ṭǝḥōlā may be a Hebraism
On the loss of -l in HAR see [ibid. 5]
Cf. ṭɔlḥ 'blood and discharge with an afterbirth, diarrhoea' [ibid.]
Note a presumably derived (if not contaminated) verb in ARB ṭḥl 'étre trouble, sale, couleur de la rate; étre gâté et sentir mauvais, et étre remplit de fange qui sent mauvais (se dit d'une eau croupissante)' [BK 2 61] and what looks a strikingly similar semantic development (from *ṭu/alḥīm- 'spleen') in ARB ṭulḥūm- 'aqua corrupta et foetens' [Fraytag III 63] (cf. also a variant root ṭalh_- 'eau fangeuse, rempli de vermine et qui n'est pas potable' [BK 2 95]) and TGR ṭǝlḥam 'disease of cattle (poisoning caused by grass or by water on the place of a fire or a forest)' [LH 607]. This parallelism, however, is problematic not only because *ṭu/alḥīm- 'spleen' is retained neither in ARB nor in TGR, but also because the very meaning shift 'spleen' > 'putrid water' is not easy to explain.
[Brock 272]: SYR, JUD, HBR PB, ARB; [AHw 1394]: HBR PB, JUD, ARB; [LGur 616]: GUR, ARB
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