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North Caucasian etymology :

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Proto-North Caucasian: "z" | Query method: Like beginning
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Proto-North Caucasian: *cHǝ̆
Sino-Caucasian etymology: Sino-Caucasian etymology
Meaning: one
Proto-Nakh: *cħa
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *ci-
Proto-Tsezian: *hǝ̃s:
Proto-Lak: ca
Proto-Dargwa: *ca
Proto-Lezghian: *s:a
Proto-Khinalug: sa
Proto-West Caucasian: *zV
Notes: The initial cluster *cH may explain some irregularities in reflexation (the most severe ones - not explainable by interlingual borrowings - are strengthening *s- > *s:- in PL and voicing in PWC). It is possible that the monosyllabic structure *cHǝ̆ itself is a contraction < *cǝħV or *ħǝcV - in which case the PTs form should be considered as the most archaic one. Cf. also š(V)- in Urart. š(V)-usǝ 'first', as well as HU *suj- > Hurr. šui(-ne), Urart. šuinǝ 'all, every' (cf. a similar semantic development in several EC languages), see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 38.

    See Trubetzkoy 1930, 274; Абдоков 1983, 153.

Proto-North Caucasian: *ćwĭjo
Sino-Caucasian etymology: Sino-Caucasian etymology
Meaning: man, male
Proto-Nakh: *psṭu
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *čVjV
Proto-Tsezian: *ži-ḳʷǝ A/*zi-ḳʷǝ A
Proto-Lak: čuw
Proto-Dargwa: *s:ub
Proto-Lezghian: *š:ʷij
Proto-West Caucasian: *ćǝ / *ć̣ǝ
Notes: One of very widely spread common NC roots. Correspondences are quite regular (Nakh *p- reflects labialisation, while *sṭ is a result of the following -j-). There may have existed an early variant *ćĭwo (or *ćĭwjo) which would account for Nakh forms without *p- (*sṭ-aḳ) and the PWC absence of labialisation.

    A possible HU parallel is *-s(u)wa in Hurr. tar-ž(u)wa-nnǝ, Urart. tar-šua-nǝ 'man, human being' (where *tar- is probably connected with *tur- 'male', see *lɨwŁV); see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 39.

Proto-North Caucasian: *cwĭwHV
Meaning: oat flour
Proto-Nakh: *cu
Proto-Lezghian: *s:iw
Proto-Khinalug: psɨ
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are regular.
Proto-North Caucasian: *-c_V
Meaning: instrumental, comitative
Proto-Nakh: *-ci
Proto-Avaro-Andian: [*-c:-]
Proto-West Caucasian: [*-cǝ ~ -ćǝ]
Proto-North Caucasian: *c_wi
Meaning: in front, before
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *s:i-
Proto-Dargwa: *sa-
Notes: An Av.-And.-Darg. isogloss. It is not quite clear, whether we should also add a Nakh parallel: PN *s[o] 'here, towards here' (Bacb. so '(towards) here', siwħĕ 'here, to this side'; Chech. sħa '(towards) here', sħa- 'a preverb denoting motion towards the speaker', Ing. ħa- ( < *sħa-) id.).
Proto-North Caucasian: *ć_wiwV ( ~ b-,-ɨ̄-,-ä-)
Sino-Caucasian etymology: Sino-Caucasian etymology
Meaning: muscle
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *š:ubu-r
Proto-Tsezian: *š(:)ub ( ~ -o-)
Proto-Lak: biši
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Except for metathesis in Lak., correspondences are regular.
Proto-North Caucasian: *-č-
Meaning: oblique stem (adj., part.)
Proto-Nakh: *-č(u)-
Proto-Lezghian: [*-č-]
Proto-North Caucasian: *č[ŭ]
Sino-Caucasian etymology: Sino-Caucasian etymology
Meaning: self, oneself (3d-4th class)
Proto-Lak: cu
Proto-Dargwa: *če- / ču-
Proto-Lezghian: *-ič(ʷ)
Proto-West Caucasian: *čʷǝ
Notes: The opposition of *ʒ́ĭ 'self' (1-2 cl., animated) : *čŭ 'self' (3-4th cl., unanimated) is well preserved in PL. Most other languages have preserved only one of these roots.

    The development *č- > c- in Lak. is irregular (typical for pronominal morphemes, cf. *čwi 'who, what' > Lak. cu-, ci-). It is unclear also, whether we should relate here PN *šā '(one)self' (Chech. šā, Ing. še, Bacb. ša-jrwa) - phonetically absolutely irregular [perhaps it should be rather compared with PL *šä- 'demonstr. pronoun, that']. The semantics of the PAT subject version is well explained if we assume its origin from a pronoun; the phonetic side is quite satisfactory.

Proto-North Caucasian: *-čV- / *-šV-
Meaning: gerund / conditional
Proto-Nakh: *-š
Proto-Avaro-Andian: [*-čV-l-]
Proto-Tsezian: *-č
Proto-Lak: -ča
Proto-Lezghian: *-šV
Notes: Cf. Hurr. -šše, Urart. -šǝ 'adverbial modifier'. Perhaps originally two morphemes, but rather hard to distinguish.
Proto-North Caucasian: *čwi
Sino-Caucasian etymology: Sino-Caucasian etymology
Meaning: an interrogative pronoun
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *ču-, *čo-mi
Proto-Tsezian: *š:ɔ-mɔ
Proto-Lak: ci, cu
Proto-Dargwa: *čV-
Proto-Lezghian: *šʷi
Proto-Khinalug: č:u, č:i-m
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. As an independent pronoun this root probably served for the direct base of the inanimate pronoun 'what'; it also served as the root of the derived PEC *čw[ĕ]-mV 'how much' and in some other derived interrogative pronouns.
Proto-North Caucasian: *-č_wV (?)
Meaning: some locative
Proto-Lak: -š:a, -š:a-l
Proto-Dargwa: *-či
Proto-Lezghian: *-čV-
Proto-North Caucasian: *ć̣ăʡV
Sino-Caucasian etymology: Sino-Caucasian etymology
Meaning: reed, cane; arrow
Proto-Nakh: *c̣a-ḳ
Proto-Tsezian: *c̣aʔ(a)
Proto-Lak: č̣aħa
Proto-Lezghian: *č̣aʔI
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are regular.
Proto-North Caucasian: *c̣ăjɨ̆
Sino-Caucasian etymology: Sino-Caucasian etymology
Meaning: fire
Proto-Nakh: *c̣e
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *c̣aʔi
Proto-Tsezian: *c̣ǝ A
Proto-Lak: c̣u
Proto-Dargwa: *ċa
Proto-Lezghian: *c̣aj
Proto-Khinalug: č̣ä
Proto-West Caucasian: *mAc̣ʷa
Notes: One of the most reliable and stable common NC lexemes. The PWC form has a prefixed *ma- of somewhat obscure origin; the labialisation of *c̣ʷ must be explained either by the labialising influence of *m- or by the former oblique base vocalism *-ŭ- (suggested by PL obl. base *c̣ojɨ- / *c̣a(j)-rV-). See Trubetzkoy 1930, 276; Abdokov 1983, 98.

    Many languages reflect an old oblique base formed with the *-rV suffix (*c̣aj-rV-), cf. PN *c̣ari-, PA *c̣ari- (reflected in Akhv. č̣ari), Lak. *c̣ara-, PL *c̣a(j)-rV-. The same stem with reduplication is probably reflected in PL *c̣arc̣ar 'luster, glitter' (Tab., Lezg. c̣arc̣ar) exactly corresponding to PAT *cǝrǝcǝrǝ 'to glitter' (Abkh. a-cǝrcǝr-ra, Abaz. cǝrcǝr-ra) (with the same loss of glottalisation and absence of labialisation as in *mǝca 'fire').

    Another old derivate of the same root is probably PNC *c̣aj-lV 'brilliance, lightning' reflected in PN *stēla (~*sṭ-) ( > Chech. stēla-ʕad 'rainbow', stēla-χäštig 'lightning', /Usl./ stēla 'thunder', Ing. sela-ʕad 'rainbow'), Lak. c̣aj 'brilliance, glitter', PD *c̣ala (Ak. c̣ala 'sparkle', Chir. c̣ala-laIm 'lightning') and PAK *c̣ǝ-wǝ- (with a verbal stem *-wǝ-) 'to shine, glitter' (Ad. Bzhed. c̣ǝ-wǝ-, Kab. c̣ǝ-wǝ-). Note that *-j, having passed to word-medial position in PN, has caused the shift *c̣- > *st- (*sṭ-); note also the absence of labialisation in PAK *c̣ (without the prefixed *mV-).

Proto-North Caucasian: *c̣[ī]ju
Sino-Caucasian etymology: Sino-Caucasian etymology
Meaning: house
Proto-Nakh: *c̣ā
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *c̣a(ʔV) ( ~ -o-)
Proto-Lak: c̣ija-lu
Proto-Lezghian: *jic̣V
Proto-Khinalug: c̣ʷa
Proto-West Caucasian: *ć:ǝwV / *c:ʷǝjV
Notes: Despite some metatheses (possibly variants *c̣īwV / *c̣ūjV can be reconstructed), the WC-EC comparison seems quite likely for both phonetic and semantic reasons. See Dumézil 1933, 50, Abdokov 1983, 133.
Proto-North Caucasian: *c̣_wŏjV ( ~ -ɨ̆-)
Sino-Caucasian etymology: Sino-Caucasian etymology
Meaning: woman, female
Proto-Nakh: *psṭuw
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *c̣:ʷijV
Proto-Lak: c:u-
Proto-West Caucasian: *pǝ-zV
Notes: The WC form has a frequent labial prefix (which conditioned loss of labialisation *pǝzʷV > *pǝzV). The EC-WC comparison was suggested by Shagirov (1977). There exist also interesting Kartvelian parallels: cf. Kartv. *ʒ̥1̇u- 'female, bitch' (compared with Lak. in Klimov 1963); Chan. bozo 'girl' (cf. PAK *bzǝ), Svan. zural 'woman' (see Lomtatidze 1961). Untenable is Trubetzkoy's (1930) comparison of the WC root with Darg. gʷaza, Lak. k:ʷac:a etc. 'mare'.

    In Nakh languages, besides *psṭuw, there is a series of similar forms: Chech. stē 'woman; female' (pl. steš, Usl. stij), stē-n 'female', Akk. sēwã 'female', Ing. se id., pl. istij ( = Chech. stij) 'women, wives'. There are two possible solutions: to consider these forms as derived from *psṭuw (from the oblique base *psṭawV-), or to compare them separately with an isolated Darg. form - Chir. cade 'female' (reconstructing PEC *cVjdV (~ ć-)). This problem can not be definitely resolved without Bacbi evidence.

Proto-North Caucasian: *č̣ǝ̆ɦwǝ̄ ~ *č̣ǝ̆wɦǝ̄ (~-ā)
Sino-Caucasian etymology: Sino-Caucasian etymology
Meaning: whey; home-brewed beer
Proto-Nakh: *čuħe
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *č̣aʔV (~ -o-)
Proto-Lak: č̣uw
Proto-Lezghian: *č̣ʷaħ
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are basically regular (except for loss of glottalisation in PN - probably because of assimilation to the following non-glottalised laryngeal).
Proto-North Caucasian: *-č̣V-
Meaning: ad series
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *-č̣u-
Proto-Lak: -č̣-
Proto-Lezghian: [*-č̣]
Notes: Cf. Urart. -aṣǝ 'locative-illative'.
Proto-North Caucasian: *-0
Meaning: nominative (absolutive)
Proto-Nakh: *-0
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *-0
Proto-Tsezian: *-0
Proto-Lak: -0
Proto-Dargwa: *-0
Proto-Lezghian: *-0
Proto-Khinalug: -0
Proto-West Caucasian: -0
Notes: Cf. Hurr., Urart. -0 id.
Proto-North Caucasian: *-0
Meaning: essive
Proto-Nakh: *-0
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *-V
Proto-Tsezian: *-0 (-V)
Proto-Dargwa: -0 ?
Proto-Lezghian: *-0
Notes: Cf. Hurr., Urart. -ā (with preceding vowel elision) 'stative' (?).
Proto-North Caucasian: *s / *z
Meaning: impersonal marker (?), marker of the object version
Proto-Lezghian: *s-
Proto-West Caucasian: *-zǝ-
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