Ribeiro 2010: 88; Franceschini 1999: 266; Franceschini 2009: 7; Silva 2005: 125; Silva 2010: 190. Polysemy: 'all / everyone'. Contains the 3SG coreferential prefix tɔ= {to=}. Cf. i=ɾˈa-nia {irania} 'several, some' [Ribeiro 2010: 63; Silva 2010: 190], ka=ɾˈa-nia {karania} [Ribeiro 2010: 66; Silva 2010: 186], mɔ=ɾˈa-nia {morania} 'to count, to check the quantity' [Ribeiro 2010: 73; Silva 2005: 61, 2010: 315]. The stress position is actually attested only for mɔ=ɾˈa-nia {morania} and suggests that the stem should be segmented morphologically, but the details of this are unclear (I tentatively segment -nia {-nia} 'PL'). Cf. also wuat-ʔi {wuatʼi}, which is attested in the meanings 'everything' [Franceschini 1999: 249] and 'every' (as in 'every day') [Ribeiro 2010: 55; Franceschini 2009: 4]. This word is apparently a negation of the future marker, but the path of its semantic evolution remains unknown.

Almeida et al. 1983: 42, 71; Praça 2007: 114. A completive suffix, meaning 'to finish' when used independently. It seems that this is the only way to convey the meaning in the language. The morphophonological conditioning of the initial consonant is found in [Almeida et al. 1983: 15]. ŋɨ̃ {gỹ}, translated as 'all' in [Almeida et al. 1983: 69], is actually a marker of animate plurality [Almeida et al. 1983: 45].

Ribeiro 2010: 98.

Not attested.

Ribeiro 2010: 97. Can refer to surfaces of tree trunks, roots, fruits and seeds. Distinct fom i=ʔˈa=pɛ ~ y=a=ʔˈa=pɛ {iʼape ~ jaʼape} 'fruit peel' [Franceschini 1999: 177; Silva 2005: 46, 75; Silva 2010: 108].

Almeida et al. 1983: 88. Polysemy: 'bark / shoulder blade'. Compound: 'tree-cover'.

Ribeiro 2010: 65; Silva 2005: 120. Cf. mɛʔˈẽn 'guts' [Ribeiro 2010: 62; Silva 2005: 42, 121], ʔɨmɨˈẽ ~ ɨmɨʔˈẽ ~ muˈẽ {ʼymyẽ ~ ymyʼẽ ~ muẽ} 'belly (inner part)' [Silva 2010: 193, 278]. The latter is related to pɨˈẽ hãʔ ɔk {pyẽ hãʼ ok} 'kidney' [Ribeiro 2010: 81].

Almeida et al. 1983: 81; Praça 2007: 17. Prefixed forms: =ɾ=ewek {=rewek} (1, 2SG) / =n=ewek {=newek} (2PL) / ewek {ewek} (3).

Ribeiro 2010: 93; Franceschini 1999: 41; Franceschini 2009: 9; Silva 2005: 40; Silva 2010: 108, 124. Distinct from nãŋ / =tãŋ {nag̃ / =tag̃} 'to grow / grown up, grown (used of people and plants)' [Ribeiro 2010: 87; Franceschini 1999: 93, 227, 251; Franceschini 2009: 6, 11].

Almeida et al. 1983: 84. Prefixed forms: =ɾ=oweteo {=roweteo} (1, 2SG) / =n=oweteo {=noweteo} (2PL) / t=oweteo {toweteo} (3). Cf. augmentative/intensive =(o)o {=(o)o} [Almeida et al. 1983: 55; Praça 2007: 45].

Ribeiro 2010: 94; Franceschini 1999: 75; Silva 2005: 39; Silva 2010: 319.

Almeida et al. 1983: 56; Praça 2007: 62. Never occurs with prefixes.

Ribeiro 2010: 66; Franceschini 1999: 138, 180; Silva 2005: 85; Silva 2010: 313. Polysemy: 'to bite / to sting'.

Almeida et al. 1983: 84; Praça 2007: 100.

Ribeiro 2010: 60; Silva 2005: 42; Silva 2010: 311. Polysemy: 'black / dark / dirty'.

Almeida et al. 1983: 31. The form t=ãwɨ [Almeida et al. 1983: 80] is most likely a typo. Prefixed forms: =ɾ=awɨ {=rawy} (1, 2SG) / =n=awɨ {=nawy} (2PL) / awɨ {awy} (3).

Almeida et al. 1983: 84. Never occurs with prefixes. Cf. mo=õn {moon} 'to paint black' [Praça 2007: 121].

Ribeiro 2010: 60, 85; Franceschini 1999: 34; Franceschini 2009: 5; Silva 2005: 65, 80; Silva 2010: 129, 152. 3SG: h=uː {hū}.

Almeida et al. 1983: 84; Praça 2007: 206. Prefixed forms: =ɾ=owɨ {=rowy} (1, 2SG) / =n=owɨ {=nowy} (2PL) / wɨ {wy} (3). In [Praça 2007: 206], =ɾ= is missing in prefixation.

Ribeiro 2010: 62, 66; Franceschini 1999: 51; Silva 2005: 54, 121; Silva 2010: 212. Polysemy: 'bone / leg'.

Almeida et al. 1983: 82.

Ribeiro 2010: 80; Silva 2005: 54; Silva 2010: 316. The stem is not attested without prefixes; *mɔtiʔˈa {*motiʼa} would be expected.

Almeida et al. 1983: 82. Distinct from maɕiʔã {maxihã} 'upper part of breast' [Almeida et al. 1983: 83]. Cited in [Praça 2007: 76] as 'udder'.

Almeida et al. 1983: 88. Distinct from maɕiʔã {maxihã} 'upper part of breast' [Almeida et al. 1983: 83].

Ribeiro 2010: 95; Franceschini 1999: 135; Silva 2010: 164. Silva [2010: 256] also quotes tu {tu}, but wuk {wuk} is much more extensively represented in the consulted sources.

Almeida et al. 1983: 79; Praça 2007: 61. Distinct from kãy {kãj} [Almeida et al. 1983: 82; Praça 2007: 175], which is intransitive.

Ribeiro 2010: 74. Derived from muʔuỹˈã / =puʔuỹˈã {muʼuj̃ã / =puʼuj̃ã} 'finger'.

Almeida et al. 1983: 84. Prefixed form: =pɨ=ãpe {=pyãpe}.

Silva 2005: 72; Silva 2010: 94. Vowel length in this position is not contrastive, according to Silva. Ribeiro [2010: 98] glosses this root as 'dew'. ʔiʔãnãm {ʼiʼanam}, glossed as 'cloud' in [Silva 2005: 50], actually means 'rain' [Franceschini 1999: 185; Silva 2005: 40, 80, 89, 121].

Almeida et al. 1983: 78. Never occurs with prefixes.

Ribeiro 2010: 76; Franceschini 2009: 12; Silva 2005: 124; Silva 2010: 124. Cf. i=ɾaʔˈak {iraʼak} 'to be cold (of weather); ice' [Ribeiro 2010: 63].

Almeida et al. 1983: 84. Never occurs with prefixes. Applied to water and wind.

Ribeiro 2010: 77, 89; Franceschini 1999: 197, 200, 242, 268, 272 (=ʔut {=ʼut}); Franceschini 2009: 8; Silva 2010: 142, 196, 208; Graham, Graham & Harrison 1977: 5, 9. The former allomorph is used in 1SG and 2SG (a=ɾ=iˈɔt {ariot}, ɛ=ɾ=iˈɔt {eriot}), the latter is found in 3SG (t=ut ~ t=uːt {tut ~ tūt}). Plural: =ɔ̃ʔˈɛ {=õʼe} [Ribeiro 2010: 89; Franceschini 1999: 45, 209 (=(ʔ)ɔŋʔˈɛ {=(ʼ)og̃ʼe}); Silva 2010: 333; Graham, Graham & Harrison 1977: 9 (=õʔˈẽ {=õʼẽ})]. Distinct from putʔˈok {putʼok} 'to arrive' [Ribeiro 2010: 81; Franceschini 1999: 94; Silva 2010: 158; Graham, Graham & Harrison 1977: 9 (pitʔˈok {pitʼok})].

Almeida et al. 1983: 86; Praça 2007: 177. Glossed as 'to arrive', but translated as 'to come' in many examples throughout the grammar (cf. [Almeida et al. 1983: 39, 49, 51]). 3: ʔot {hot}, second indicative: i=t=oɾ-i {itori}, gerund: =ʔot-a {=hota} [Almeida et al. 1983: 43; Praça 2007: 97]. Distinct from waẽm {waem} 'to arrive' [Praça 2007: 208].

Ribeiro 2010: 56, 67; Franceschini 1999: 49; Silva 2005: 121; Silva 2010: 104; Graham, Graham & Harrison 1977: 16. Distinct from paːp {pāp} 'to die one by one' [Franceschini 1999: 42], kahuɾˈɔ {kahuro} 'to end, to die' [Franceschini 1999: 202].

Almeida et al. 1983: 38; Praça 2007: 71.

Ribeiro 2010: 52; Franceschini 1999: 27; Franceschini 2009: 8; Silva 2005: 44; Silva 2010: 155.

Almeida et al. 1983: 56, 86; Praça 2007: 91. Never occurs with prefixes. Distinct from eymãw 'pet' which is often used to denote dogs belonging to someone [Praça 2007: 123].