Notes: Correspondences are regular: in PWC a usual denasalisation of *m- before a (former) medial liquid, and delabialisation *ƛʷ > *ƛ after a labial initial. Not quite clear, however, is the denasalisation (m- > b-) in the Lak. dialectal form. The comparison seems quite reliable both phonetically and semantically.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The semantic shift 'grain' <> 'seed, egg' is rather frequent, and the etymology seems reliable both phonetically and semantically. The most archaic phonetic shape (with two different consonants) is preserved in Darg.; in Lezg. and PC the first consonant was assimilated to the second one. There is not enough evidence to reconstruct vowels in this root.
Notes: An expressive reduplicated root (its expressive nature probably explains pharyngealisation in PD). The common morphological formation (reflexes of *-ɫV in And., Inkh. and PL, where *q̇oloq̇ < *q̇ʷaq̇-ol with metathesis), however, makes the PEC reconstruction rather probable.
Notes: One of several EC and NC roots with the structure *KVKV denoting some small object. The root is expressive, and it is hard to reconstruct vowels; however, consonantal correspondences are quite regular and the root is well represented, thus it must be reconstructed for PNC. See Abdokov 1983, 134 (with some confusion of several roots mentioned above). Cf. Hurr. kirikiri(j)annǝ 'seed of pine-cone' ( > Akkad. kirkiriannu), see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 57.
Similar roots are known in Kartvelian (PK *ḳaḳal- 'nut', *ḳaḳa- 'fruit stone'); however, the supposition of a late loan of Lezg. forms from Georg. ḳaḳali 'walnut' (Klimov 1972, 352) or from Arm. k:ak:al id. (Klimov, Vinogradova 1979, 158) is unacceptable - both because Lezg. forms are very different semantically and because they fit well into the common NC root. The Armenian form itself is obviously a Caucasian loanword.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The PN form *derc̣ is a metathesis < *c̣erd (cf. also some modern forms reflecting *c̣erc̣ with assimilation), probably going back to the oblique base *c̣_ădV-rV- (other languages reflect also *c̣_ădV-rV-, cf. e.g. Akhv. c̣:ari, as well as *c̣_ădV-lV-, cf. PL *c̣at:al). The metathesis could also be favoured by analogy with *darc 'snowstorm' (see *ʒwVnćV).
Notes: Trubetzkoy (1930, 88-89) compares the WC root with other EC material (see *=ānʒŭ); the present comparison seems to us preferable, because the WC root contains not a hissing, but a hushing affricate (the correspondence PAK *ź : Ub., PAK *z points only to PWC *ž).
Notes: The phonetic and semantic correlation between the PEC and PWC forms is quite satisfactory. The PWC form, however, may also correspond to another PEC root with the same scope of meaning (see *ɦămḳi 'grain, fruit-stone). We must wait for some new evidence to resolve this question.
Notes: One of several PEC expressive roots with the structure *KVKV, denoting some small thing (stone, grain, piece of dung etc.) and rather actively merging with each other (see also *ḳV̆rḳV̆-nV,*ḳǝ̄mḳV etc.).
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The vocalism in PL is somewhat aberrant; otherwise the correspondences are regular. A semantic development 'wild cereal' > 'grain, wheat (domestic)' occurred in PL.