

Adams 2013: 165. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach / womb'. Cf. "... letting grow the belly [and] the navel" (PK AS 7M b5), belly vs. breast (B 73 b2), "in [cases of] water belly [= 'dropsy']". Perhaps from IE {*gʷōt-yōn-} with Germanic cognates.

    Distinct from co {tso} 'abdomen'(?) [Adams 2013: 812].

Adams 2013: 127. Polysemy: 'big, large / great'. Cf. "[if] the lower belly is big" (the context is unreliable; text W-14 a6 in [Filliozat 1948: 70]), "the text becomes [too] large" (B 197 a2). Without transparent etymology.

    Distinct from trekte 'coarse' (as opposed to 'fine') [Adams 2013: 338].

Adams 2013: 752. The collocation šalamo luw-o literally means 'flying animal' with sǝl- / sal- 'to fly' q.v. and luw-o 'animal'.

    Another candidate is kenc {kents} which is likely to be translated as 'goose' since it originates from Indo-European *'goose', but the general meaning 'bird' also cannot be excluded for this Tocharian word [Adams 2013: 207].

    Distinct from specific bird names: seri [Adams 2013: 765], {ṣparā-yäkre} [Adams 2013: 730], {yāmuttsi} 'a kind of waterfowl' [Adams 2013: 532], skren 'dove' or 'crow' [Adams 2013: 774].

Not attested. Cf. cak- {tsāk-} 'to pierce; bite (of a snake)' [Adams 2013: 800; Malzahn 2010: 975], e.g., '[if] a snake, viper, or cat-snake(?) bites' (B 503 a2), "with pierced eyes" (B 40 b2). Etymology uncertain, possibly from PIE {*dēnḱneh_a-}.

Adams 2013: 101 'black'. Cf. "an oil of black sesame" (W-22 a4 in [Filliozat 1948: 72]), "of black wool" (PK AS 8C b7). Corresponds to Tocharian A arkant- 'black'. Etymology unclear, possibly from PIE {*h₁rg^w-ont-} 'dark'.

    Distinct from kwel-e whose meaning is rather 'dark, dark grey'. Cf. 'his own people began to decorate [his] body with grey {kweleṃ} and black {erke-}' (B 118 b2).

Adams 2013: 525. 'blood'. Cf. "blood and flesh from the body" (IOL Toch 214 a3).

    Corresponds to Tocharian A {ysār} 'blood', perhaps from PIE "collective" {*h₁ésh₂ōr}.

Adams 2013: 48-49. Synchronously suppletive paradigm: ay-o [sg.] / ast- [pl.] {āyo / āst-}. Cf. "skin, sinews and bones" (Dd 5.3 4).

    Corresponds to Tocharian A {āy} 'bone' and is cognate with the PIE term for 'bone' (see discussion in [Adams 2013: 49]).

Adams 2013: 445. Cf.: "a sliver of acacia or human bone [is] to be stuck in the breast of the effigy" (PK AS 8C b4), 'high, very broad shoulders, a broad, soft, flat chest' (73a6); 'belly' vs. 'breast', cf. 'the belly is not high, not grown lean, completely controlled with (the buttocks(?)) and distinguished (or 'decorated'(?)) with the breast' (B 73 b2-b3).

    Tocharian A {pratsak} 'chest', cf. 'flat, broad and wide [is] your chest' (A 378 5). From PIE {*proty-(h₃)ōk^w-eh_a-} with equivalents Gr. πρόσωπον 'face' and Skt. {prátīka-} 'face'.

    Distinct from paʆč-e {paśce*}, attested only in dual. {päścane} [Adams 2013: 386]. Polysemy: 'female breasts / the seat of wisdom'. The metaphoric meaning 'the seat of wisdom' suggests that paʆče may have been the original term for 'breast, chest (in general)', later narrowing to 'female breasts' (or simply unattested as 'male breast' due to scantiness of the corpus). Cf. 'she placed the palms of [her] hands on [her] breasts' (B 84 b5), 'the breasts, the stomach, the whole body the powder makes white', but it is unclear whether a woman is described. (W-30 a5 in [Filliozat 1948: 75]), but also "make it known to him in ear and heart (lit.: 'in his breasts'). Possible IE cognates: Hit. istanza, Skt. stánā (nom.dual. 'breasts'), Av. fštāna-, Modern Persian pistān, Arm. stin, Gr. sténion (see in [Adams 2013: 386]).

    Cf. the term čaŋk-e {caṅke}, which is glossed as 'lap, bosom, breast, chest, [individual] breast' in [Adams 2013: 267-268]. However, the only context where the translation 'breast' is proposed is doubtful: "high over the breast the stomach [is] to be anointed with chicken broth; over the stomach a covering [is] to be bound; the breasts become nautse" (W-14 b1 in [Filliozat 1948: 70]); it seems that {caṅke} should refer rather to the genital area here. Some other contexts: "[he is] to sit in a house with arms akimbo" (unreliable, B 322 a1); "in the lap / bosom of the mountain" (B 76 a3). The exact anatomic meaning of {caṅke} is thus unclear.

    Corresponds to Tocharian A {cwaṅke} 'lap (A 314 a7), loin (A 43+52 b4) / wall (of a mountain, cf. A 287+259 a6)'. Extra-Tocharian connections are unclear.

    Cf. piʆpik {piśpik} 'woman's breast' or 'nipple' [Adams 2013: 416]. If the reading is correct, it must translate the BHS word stana-. Etymologically unclear.

Adams 2013: 802; Malzahn 2010: 980-981. (vt.) 'burn up, consume by fire; apply heat to (in cooking), i.e., roast, boil; burn off, evaporate', cf. 'fire burns it up, water carries it [away]'(B 33 a4), 'I burn up my life's position in the fires of shame (and) remorse' (IOL Toch 5 b3).

    Distinct from sälp- (vi) 'to be set alight, blaze up; glow; blush; burn' [Adams 2013: 754; Malzahn 2010: 943] and tsāk- (vi) '±glow' [Adams 2013: 799].

    Tocharian {tsäk-} should regularly reflect PIE {*d^heg^wh-}.

Adams 2013: 502. (f.pl.) '(finger / toe) nails', cf. 'the fingers, very soft and illuminated by his own nails' (B 74 a6).

    Tocharian A maku N.-Acc.Pl. 'nails / claws' (cf. A 321 a2: 'with hard nails and teeth' or 'with sharp claws and tusks'(?)).

    If PTch {*mekwā} is the result of distant assimilation and goes back to {*nekwā}, it could reflect PIE {*h₃nog^wh-} with the same meaning.

Adams 2013: 297. Cf.: 'like the moon coming out from (behind) the clouds' (PK NS 27 b2), 'they make rain for sure the greed at first from the cloud' (PK NS 39 b2), 'the surface of the sky became without clouds (and) clear' (B 350 a4).

    Tocharian A {tärkär*} 'cloud, rain cloud'. PTch {*tärkär}, possibly connected to PIE {*d^herg-}.

Adams 2013: 236. Cf.: 'there are eight cold hells' (B 18 b5), 'they enter the cold water in the pond' (B 29 a6), 'cold rays (of the moon)' (B 52 b7).

    Corresponds to Tocharian A {kroś} 'cold', cf. 'very hot (and) very cold water' (A 432 b8). PTch {*kroścē}.

Adams 2013: 170-171; Malzahn 2010: 571-572. Cf.: 'then these brahmans came into king Aranemi's country' (B 81 b2), 'quickly thou wilt come to Rājagriha' (B 514 a5), 'now the time will come' (B 27 b7), 'the rain will come from [all] four directions' (PK AS 6Ca6).

    Corresponds to Tocharian A kum- 'to come'. PTch {*k(w)äm-} from PIE {*g^wem-}.

Adams 2013: 790-792; Malzahn 2010: 972. Cf.: '(if) he dies, he is consequently reborn in hell' (B 17 a8), 'whoever may be born will not die' (B 46 b2), 'just as one dead did not move' (B 606 a1).

    Corresponds to Tocharian A sruk- 'to kill' (and old causative). From PIE {*streug-}. The basic Tocharian A term for 'die' is {wäl-} [Malzahn 2010: 892-893].

Adams 2013: 190. Paradigm: ku [nom] / kwe-n [acc.] {ku / kweṃ}. Translates B(H)S śvāṇa in the calendar cycle (B 549 a5), 'in the dog year' (IOL Toch 249 b2).

    Corresponds to Tocharian A ku, acc. {koṃ} 'dog'. PTch {*kŭwŭ} from PIE {*k̂úwō(n)}.

Adams 2013: 551-552; Malzahn 2010: 810. Cf.: 'day and night the rākṣasa drinks the life-water of these beings' (B 45 a5), '(this is) to be drunk with warm water' (PK AS 3A b6), 'it is to be eaten and drunk' (B 497 a10), 'eating, drinking, lodging' (B 50 b3).

    Tocharian A term 'to drink' has a suppletive paradigm: yok- [pres.] / {tsuk-} [pret., subj., imv.]. The latter stem, {tsuk-} [Malzahn 2010: 994-995], means 'to suck (out)' in Toch. B. The main stem yok- is cognate with Hitt. eku-/aku-.

Adams 2013: 35. If correctly identified as adjective and not a 3.pl.pret., cf.: 'the ponds (are) dry (or 'dried out'?)'.

    Corresponds to Tocharian A {āsar* ~ āsam*} 'dry'. Both the A and B forms are adjectival derivatives of the Common Tocharian verb {ās-} 'to dry out (trans./intrans.)' [Adams 2013: 63].