Heimbach 1979: 56. Meaning glossed as 'all, altogether'. Cf. also hu3-ši4 id. Possible synonyms include: (a) ti1-ši4 'all, altogether' [Heimbach 1979: 316], derived from ti1 'single, one only'; (b) čõ7 [Heimbach 1979: 356], only in the expression čõ7 žɤ̃2 or žɤ̃2 čõ7 'all people'.
Hmong Njua:cɨ64
Lyman 1974: 105. Meaning glossed as 'all, each, every'. Examples show that this is the default equivalent for 'all' when applied to a group of objects without distributive semantics; čʰua3 is the more appropriate equivalent for the meaning 'each (of several)' [Lyman 1974: 112]. Cf. also hu2-hu2 'completely, all (of a number), every single one' [Lyman 1974: 123].
Bunu:tu52
Meng 2001: 233; MYYFY 1987: 42. Additional synonym: ɕo1 [Meng 2001: 233]. We select the variant represented in both sources.
Baonao:kou55
Meng 2001: 233.
Numao:tey46
Meng 2001: 233.
Longhua Jiongnai:tu442
Mao & Li 2002: 303.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:tu442
Mao & Li 2002: 303.
Xiaozhai Younuo:tou332
Mao & Li 2007: 298.
Huangluo Younuo:tu332
Mao & Li 2007: 298.
Northern Pa-Hng:tɔ332
Mao & Li 2007: 313.
Southern Pa-Hng:tɦɔ332
Mao & Li 2007: 313.
Hm-Nai:ki̯ei557
Mao & Li 2007: 313.
Lianhua She:si̯i68
Mao & Meng 1986: 132. Quoted as si35 in [Hiroki 2003: 329].
Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as ka1=ƛaŋ6 in [MYYFY 1987: 118]. Initial ka3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Baonao:ɲ̥au34
Meng 2001: 203.
Numao:ɲ̥uŋ34
Meng 2001: 203.
Longhua Jiongnai:tʰe445
Mao & Li 2002: 268.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:tʰey445
Mao & Li 2002: 268.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ta31-tu336
Mao & Li 2007: 240. Internal structure of the word is unclear.
Huangluo Younuo:ta31-tu336
Mao & Li 2007: 240. Internal structure of the word is unclear.
Northern Pa-Hng:a33=ŋ̥ŋ224
Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=ŋ̥ŋ314
Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:naŋ35=n̥n134
Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial naŋ35= is a desemanticized classifier.
Lianhua She:ŋi̯ɔ3-ka34
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Quoted as ŋiɔk44-ka44 in [Hiroki 2003: 187]. The first component is ŋi̯ɔ3 'intestines' [Mao & Meng 1986: 102].
Luofu She:ŋi̯ɔ3-ka34
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. The first component is ŋi̯ɔ3 'intestines' [Mao & Meng 1986: 102].
Pa Na:cʰi̯o11
Taguchi 2001: 88. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Quoted as la44=ɕʰo13 in [Chen 2001: 77].
Number:5
Word:big
Western Xiangxi:li̯o21
Xiang 1992: 37. Transcribed as ʎɔ2 in [MYYFY 1987: 104]. The former source additionally lists ʈä2 and mi4 as synonyms (illustrated by such examples as "big (strong) wind" for the former and "big (wide) river" for the latter), but they seem to have more specific applications ('strong' and 'wide' respectively). Cf. in [Yang 2004: 321]: Jiwei ʎɔ42, Yangmeng ʎoŋ31, Zhongxin ʎɯ35.
Eastern Xiangxi:ʎ̥ʰɔ531
Yang 2004: 321. Cf. Xiaozhang ʎ̥ʰɤ53, Dengshang ʎɔ44 id.
Qiandong:l̥ʰiǝ11
Zhang 1990: 207; MYYFY 1987: 104.
Chuanqiandian:lo21
MYYFY 1987: 104.
Diandongbei:l̥o1 ~ a3=laɯ41
MYYFY 1987: 104. The two variants may be subdialectal.
Hmong Daw:lɔ21
Heimbach 1979: 114. Meaning glossed as 'large, great (of quantity, area, or status)'. Illustrating examples include such expressions as "a large house", "person of large frame", "great authority". Cf. also ni̯a6 'large, great, major' [Heimbach 1979: 140], with illustrating examples such as "capital city", "large river", "large house", "great enemies", etc. It seems that the primary difference between these two words is close to English big vs. great, but the issue requires further scrutiny.
Hmong Njua:lu51
Lyman 1974: 172. This seems to be the most frequent and basic equivalent of the required meaning; cf. also ɬu1 'to be large, to increase in size, to grow up, grow big, become mature, adult' [Lyman 1974: 127], sometimes translated as 'big' (e. g. in 'big wind' = 'increased wind'). There is also a bound augmentative prefixal morpheme na7- 'big, large, great' [Lyman 1974: 196].
Bunu:laŋ82
Meng 2001: 226; MYYFY 1987: 104. Also ɬɔ1 id. [Meng 2001: 226]; we choose as default the variant that is represented in both sources.
Baonao:lʰi̯uɔ11
Meng 2001: 226.
Numao:lo82
Meng 2001: 226.
Longhua Jiongnai:l̥i̯eu441
Mao & Li 2002: 294. Also pɔ43 id. (semantic difference is unclear).
Liuxiang Jiongnai:l̥i̯eu441
Mao & Li 2002: 294. Also pɔ43 id. (semantic difference is unclear).
Xiaozhai Younuo:liu331
Mao & Li 2007: 276.
Huangluo Younuo:liu331
Mao & Li 2007: 276.
Northern Pa-Hng:l̥i̯o351
Mao & Li 1997: 302. Also pɛ44 id. (semantic difference is unclear).
Southern Pa-Hng:l̥i̯o351
Mao & Li 1997: 302. Also pɦɛ̃44 id. (semantic difference is unclear).
Hm-Nai:l̥i̯o351
Mao & Li 1997: 302.
Lianhua She:vɔŋ22
Mao & Meng 1986: 124. Quoted as vɔŋ31 in [Hiroki 2003: 269].
Luofu She:vɔŋ22
Mao & Meng 1986: 124.
Pa Na:liw11
Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as li̯eu13 in [Chen 2001: 81].
Number:6
Word:bird
Western Xiangxi:ta1=nu61
Xiang 1992: 154; MYYFY 1987: 86. Initial ta1= is a classifier for animals. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 269]: Jiwei ta35=nu31, Yangmeng ta54=nu11, Zhongxin ta55=nu11.
Eastern Xiangxi:nɔ111
Yang 2004: 269. Cf. Xiaozhang noŋ24, Dengshang nõ22 id.
Qiandong:nǝu61
Zhang 1990: 326. Transcribed as nǝ6 in [MYYFY 1987: 86].
Chuanqiandian:noŋ61
MYYFY 1987: 86.
Diandongbei:nao61
MYYFY 1987: 86.
Hmong Daw:nõ61
Heimbach 1979: 142. Used with the classifier tu5.
Hmong Njua:noŋ61
Lyman 1974: 204. Used with the classifier tu6.
Bunu:naŋ61
Meng 2001: 198; MYYFY 1987: 86.
Baonao:nuɔ61
Meng 2001: 198.
Numao:nou61
Meng 2001: 198.
Longhua Jiongnai:nɔuŋ221
Mao & Li 2002: 260.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:nɔ211
Mao & Li 2002: 260.
Xiaozhai Younuo:noŋ311
Mao & Li 2007: 248.
Huangluo Younuo:noŋ221
Mao & Li 2007: 248.
Northern Pa-Hng:taŋ35=moŋ441
Mao & Li 1997: 257. The original meaning of the first component is 'man, male' q.v.
Southern Pa-Hng:tɔ̃35=mõ441
Mao & Li 1997: 257. The original meaning of the first component is 'man, male' q.v.
Hm-Nai:taŋ35=nuŋ311
Mao & Li 1997: 257. The original meaning of the first component is 'man, male' q.v.
Lianhua She:nɔ4-taŋ11
Mao & Meng 1986: 98. Quoted simply as lɔ54 in [Hiroki 2003: 26].
Luofu She:nɔ4-taŋ11
Mao & Meng 1986: 98.
Pa Na:la6=nu61
Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as nu22 in [Chen 2001: 77].
Number:7
Word:bite
Western Xiangxi:to41
Xiang 1992: 259. Transcribed as tɔ4 in [MYYFY 1987: 64]. Applied to animals (quoted examples in both sources include "tiger bites pig" and "cat bites mouse"). 'To bite / sting' of insects (e. g. mosquitoes) is expressed differently, with the verb qä1 [Xiang 1992: 259]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 364]: Jiwei tɔ22, Yangmeng tɯ33, Zhongxin tɯ33.
Eastern Xiangxi:tɔ351
Yang 2004: 364. Cf. Xiaozhang tɤ24, Dengshang dɯ22 id.
Qiandong:tǝ81
Zhang 1990: 60; MYYFY 1987: 64. Judging by textual examples, applied to animals (dogs) as well as insects (mosquitoes).
Chuanqiandian:to81
MYYFY 1987: 64.
Diandongbei:so5-so52
MYYFY 1987: 64.
Hmong Daw:tɔ71
Heimbach 1979: 322. Meaning glossed as: 'to bite, to sting (of animal and human bites and stings from vegetation but not of insect stings)' (the meaning 'to sting' is expressed with the verb ple3 [Heimbach 1979: 250]).
Hmong Njua:tu71
Lyman 1974: 326. Polysemy: 'to bite / to sting'. Distinct from saw3 'to chew, bite on, bite down on' [Lyman 1974: 293] (this seems closer in basic semantics to 'chew' rather than 'bite').
Bunu:tɔ81
Meng 2001: 224; MYYFY 1987: 64.
Baonao:tuɔ81
Meng 2001: 224.
Numao:tɑu81
Meng 2001: 224.
Longhua Jiongnai:tu321
Mao & Li 2002: 282. Also ŋa43 id. (semantic difference unclear).
Liuxiang Jiongnai:tu321
Mao & Li 2002: 282.
Xiaozhai Younuo:
Not attested.
Huangluo Younuo:
Not attested.
Northern Pa-Hng:ta311
Mao & Li 1997: 287. Polysemy: 'to bite / to gnaw'.
Southern Pa-Hng:tɦa311
Mao & Li 1997: 287.
Hm-Nai:tʰa311
Mao & Li 1997: 287.
Lianhua She:tʰɤ61
Mao & Meng 1986: 114. Quoted as tʰɤ35 in [Hiroki 2003: 192].
Luofu She:tʰu61
Mao & Meng 1986: 114.
Pa Na:tau53 #1
Chen 2001: 81. Not attested in Taguchi 2001.
Number:8
Word:black
Western Xiangxi:qu̯e11
Xiang 1992: 82. Quoted as ma2=qu̯e1 in [MYYFY 1987: 100]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 323]: Jiwei qwe35, Yangmeng qwe54, Zhongxin qwe55.
Eastern Xiangxi:qwe531
Yang 2004: 323. Cf. Xiaozhang qwei53, Dengshang kwi54-nɤ44 id.
Qiandong:ɬɛ11
Zhang 1990: 87; MYYFY 1987: 100.
Chuanqiandian:tlo11
MYYFY 1987: 100.
Diandongbei:ƛu11
MYYFY 1987: 100.
Hmong Daw:ʼdu11
Heimbach 1979: 37.
Hmong Njua:ƛu11
Lyman 1974: 156.
Bunu:ƛuŋ11
Meng 2001: 229; MYYFY 1987: 100.
Baonao:ƛi̯ɔ11
Meng 2001: 229.
Numao:ƛi̯uŋ11
Meng 2001: 229.
Longhua Jiongnai:klaŋ441
Mao & Li 2002: 295.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:klã441
Mao & Li 2002: 295.
Xiaozhai Younuo:kuŋ331
Mao & Li 2007: 280.
Huangluo Younuo:ku331
Mao & Li 2007: 280.
Northern Pa-Hng:kwaŋ331
Mao & Li 1997: 304.
Southern Pa-Hng:kɦwɔ̃331
Mao & Li 1997: 304.
Hm-Nai:quŋ311
Mao & Li 1997: 304.
Lianhua She:ki̯aŋ11
Mao & Meng 1986: 126. Quoted as kiaŋ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 273].
Luofu She:ki̯aŋ11
Mao & Meng 1986: 126.
Pa Na:ƛõ11
Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as ƛon13 in [Chen 2001: 81].
Number:9
Word:blood
Western Xiangxi:ɲɕʰin31
Xiang 1992: 253. Transcribed as ʓʰen3 in [MYYFY 1987: 128]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 254]: Jiwei ʓʰen44, Yangmeng ʓʰoŋ44, Zhongxin ʓi33. Same word as 'red' q.v.
Eastern Xiangxi:cʰe551
Yang 2004: 254. Cf. Xiaozhang cʰi55, Dengshang cʰe22 id. Same word as 'red' q.v.
Qiandong:ʃʰaŋ31
Zhang 1990: 234; MYYFY 1987: 128.
Chuanqiandian:nc̢ʰaŋ31
MYYFY 1987: 128.
Diandongbei:ɳc̢aɯ31
MYYFY 1987: 128.
Hmong Daw:nčʰa31
Heimbach 1979: 207. Used with the classifier ɕɔ3.
Hmong Njua:ɲčʰaŋ21
Lyman 1974: 232. Used with the classifier ɕaw2.
Bunu:ncʰǝŋ31
Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as ncʰɤŋ2 in [MYYFY 1987: 128].
Baonao:ncʰɒ31
Meng 2001: 203.
Numao:ncʰi̯ɑn31
Meng 2001: 203.
Longhua Jiongnai:θi531
Mao & Li 2002: 268.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:θi351
Mao & Li 2002: 268.
Xiaozhai Younuo:cʰun221
Mao & Li 2007: 242.
Huangluo Younuo:cʰun221
Mao & Li 2007: 242.
Northern Pa-Hng:ɲ̥ei221
Mao & Li 1997: 269.
Southern Pa-Hng:ɲ̥ɕe311
Mao & Li 1997: 269.
Hm-Nai:ɲ̥ɕʰei131
Mao & Li 1997: 269.
Lianhua She:si̯i31
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Quoted as si44 in [Hiroki 2003: 178].
Luofu She:si31
Mao & Meng 1986: 102.
Pa Na:biŋ32
Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as biŋ44 in [Chen 2001: 77].
Number:10
Word:bone
Western Xiangxi:qo1=soŋ31
Xiang 1992: 73; MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 255]: Jiwei qo35=soŋ44, Yangmeng qo54=soŋ44, Zhongxin o55=saŋ33.
Eastern Xiangxi:qu31=sɤ551
Yang 2004: 255. Cf. Xiaozhang ɕi21=saŋ55, Dengshang sã44=sã44 id.
Qiandong:po3=sʰoŋ31
Zhang 1990: 33. Transcribed as pɔ3=sʰoŋ3 in [MYYFY 1987: 14]. Initial po3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Chuanqiandian:cʰaŋ51
MYYFY 1987: 14.
Diandongbei:a5=cʰaɯ51
MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial a5= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hmong Daw:pɔ1=cʰa41
Heimbach 1979: 231, 388. Initial pɔ1= is a desemanticized classifier (usually preceding "round" or "bulky" objects).
Hmong Njua:cʰaŋ31
Lyman 1974: 109. Also paw1=cʰaŋ3 id. (with the same fossilized classifier as in Hmong Daw).
Bunu:ka1=θʰɔŋ31
Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as ka1=θoŋ36 in [MYYFY 1987: 14]. Initial ka1= is a desemanticized classifier.
Baonao:kǝ3=tθʰɒ31
Meng 2001: 203. Initial kǝ3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Numao:soŋ31
Meng 2001: 203.
Longhua Jiongnai:θaŋ531
Mao & Li 2002: 268.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:θaŋ351
Mao & Li 2002: 268.
Xiaozhai Younuo:tʰǝŋ221
Mao & Li 2007: 242.
Huangluo Younuo:tʰaŋ221
Mao & Li 2007: 242.
Northern Pa-Hng:qa22=soŋ221
Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial qa22= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:qa31=sõ311
Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial qa31= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:naŋ35=suŋ131
Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial naŋ35= is a desemanticized classifier.
Lianhua She:suŋ3-kɔ31
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Quoted as sɤŋ44 ~ sɤŋ44-kɔ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 178].
Luofu She:suŋ3-kɔ31
Mao & Meng 1986: 102.
Pa Na:ƛʰoŋ3-ƛʰoŋ31
Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as ƛʰuŋ44-ƛʰuŋ44 in [Chen 2001: 77].
Number:11
Word:breast
Western Xiangxi:qo1=moŋ2=lɛ̃21
Xiang 1992: 251 (translates Chinese 胸 xiōng 'chest (male)'). Cf. also 胸膛 xiōng táng 'chest cavity, thorax' = Xiangxi pɔ5=lɛ̃2. The same word, transcribed as po5=lɛ2, is glossed in [MYYFY 1987: 142] as 胸脯 xiōng pú, also 'chest, thorax'. In both cases the main invariant is represented by the morpheme lɛ̃2: qo1=moŋ2= is 'heart' q.v., and pɔ5 is 'shell, cover'. The word is quite distinct from ma1 'female breast' [Xiang 1992: 182]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 253]: 胸脯 xiōng pú 'chest, thorax' = Jiwei pɔ54=lɛ42; however, two other dialects have a different equivalent, cf. Yangmeng poŋ35=ɖaŋ33, Zhongxin o55=po33=ɖuŋ55 id.
Eastern Xiangxi:ʆuŋ55-pʰu31-1
Yang 2004: 253. Borrowed from Chinese 胸脯 xiōng pú 'chest'. Distinct from nɛ35-nɛ53 'female breast' [ibid.]. Cf. Xiaozhang ʆoŋ53-kʰɯ35, Dengshang ʆõ44-kʰɯ44 id. (judging by the first component, both these forms are also Chinese borrowings, although the second morpheme is unclear). Additionally, Xiaozhang ʓɛ21 and Dengshang ʓã54 are also listed in the same meaning.
Qiandong:kaŋ1-kǝu72
Zhang 1990: 124; MYYFY 1987: 142. A compound of kaŋ1, which may also mean 'breast' on its own [Zhang 1990: 123], with kǝu7 'hard, tough' [Zhang 1990: 132]. Distinct from vǝu4 'female breast' [Zhang 1990: 399].
Chuanqiandian:hǝu3=ɳʈao13
MYYFY 1987: 142. Internal structure of the compound is unclear.
Diandongbei:fao3=hi5=ɳto13
MYYFY 1987: 142. Internal structure of the compound is unclear.
Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as fa3=ncau6 in [MYYFY 1987: 142]. Distinct from kɔŋ5 'female breast' [Meng 2001: 203]. Internal structure of the compound is unclear.
Baonao:pey3=nƛɒ26
Meng 2001: 203. Distinct from vuɔ8 'female breast' [Meng 2001: 203]. Internal structure of the compound is unclear.
Mao & Li 2002: 267. Also mplay33-ðaŋ44 id. Distinct from niŋ22 'female breast' [ibid.].
Liuxiang Jiongnai:mplɛ315
Mao & Li 2002: 267. Distinct from ni21-ʑa43 'female breast' [ibid.].
Xiaozhai Younuo:fɔ33=sǝn35=lau355
Mao & Li 2007: 240. Distinct from mɔ33 'female breast' [ibid.].
Huangluo Younuo:fɔ33=sǝn33=lau535
Mao & Li 2007: 240. Distinct from mou33 'female breast' [ibid.].
Northern Pa-Hng:a33=ɕaŋ538
Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier. Distinct from mei35 'female breast' [ibid.].
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=ɕɔ̃538
Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier. Distinct from a44=me35 'female breast' [ibid.].
Hm-Nai:naŋ35=ɕuŋ538
Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial naŋ35= is a desemanticized classifier. Distinct from naŋ35=ne35 'female breast' [ibid.].
Lianhua She:hi̯uŋ3-pʰu5-kɔ-1
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Seems to be borrowed from Chinese 胸脯 xiōng pú 'chest'. Cf. ka22=pʰɔ31 'breast' in [Hiroki 2003: 186], where only the second component of this borrowing (preceded by a desemanticized classifier) is present. Distinct from ŋi̯uŋ3 'female breast' [Mao & Meng 1986: 102].
Luofu She:hi̯uŋ3-piu4-kɔ3-1
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Seems to be borrowed from Chinese 胸脯 xiōng pú 'chest'. Distinct from ŋi̯uŋ3 'female breast' [Mao & Meng 1986: 102].
Pa Na:dai22=bo22 #9
Chen 2001: 77. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary. Distinct from la44=me35 'female breast' [Chen 2001: 77].
Number:12
Word:burn tr.
Western Xiangxi:ɔ11
Xiang 1992: 61. Transcribed as o1 in [MYYFY 1987: 54]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 356]: Jiwei o35, Yangmeng o54, Zhongxin o55.
Eastern Xiangxi:ɔ531
Yang 2004: 356. Cf. Xiaozhang o53, Dengshang ɔ44 id.
Qiandong:tio32
Zhang 1990: 79; MYYFY 1987: 54.
Chuanqiandian:fau32
MYYFY 1987: 54.
Diandongbei:ƛao32
MYYFY 1987: 54.
Hmong Daw:l̥ǝw32
Heimbach 1979: 62. Cf. also tǝw5 'to burn, to use as fuel' [Heimbach 1979: 312], a verbal correlate of the nominal stem tǝw5 'firewood, fuel'; applied only to words denoting fuel ('oil', 'torch', etc.).
Hmong Njua:ɬaʉ22
Lyman 1974: 125. Transitive verb. Distinct from the intransitive verb ku1 'to be hot; to burn' [Lyman 1974: 140].
Bunu:ʈa32
Meng 2001: 221; MYYFY 1987: 54.
Baonao:ɕa32
Meng 2001: 221.
Numao:ti̯u32
Meng 2001: 221.
Longhua Jiongnai:v̥a533
Mao & Li 2002: 286.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:hwa353
Mao & Li 2002: 286.
Xiaozhai Younuo:tʰou222
Mao & Li 2007: 288.
Huangluo Younuo:tʰou222
Mao & Li 2007: 288.
Northern Pa-Hng:pʰo224
Mao & Li 2007: 293. Transitive verb (as in 'to burn wood'). Distinct from qaŋ35 'to burn' (intransitive).
Southern Pa-Hng:pʰo314
Mao & Li 2007: 293. Transitive verb (as in 'to burn wood'). Distinct from qɔ̃35 'to burn' (intransitive).
Hm-Nai:ti̯aŋ355
Mao & Li 2007: 293. Transitive verb (as in 'to burn wood'). Distinct from qaŋ35 'to burn' (intransitive).
Lianhua She:
Not attested in [Mao & Meng 1986]. Cf. fa4 'to burn' in [Hiroki 2003: 19].
Luofu She:
Not attested in [Mao & Meng 1986].
Pa Na:kʰu̯a44 #3
Chen 2001: 80. Not attested in [Taguchi 2001].
Number:13
Word:claw(nail)
Western Xiangxi:po5=ʈei51
MYYFY 1987: 136. Not attested in [Xiang 1992]. This form corresponds to the general meaning 'nail'; for the more specific 'fingernail', the extended form po5=ʈei5-tɯ4 may be used instead (where tɯ4 = 'hand' q.v.). Cf. in [Yang 2004: 257]: Jiwei pa54=ʈei54-tɯ22, Yangmeng po31=ʈei35-tɯ33, Zhongxin po31=ʈe31.
Eastern Xiangxi:kʰɔ53=tei55-bʋ551
Yang 2004: 257. The final component (-bʋ55) is 'hand' q.v. Differently in Xiaozhang: ɕi21=kʰo53-bu55, and still differently in Dengshang: dɯ35=cɨ44-ɕa22 (where the first component is 'hand', and the other two syllables represent a borrowing from Chinese 指甲 zhǐjiǎ 'nail').
MYYFY 1987: 136. The main morpheme here is ʈǝu5 'nail'; de4 = 'hand' q.v. Cf. also ʈǝu5-ten5 'toenail'. Additionally, the same source also lists the compound nti3-de4 in the simple meaning 'nail' (Chinese 指甲), without further semantic specification; this lexeme has no external parallels and remains unclear.
Diandongbei:ki5=ʈao51
MYYFY 1987: 136. Initial ki5= is a desemanticized classifier. The word is simply glossed as 'nail'; cf. also ki5=ʈao5-ti4 'fingernail', ki5=ʈao5-toey5 'toenail'.
Hmong Daw:ʈɔw4-te51
Heimbach 1979: 275. The main morpheme here is ʈɔw4 'claw / nail'; te5 = 'hand' q.v. Cf. also ʈɔw4-tǝw4 'toenail' (tǝw4 = 'foot' q.v.).
Hmong Njua:au3-te61
Lyman 1974:93. The main morpheme here is au3 'claw / nail'; te6 = 'hand' q.v.
Bunu:kwa5-pe43
Meng 2001: 202. Quoted as ka1=kwa5 in [MYYFY 1987: 136].
Baonao:ki̯wa5-pey43
Meng 2001: 202. The main morpheme here is kwa5; pe4 = 'hand' q.v.
Numao:kuɑ53
Meng 2001: 202. The main morpheme here is ki̯wa5; pey4 = 'hand' q.v.
Longhua Jiongnai:ča31=čway354
Mao & Li 2002: 267. The first component is 'hand' q.v.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ntey35=tθway224
Mao & Li 2002: 267. The first component most likely means 'finger' (cf. ntey53-tã44 'finger').
Xiaozhai Younuo:tʰou22=kʰɔ535
Mao & Li 2007: 240.
Huangluo Younuo:hou22=kʰɔ535
Mao & Li 2007: 240.
Northern Pa-Hng:qa44=vi55-pu226
Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial qa44= is a desemanticized classifier. The final morpheme pu22 = 'hand' q.v.
Southern Pa-Hng:qa31=vi556
Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial qa31= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:qʰau35=ŋkwi556
Mao & Li 1997: 267. The first component qʰau35= = 'skin' q.v.
Lianhua She:kʰwa4=ti̯e4=ki̯i67
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. The first component is kʰwa4 'hand' q.v. Quoted as ti54=ki35 in [Hiroki 2003: 185].
Luofu She:kʰwa4=ti̯e4=ki67
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. The first component is kʰwa4 'hand' q.v.
Pa Na:ko35-da44 #3
Chen 2001: 77. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary. Cf. ton13=da44 'finger' [ibid.].
Number:14
Word:cloud
Western Xiangxi:ki̯a3=tu51
Xiang 1992: 271. Initial ki̯a3= is a desemanticized classifier. Quoted simply as tu5 (without the classifier) in [MYYFY 1987: 58]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 243]: Jiwei ɕa44=tu54, Yangmeng ka54=tu35, Zhongxin o55=ʈu33-to31.
Eastern Xiangxi:ʑü31-dɯ31-1
Yang 2004: 243. Borrowed from Chinese 雲頭 yún-tou (Middle Chinese ɦün-dɤw) 'cloud'. Also Xiaozhang ʑün33, Dengshang ʑin22 id. (same borrowing, but without the desemanticized nominal suffix of the second syllable).
Qiandong:ten5=en52
Zhang 1990: 64. The main lexical morpheme is en5, also attested by itself in the same meaning [Zhang 1990: 113]; ten5 is a modifier root with the meaning 'sky'. Quoted as such in [MYYFY 1987: 58], with an additional equivalent glossed as tɛ1=ǝ1 id. (but not confirmed in [Zhang 1990]).
Chuanqiandian:hua13
MYYFY 1987: 58.
Diandongbei:haɯ3-po73
MYYFY 1987: 58.
Hmong Daw:hu̯ǝ13
Heimbach 1979: 56. Used with the classifier tɔw3 or tɨ3.
Hmong Njua:fu̯a13
Lyman 1974: 115. Used with the classifier tʉ2.
Bunu:ka3=hu33
Meng 2001: 193. Quoted as ka1=hɤu3 in [MYYFY 1987: 58]. Initial ka3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Baonao:tei3=ɔŋ1-ŋkɔ24
Meng 2001: 193.
Numao:ou14
Meng 2001: 193.
Longhua Jiongnai:ti̯ɔŋ355
Mao & Li 2002: 254.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ti̯aŋ225
Mao & Li 2002: 254.
Xiaozhai Younuo:hau333
Mao & Li 2007: 235.
Huangluo Younuo:hau333
Mao & Li 2007: 235.
Northern Pa-Hng:qa33=toŋ555
Mao & Li 1997: 248. Initial qa33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:qa31=tõ555
Mao & Li 1997: 248. Initial qa31= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:ho353
Mao & Li 1997: 248.
Lianhua She:fɤ13
Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Additional synonym: cɔŋ1-ɔŋ2 id. Quoted as hɤ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 11].
Luofu She:fu13
Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Additional synonym: cɔ1-ɔŋ1 id.
Pa Na:
Not attested.
Number:15
Word:cold
Western Xiangxi:cɛ̃41
Xiang 1992: 271. Transcribed as cɛ4 in [MYYFY 1987: 2]. This is the default adjective as applied to objects, i. e. 'water'. For 'cold weather', a different word is employed: noŋ5 [Xiang 1992: 127; MYYFY 1987: 40]. The latter is also the only equivalent for Chinese 冷 lěng 'cold' in [Yang 2004: 325]: Jiwei noŋ54, Yangmeng noŋ35, Zhongxin naŋ31. However, there is also a separate equivalent for Chinese 涼 liáng 'cool, chilly', glossed as Jiwei cɛ22, Yangmeng cɛ33, Zhongxin cɛ33-tɯ33 [ibid.].
Eastern Xiangxi:ʒɛ351
Yang 2004: 325. Cf. Xiaozhang ze55 id. The Dengshang equivalent is quoted as nã35 (cf. the entry for Western Xiangxi).
Qiandong:sei41
Zhang 1990: 366; MYYFY 1987: 2, 40. No difference between 'cold' (of objects) and 'cold' (of weather); in [MYYFY 1987: 40], 'cold (of weather)' is transcribed as sen4 instead of sei4, but this looks like a misprint.
Chuanqiandian:ʒa62
MYYFY 1987: 2. Applied to 'water', etc. For 'cold weather', a different word is employed: nao5 [MYYFY 1987: 40].
Diandongbei:ɕie41
MYYFY 1987: 2. Applied to 'water', etc. For 'cold weather', a different word is employed: no5 [MYYFY 1987: 40].
Hmong Daw:ci̯a51
Heimbach 1979: 381. Also with tonal change as ci̯a6, e. g. in ʼde2ci̯a6 "cold water'=". This is the default adjective as applied to objects. For 'cold weather', a different word is employed: no4 [Heimbach 1979: 141].
Hmong Njua:ca61
Lyman 1974: 101. Applied to 'water' as well as various other objects. Distinct from nao3 'to be cool, cold (of personal sensation or weather)' [Lyman 1974: 199].
Bunu:θǝŋ41
Meng 2001: 227. Meaning glossed as 'cool' (Chinese 涼 liáng), opposed to ta3=nuŋ5 'cold' (Chinese 冷 lěng), but attestation of the expression 'cold water' aŋ1 θɤŋ4 'cold water / cool water' in [MYYFY 1987: 2] shows that this is most likely an inaccurate attempt at rendering the lexical difference between 'cold' (of objects) and 'cold' (of weather), typical of all other varieties of Hmong.
Baonao:tθey41
Meng 2001: 227. Meaning glossed as 'cool' (Chinese 涼 liáng), opposed to nau5 'cold' (Chinese 冷 lěng); see notes on Bunu.
Numao:ncɑn62
Meng 2001: 227. Meaning glossed as 'cool' (Chinese 涼 liáng), opposed to sɑn4 'cold' (Chinese 冷 lěng); see notes on Bunu.
Longhua Jiongnai:naŋ353
Mao & Li 2002: 297. Distinct from li̯aŋ33 'cool'.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:naŋ223
Mao & Li 2002: 297. Distinct from li̯aŋ31 'cool'.
Xiaozhai Younuo:naŋ353
Mao & Li 2007: 283.
Huangluo Younuo:naŋ533
Mao & Li 2007: 283.
Northern Pa-Hng:ɲaŋ553
Mao & Li 1997: 306.
Southern Pa-Hng:ɲɔ̃553
Mao & Li 1997: 306.
Hm-Nai:ɲaŋ553
Mao & Li 1997: 306.
Lianhua She:ki̯ɔŋ54
Mao & Meng 1986: 127. Quoted as kiɔŋ11 in [Hiroki 2003: 265]. Distinct from kʰye4-nyeu2 'cool'.
Luofu She:ki̯ɔŋ54
Mao & Meng 1986: 127. Distinct from kʰye4-niu2 'cool'.
Pa Na:guŋ35 #4
Chen 2001: 81. Not attested in [Taguchi 2001].
Number:16
Word:come
Western Xiangxi:lo41
Xiang 1992: 124. Transcribed as lɔ4 in [MYYFY 1987: 66]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 348]: Jiwei lɔ22, Yangmeng loŋ33, Zhongxin lɯ55.
Eastern Xiangxi:lɔ331
Yang 2004: 348. Cf. Xiaozhang lɤ55, Dengshang lɔ44.
Qiandong:ta22
Zhang 1990: 59; MYYFY 1987: 66.
Chuanqiandian:tua22
MYYFY 1987: 66.
Diandongbei:ta22
MYYFY 1987: 66.
Hmong Daw:tu̯ǝ22
Heimbach 1979: 328. Meaning glossed as: 'to come (to a place other than one's home, to come to a place where one does not reside or belong)'. Cf. lɔ5 'to return, to come (back to a place where you reside)' [Heimbach 1979: 115], not eligible for inclusion due to the semantics.
Hmong Njua:tu̯a52
Lyman 1974: 327. Meaning glossed as: 'to come (in a direction away from one's residence, home area, or temporary staying point; to come up)'. Distinct from lu6 [Lyman 1974: 173], glossed as 'to come (strictly, in a direction toward one's residence, home area, or temporary staying point)'. Analysis of examples shows that the semantics of the latter word is indeed closer to 'come back, return', than the required Swadesh meaning.
Bunu:lɔ41
Meng 2001: 218. Quoted as lo4 in [MYYFY 1987: 66].
Baonao:tuɔ22
Meng 2001: 218.
Numao:lɑu41
Meng 2001: 218.
Longhua Jiongnai:lɔu311
Mao & Li 2002: 291.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:lo531
Mao & Li 2002: 291.
Xiaozhai Younuo:tɔ132
Mao & Li 2007: 283.
Huangluo Younuo:tɔ132
Mao & Li 2007: 283.
Northern Pa-Hng:tei332
Mao & Li 2007: 298.
Southern Pa-Hng:tɦe332
Mao & Li 2007: 298.
Hm-Nai:te332
Mao & Li 2007: 298.
Lianhua She:nɤ41
Mao & Meng 1986: 121. Quoted as lɤ54 in [Hiroki 2003: 310].
Luofu She:nu41
Mao & Meng 1986: 121.
Pa Na:ta22
Taguchi 2001: 92. Quoted as ta313 in [Chen 2001: 80].
Number:16
Word:come
Western Xiangxi:
Eastern Xiangxi:
Qiandong:
Chuanqiandian:
Diandongbei:
Hmong Daw:
Hmong Njua:
Bunu:tɔ22
Meng 2001: 218. Semantic difference from lɔ4 is unclear; we list both forms as technical synonyms.
Baonao:
Numao:tɑu22
Meng 2001: 218. Semantic difference from lɑu4 is unclear; we list both forms as technical synonyms.
Yang 2004: 343. Cf. Xiaozhang fu35, Denghshang xɔ44.
Qiandong:hǝu71
Zhang 1990: 199. Polysemy: 'to drink / to smoke'. Transcribed as hǝ7 in [MYYFY 1987: 176].
Chuanqiandian:heu71
MYYFY 1987: 176.
Diandongbei:hao71
MYYFY 1987: 176.
Hmong Daw:hɔw51
Heimbach 1979: 50.
Hmong Njua:hau41
Lyman 1974: 121. Polysemy: 'to drink / to smoke'.
Bunu:hu71
Meng 2001: 226. Quoted as hɤu7 in [MYYFY 1987: 176].
Baonao:hau71
Meng 2001: 226.
Numao:xɤ71
Meng 2001: 226.
Longhua Jiongnai:xɔ431
Mao & Li 2002: 282.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:hǝu431
Mao & Li 2002: 282.
Xiaozhai Younuo:hɔ311
Mao & Li 2007: 280.
Huangluo Younuo:hɔ311
Mao & Li 2007: 280.
Northern Pa-Hng:hɔ531
Mao & Li 2007: 287.
Southern Pa-Hng:hɔ531
Mao & Li 2007: 287.
Hm-Nai:hau531
Mao & Li 2007: 287.
Lianhua She:hɔ61
Mao & Meng 1986: 114. Quoted as hɔ35 in [Hiroki 2003: 192].
Luofu She:hɔ61
Mao & Meng 1986: 114.
Pa Na:ho71
Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as ho55 in [Chen 2001: 80].
Number:20
Word:dry
Western Xiangxi:qʰä31
Xiang 1992: 65; MYYFY 1987: 148. Distinct from nqʰä1 'dried up, evaporated' (e. g. of 'water') [Xiang 1992: 65]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 322]: Jiwei qʰa44, Yangmeng qʰa44, Zhongxin qʰɛ55.
Eastern Xiangxi:qʰɛ551
Yang 2004: 322. Cf. Xiaozhang qʰe55, Dengshang kʰa44.
Qiandong:ŋa62
Zhang 1990: 327; MYYFY 1987: 148.
Chuanqiandian:qʰua31
MYYFY 1987: 148.
Diandongbei:nqʰa11
MYYFY 1987: 148. Alternate synonym: nɕi6 [ibid.].
Hmong Daw:qʰu̯ǝ31
Heimbach 1979: 272. Polysemy: 'dry, arid / alone / free (without payment)'. Distinct from nqʰu̯ǝ1 'to dry up (as a stream, pond)' [Heimbach 1979: 172].
Hmong Njua:qʰu̯a21
Lyman 1974: 291. Verbal stem: 'to be dry'. Distinct from ža1 'to dry in the sun; to be exposed, dried (as in the sun)' [Lyman 1974: 368].
Bunu:ŋkʰen31
Meng 2001: 229. Different word listed in [MYYFY 1987: 148]: ɕi5.
Baonao:ɕẽ53
Meng 2001: 229.
Numao:ŋkʰɑn31
Meng 2001: 229.
Longhua Jiongnai:ŋkʰey441
Mao & Li 2002: 296.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ŋkay441
Mao & Li 2002: 296.
Xiaozhai Younuo:kʰey221
Mao & Li 2007: 279.
Huangluo Younuo:kʰey221
Mao & Li 2007: 279.
Northern Pa-Hng:qʰei221
Mao & Li 1997: 305.
Southern Pa-Hng:qʰe311
Mao & Li 1997: 305.
Hm-Nai:qʰe131
Mao & Li 1997: 305.
Lianhua She:kʰui11
Mao & Meng 1986: 127.
Luofu She:kʰui11
Mao & Meng 1986: 127.
Pa Na:gay11
Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as kʰai44 in [Chen 2001: 81].
Number:21
Word:ear
Western Xiangxi:ʈoŋ2=mɹɯ21
Xiang 1992: 55; MYYFY 1987: 84. The main root morpheme is =mɹɯ2;ʈoŋ2= is a partially desemanticized classifier with the general meaning 'vessel', 'container', etc. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 251]: Jiwei ʈoŋ42=mɹɯ42, Yangmeng ʈoŋ31=mɹɯ31, Zhongxin o55=ɕʰi55=mɹɯ35.
Eastern Xiangxi:qu53=mi̯ɯ311
Yang 2004: 251. Cf. Xiaozhang qʰa55=di21=mɯ21, Dengshang myɯ44.
Qiandong:nɛ21
Zhang 1990: 319; MYYFY 1987: 84. Also attested in the bisyllabic form as qa1=nɛ2 [Zhang 1990: 151], with a desemanticized classifier.
Chuanqiandian:c̢e21
MYYFY 1987: 84.
Diandongbei:a5=mpǝ21
MYYFY 1987: 84. Initial a5= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hmong Daw:nǯe21
Heimbach 1979: 199.
Hmong Njua:ɲǯe51
Lyman 1974: 238. Used with the classifier lu1 or ʆaŋ1.
Bunu:mpi̯e21
Meng 2001: 202. Quoted as ka1=nce26 in [MYYFY 1987: 84].
Baonao:kǝ3=mpce21
Meng 2001: 202. Initial kǝ3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Numao:mpi̯ey21
Meng 2001: 202.
Longhua Jiongnai:mpi̯a331
Mao & Li 2002: 266.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:mpi̯a311
Mao & Li 2002: 266.
Xiaozhai Younuo:kǝ33=mi̯e131
Mao & Li 2007: 238. Initial kǝ33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Huangluo Younuo:kǝ33=muy131
Mao & Li 2007: 238. Initial kǝ33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Northern Pa-Hng:a33=kʰoŋ22=ni̯o331
Mao & Li 1997: 266. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier. The component =kʰoŋ22= is also encountered in the Bahengic word for 'nose' q.v.
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=qʰõ31=mpɦi̯ɔ331
Mao & Li 1997: 266. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier. The component =qʰõ31= is also encountered in the Bahengic word for 'nose' q.v.
Hm-Nai:qʰuŋ13=mpi̯au311
Mao & Li 1997: 266. The component qʰuŋ13= is also encountered in the Bahengic word for 'nose' q.v.
Lianhua She:ka2=kʰuŋ32
Mao & Meng 1986: 101. Quoted as ka31=kʰɤŋ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 181].
Luofu She:ka2=kʰuŋ32
Mao & Meng 1986: 101.
Pa Na:ka1=bi̯a21
Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as ka13=bi̯a313 in [Chen 2001: 77].
Number:22
Word:earth
Western Xiangxi:lu51
Xiang 1992: 226; MYYFY 1987: 162. This syllable renders Chinese monosyllabic 土 tǔ 'earth (soil)' in both sources. For the colloquial binome 土地 tǔ-dì 'earth (ground)', the adduced equivalent in [Xiang 1992: 226] is ʑi1=lu5 ʑi1=la6; in [MYYFY 1987: 160] it is qo1=lu5 qo1=la6. Both of these are really compounds of lu5 'earth' with la6 'field' [Xiang 1992: 219]; the main morpheme remains the same in both the monosyllabic and the tetrasyllabic forms. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 245]: Jiwei lu54, Yangmeng lu35, Zhongxin la11.
Eastern Xiangxi:qu53=la111
Yang 2004: 245. Also Xiaozhang la24, Dengshang la22 id.
Qiandong:ta12
Zhang 1990: 46, 138; MYYFY 1987: 162. Also attested in a variant with a desemanticized classifier: qa1=ta1 id.
Chuanqiandian:lua21
MYYFY 1987: 162.
Diandongbei:a5=la21
MYYFY 1987: 162. Initial a5= is a desemanticized classifier.
Mao & Li 2002: 255. Renders Chinese 干土 gān-tǔ 'earth = soil'. Distinct from la22 'earth = land, surface'.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ta442
Mao & Li 2002: 255. Renders Chinese 干土 gān-tǔ 'earth = soil'. Distinct from la21 'earth = land, surface'.
Xiaozhai Younuo:kǝ33=tou332
Mao & Li 2007: 234. Renders Chinese 地 dì 'land'. Initial kǝ33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Huangluo Younuo:kǝ33=tou332
Mao & Li 2007: 234. Renders Chinese 地 dì 'land'. Initial kǝ33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Northern Pa-Hng:qa22=lei334
Mao & Li 1997: 250. Renders Chinese 土 tǔ 'earth = soil'. Initial qa22= is a desemanticized classifier. Distinct from a33=to35 'earth = land, surface' (Chinese 地 dì) [Mao & Li 1997: 249].
Southern Pa-Hng:qa31=lɦe334
Mao & Li 1997: 250. Renders Chinese 土 tǔ 'earth = soil'. Initial qa31= is a desemanticized classifier. Distinct from a31=to35 'earth = land, surface' (Chinese 地 dì) [Mao & Li 1997: 249].
Hm-Nai:l̥ai134
Mao & Li 1997: 250. Renders Chinese 土 tǔ 'earth = soil'. Distinct from kuŋ35=le33 'earth = land, surface' (Chinese 地 dì) [Mao & Li 1997: 249].
Lianhua She:ta12
Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Renders both Chinese 地 dì 'land' and 土 tǔ 'earth = soil'. Quoted as ta22 in [Hiroki 2003: 14].
Luofu She:ta12
Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Renders both Chinese 地 dì 'land' and 土 tǔ 'earth = soil'.
Pa Na:ti53 #2
Chen 2001: 76. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary.
Yang 2004: 334. Cf. Xiaozhang naŋ21, Dengshang nã35.
Qiandong:noŋ21
Zhang 1990: 341; MYYFY 1987: 174.
Chuanqiandian:nao21
MYYFY 1987: 174.
Diandongbei:na21
MYYFY 1987: 174.
Hmong Daw:nɔ21
Heimbach 1979: 141.
Hmong Njua:nao51
Lyman 1974: 199. Polysemy: 'to eat / to suckle / to take medicine'.
Bunu:nɔŋ21
Meng 2001: 220.
Baonao:nɒ21
Meng 2001: 220.
Numao:nou21
Meng 2001: 220.
Longhua Jiongnai:naŋ331
Mao & Li 2002: 282.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:naŋ311
Mao & Li 2002: 282.
Xiaozhai Younuo:naŋ131
Mao & Li 2007: 275.
Huangluo Younuo:naŋ131
Mao & Li 2007: 275.
Northern Pa-Hng:naŋ331
Mao & Li 2007: 287.
Southern Pa-Hng:nɦɔ331
Mao & Li 2007: 287.
Hm-Nai:naŋ331
Mao & Li 2007: 287.
Lianhua She:nuŋ21
Mao & Meng 1986: 114. Quoted as lɤŋ31 in [Hiroki 2003: 192].
Luofu She:nuŋ21
Mao & Meng 1986: 114.
Pa Na:noŋ21
Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as nuŋ313 in [Chen 2001: 79].
Number:24
Word:egg
Western Xiangxi:nɯ6-qä11
Xiang 1992: 95. Transcribed as nɯ6-qa1 in [MYYFY 1987: 136]. The main root for 'egg' is nɯ6; qä1 means 'chicken', cf. nɯ6-nu1 'duck egg', etc. [MYYFY 1987: 136]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 281]: Jiwei qo35-nɯ31, Yangmeng qo54-nɯ11, Zhongxin o55-nɯ11 'egg' (with a desemanticized classifier in prefixal position) vs. Jiwei nɯ31-qa35, Yangmeng nɯ11-qa54, Zhongxin o55=nɯ11-qɛ55 'chicken egg' (same as in [Xiang 1992] and [MYYFY 1987]).
Eastern Xiangxi:qu113
Yang 2004: 281. Cf. Xiaozhang qɯ35-qa53 id. Different equivalent in the Dengshang dialect: nõ22 (cognate with Western Xiangxi).
Qiandong:ki52
Zhang 1990: 183; MYYFY 1987: 136. More often found in compound formations, such as ki5-qei1 'chicken egg', etc.
Chuanqiandian:qe5-qay13
MYYFY 1987: 136. The main root for 'egg' is qe5; qay1 means 'chicken', cf. qe5-ʔo7 'duck egg', etc. [MYYFY 1987: 136].
Diandongbei:qa5-qay13
MYYFY 1987: 136. The main root for 'egg' is qa5; qay1 means 'chicken', cf. qǝ5-wo7 'duck egg', etc. [MYYFY 1987: 136].
Hmong Daw:qe43
Heimbach 1979: 261. Used with the classifier lu1.
Hmong Njua:qay33
Lyman 1974: 279. Used with the classifier lu1.
Bunu:ki̯e52
Meng 2001: 198. Quoted as ɕe5 in [MYYFY 1987: 136].
Baonao:ɕe52
Meng 2001: 198.
Numao:ki̯ey52
Meng 2001: 198.
Longhua Jiongnai:ki̯a352
Mao & Li 2002: 261.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ki̯a222
Mao & Li 2002: 261.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ke33=kou353
Mao & Li 2007: 250. The main root for 'egg' is kou35; ke33 means 'chicken'.
Huangluo Younuo:ke33=kou533
Mao & Li 2007: 250. The main root for 'egg' is kou53; ke33 means 'chicken'.
Northern Pa-Hng:qo553
Mao & Li 1997: 259.
Southern Pa-Hng:qo553
Mao & Li 1997: 259.
Hm-Nai:qo553
Mao & Li 1997: 259.
Lianhua She:ka52
Mao & Meng 1986: 99. Quoted as ka11 in [Hiroki 2003: 26].
Luofu She:kia552
Mao & Meng 1986: 99.
Pa Na:ki̯a52
Taguchi 2001: 86.
Number:25
Word:eye
Western Xiangxi:lɤ3=qe11
Xiang 1992: 256; MYYFY 1987: 82. Initial lɤ3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 252]: Jiwei lɤ44=qe35, Yangmeng le54=qe54, Zhongxin le55=qe55.
Eastern Xiangxi:qʰa35=me112
Yang 2004: 252. Cf. Xiaozhang qa55=mi24, Dengshang ka35=me22.
Qiandong:mɛ62
Zhang 1990: 305. Polysemy: 'face / eye'. Glossed as nioŋ6=mɛ6 in [MYYFY 1987: 82], but the semantics of the first member of this compound is quite unclear (possibly an error).
Chuanqiandian:mua62
MYYFY 1987: 82.
Diandongbei:a3=ma62
MYYFY 1987: 82. Initial a3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hmong Daw:qʰɔ3=mu̯ǝ62
Heimbach 1979: 271. Initial qʰɔ3= is a desemanticized classifier attached to words with the general semantics of 'hole'. Without this classifier, the simple root stem mu̯ǝ6 is glossed as 'face' [Heimbach 1979: 132].
Hmong Njua:qʰao2=mu̯a62
Lyman 1974: 186, 288. Initial qʰao2= is a desemanticized classifier attached to words with the general semantics of 'hole'. Without this classifier, the simple root stem mu̯a6 usually has the meaning 'face'.
Bunu:kʰi3=mɔŋ62
Meng 2001: 202. Polysemy: 'eye / face'. Quoted as ka1=moŋ6 in [MYYFY 1987: 82].
Baonao:laǝ1=kɒ31
Meng 2001: 202.
Numao:moŋ62
Meng 2001: 202. Polysemy: 'eye / face'.
Longhua Jiongnai:mɔ22-čen442
Mao & Li 2002: 266. The first morpheme by itself means 'face'.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:mu21-wɛ212
Mao & Li 2002: 266. The first morpheme by itself means 'face'.
Xiaozhai Younuo:kin53=mɔ312
Mao & Li 2007: 238.
Huangluo Younuo:ki53=mɔ222
Mao & Li 2007: 238.
Northern Pa-Hng:qoŋ55=mi442
Mao & Li 1997: 266. Initial qoŋ55= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=qõ55=mɦı442
Mao & Li 1997: 266. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:naŋ35=me312
Mao & Li 1997: 266. Initial naŋ35= is a desemanticized classifier.
Lianhua She:ka1=kʰɔ33
Mao & Meng 1986: 101. Quoted as ka22=kʰɔ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 180].
Luofu She:ka1=kʰɔ33
Mao & Meng 1986: 101.
Pa Na:ke23
Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as pi44=ke313 in [Chen 2001: 77].
Number:26
Word:fat n.
Western Xiangxi:
Not attested in our main sources. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 281]: Jiwei ʆɛ35, Yangmeng ʆɛ54, Zhongxin u55=ʆe55.
Eastern Xiangxi:sɛ531
Yang 2004: 281. Cf. Xiaozhang u53=se53, Dengshang sɛ54.
Not attested. Cf. ʑɔ33 'oil' [Mao & Li 2002: 275].
Liuxiang Jiongnai:
Not attested. Cf. ʑǝu31 'oil' [Mao & Li 2002: 275].
Xiaozhai Younuo:
Not attested.
Huangluo Younuo:
Not attested.
Northern Pa-Hng:you333
Mao & Li 2007: 277. Applicable to all sorts of 'fat', solid animal or liquid etc.
Southern Pa-Hng:ɔ̃35=yɦɤ333
Mao & Li 2007: 277. Applicable to all sorts of 'fat', solid animal or liquid etc. Initial ɔ̃35= = 'water' q.v.
Hm-Nai:you333
Mao & Li 2007: 277. Applicable to all sorts of 'fat', solid animal or liquid etc.
Lianhua She:zɔ24
Mao & Meng 1986: 107. Meaning glossed as 'oil'; however, in [Hiroki 2003: 178] it is explicitly stated that zɔ31 means 'solid fat' (Chinese 脂肪) as well.
Luofu She:zɔ24
Mao & Meng 1986: 107.
Pa Na:
Not attested.
Number:27
Word:feather
Western Xiangxi:qo1=pi1-qo1-pi31
Xiang 1992: 269. The first two syllables are the same word as 'hair' q.v.; the second two syllables are unclear (formally, they coincide with the word for 'fruit, seed' [Xiang 1992: 77], but such derivation would be strange). In any case, the head word is 'hair'.
Eastern Xiangxi:
Not attested.
Qiandong:ɬiu1-nǝu61
Zhang 1990: 96. A compound of 'hair' q.v. + 'bird' q.v.
Chuanqiandian:
Not attested.
Diandongbei:
Not attested.
Hmong Daw:plɔw11
Heimbach 1979: 249. Polysemy: 'hair / fur / feathers' (see 'hair'). The singulative form 'feather' is translated as i1tu6plɔw1, where i1 = 'one' q.v., and tu6 is a classifier. Cf. also ti5 'a wing; a feather (from the wing or tail or body)' [Heimbach 1979: 318] (this word seems to bear the semantics of 'wing' rather than 'feather', so we do not currently include it on the main list).
Mao & Li 2002: 262. Polysemy: 'hair (on body) / fur / feather'.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:pley441
Mao & Li 2002: 262. Polysemy: 'hair (on body) / fur / feather'.
Xiaozhai Younuo:
Not attested.
Huangluo Younuo:
Not attested.
Northern Pa-Hng:ti351
Mao & Li 1997: 261. Same word as 'hair' q.v.
Southern Pa-Hng:pi351
Mao & Li 1997: 261. Same word as 'hair' q.v.
Hm-Nai:pi351
Mao & Li 1997: 261. Same word as 'hair' q.v.
Lianhua She:
Not attested.
Luofu She:
Not attested.
Pa Na:
Not attested.
Number:28
Word:fire
Western Xiangxi:pi3=tɤ41
Xiang 1992: 93; MYYFY 1987: 74. Initial pi3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 245]: Jiwei pi44=tɤ22, Yangmeng pei44=tɤ33, Zhongxin pi55=to33.
Eastern Xiangxi:ʎɔ31=da351
Yang 2004: 245. Also Xiaozhang po35=da55, Dengshang ka35=tʰe22 id. (all three dialects seem to feature different fossilized classifiers).
Qiandong:tu41
Zhang 1990: 109; MYYFY 1987: 74.
Chuanqiandian:deu41
MYYFY 1987: 74.
Diandongbei:toey41
MYYFY 1987: 74.
Hmong Daw:l̥u̯ǝ3=tǝw51
Heimbach 1979: 65, 312. The literal meaning of the compound, if derived synchronically from its constituents, is l̥u̯ǝ3 'coals' + tǝw5 'firewood'; however, tǝw5 is also found in the meaning 'fire' in several idiomatic expressions (e. g. ci7 tǝw5 'sparks', etc.), and also means 'to burn (fuel)', so it may be considered the "main" morpheme in this word. Cf. also ɕu1 'a fire; fire confined to one place' [Heimbach 1979: 17].
Hmong Njua:taʉ61
Lyman 1974: 318. Used with the classifier ɕu1, or as the second morpheme in the bisyllabic compound šu̯a2=taʉ6. With a different classifier, ču̯a6, the same word has the meaning 'firewood'.
Bunu:to41
Meng 2001: 194. Also ka1=to4 id. Quoted as tu4 in [MYYFY 1987: 74].
Baonao:tiu41
Meng 2001: 194.
Numao:to41
Meng 2001: 194.
Longhua Jiongnai:tau311
Mao & Li 2002: 256.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:tɔ531
Mao & Li 2002: 256.
Xiaozhai Younuo:to221
Mao & Li 2007: 235.
Huangluo Younuo:tou221
Mao & Li 2007: 235.
Northern Pa-Hng:qa22=tou221
Mao & Li 1997: 251. Initial qa22= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=tɦɤ311
Mao & Li 1997: 251. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:tou221
Mao & Li 1997: 251.
Lianhua She:tʰɔ41
Mao & Meng 1986: 94. Quoted as tʰɔ54 in [Hiroki 2003: 19].
Luofu She:tʰɔ41
Mao & Meng 1986: 94.
Pa Na:to41
Taguchi 2001: 86.
Number:29
Word:fish
Western Xiangxi:ta1=mɹɯ41
Xiang 1992: 268; MYYFY 1987: 86. Initial ta1= is a classifier for animals. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 273]: Jiwei ta35=mɹɯ22, Yangmeng ta54=mɹɯ33, Zhongxin ta55=mɦɹɯ33.
Eastern Xiangxi:myɯ331
Yang 2004: 273. Cf. Xiaozhang mɤ55, Dengshang myɯ44 id.
Qiandong:nǝu81
Zhang 1990: 323. Transcribed as nǝ8 in [MYYFY 1987: 86].
Chuanqiandian:ɳᶚe41
MYYFY 1987: 86.
Diandongbei:mpǝ41
MYYFY 1987: 86.
Hmong Daw:nǯe51
Heimbach 1979: 199. Used with the classifier tu5.
Hmong Njua:ɲ̌ǯe61
Lyman 1974: 239. Used with the classifier tu6.
Bunu:mpi̯e41
Meng 2001: 198. Quoted as nce4 in [MYYFY 1987: 87].
Baonao:mpci41
Meng 2001: 198.
Numao:mpi̯ey41
Meng 2001: 198.
Longhua Jiongnai:mpi̯a311
Mao & Li 2002: 260.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:mpi̯a531
Mao & Li 2002: 260.
Xiaozhai Younuo:mi̯e221
Mao & Li 2007: 247.
Huangluo Younuo:muy221
Mao & Li 2007: 247.
Northern Pa-Hng:ni̯o221
Mao & Li 1997: 258.
Southern Pa-Hng:ŋ̮31=mpɦi̯o311
Mao & Li 1997: 258.
Hm-Nai:mpi̯o221
Mao & Li 1997: 258.
Lianhua She:pi̯a41
Mao & Meng 1986: 98. Quoted as pia54 in [Hiroki 2003: 39].
Luofu She:pi̯a41
Mao & Meng 1986: 98.
Pa Na:bi̯a41
Taguchi 2001: 87. Quoted as bi̯a31 in [Chen 2001: 78].
Number:30
Word:fly v.
Western Xiangxi:ʑen51
Xiang 1992: 59. Transcribed as ʑi5 in [MYYFY 1987: 132]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 340]: Jiwei ʑi54, Yangmeng ʑoŋ35, Zhongxin yi31.
Eastern Xiangxi:ɛ311
Yang 2004: 340. Cf. Xiaozhang ʑe33, Dengshang ʑe22 id.
Qiandong:ʑaŋ51
Zhang 1990: 421; MYYFY 1987: 132.
Chuanqiandian:ʑaŋ51
MYYFY 1987: 132.
Diandongbei:ʑaɯ51
MYYFY 1987: 132.
Hmong Daw:
Not attested.
Hmong Njua:yaŋ31
Lyman 1974: 359. Meaning glossed as 'to fly, soar'.
Bunu:ʑǝŋ51
Meng 2001: 216. Quoted as yɤŋ5 in [MYYFY 1987: 132].
Baonao:yey51
Meng 2001: 216.
Numao:jɑn51
Meng 2001: 216.
Longhua Jiongnai:ʑi351
Mao & Li 2002: 293.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ʑi221
Mao & Li 2002: 293.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ɲi351
Mao & Li 2007: 278.
Huangluo Younuo:ɲi531
Mao & Li 2007: 278.
Northern Pa-Hng:yei551
Mao & Li 2007: 301.
Southern Pa-Hng:yı551
Mao & Li 2007: 301.
Hm-Nai:yei551
Mao & Li 2007: 301.
Lianhua She:ŋi51
Mao & Meng 1986: 123. Quoted as ŋi11 in [Hiroki 2003: 122].
Luofu She:ŋi51
Mao & Meng 1986: 123.
Pa Na:yiŋ51
Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as ʑiŋ35 in [Chen 2001: 80].
Number:31
Word:foot
Western Xiangxi:qo1=l̥ɔ11
Xiang 1992: 104. Quoted as l̥ɔ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 96], without the classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 255]: Jiwei l̥ʰo35, Yangmeng l̥ʰo54, Zhongxin o53=l̥ʰo55.
Eastern Xiangxi:qu53=ta332
Yang 2004: 255. Cf. Xiaozhang ɕi21=ta21. Differently in Dengshang (a form cognate with Western Xiangxi): lɔ54 'foot'.
Qiandong:lo11
Zhang 1990: 299; MYYFY 1987: 96.
Chuanqiandian:teu442
MYYFY 1987: 96.
Diandongbei:toey52
MYYFY 1987: 96.
Hmong Daw:kɔ4=tǝw42
Heimbach 1979: 85, 310. Initial kɔ4= is a desemanticized classifier; in various compound expressions ("to drag the feet", "to stamp the feet", "ankle", "toe", etc.), only the root morpheme tǝw4 is used.
Hmong Njua:taʉ32
Lyman 1974: 317. Also qʉ3=taʉ3 id. (with a desemanticized prefix). Used with the classifier cʰay4.
Bunu:lau11
Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as ta1=lau1 in [MYYFY 1987: 96]. Additional synonym: to5 [Meng 2001: 203]. We list lau1 as the primary synonym, since it is the one that is confirmed in both sources.
Baonao:tou52
Meng 2001: 203.
Numao:to52
Meng 2001: 203.
Longhua Jiongnai:l̥ey441
Mao & Li 2002: 268.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:l̥ay441
Mao & Li 2002: 268.
Xiaozhai Younuo:tu352
Mao & Li 2007: 241.
Huangluo Younuo:tou532
Mao & Li 2007: 241.
Northern Pa-Hng:qa44=lu351
Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial qa44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:tɦɤ33=lʉ351
Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial tɦɤ33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:haŋ353
Mao & Li 1997: 268.
Lianhua She:tɔ52
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Polysemy: 'foot / leg'. Quoted as tɔ11 in [Hiroki 2003: 189]; the same source also lists kʰa31 as a synonym, but the meaning 'leg' only corresponds to the equivalent kʰa31, not tɔ11.
Luofu She:tɔ52
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Polysemy: 'foot / leg'.
Pa Na:tu52
Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as la44=tu35 in [Chen 2001: 77].
Yang 2004: 325. Cf. Xiaozhang pi55, Dengshang pei44.
Qiandong:pɛ31
Zhang 1990: 14; MYYFY 1987: 8.
Chuanqiandian:po31
MYYFY 1987: 8.
Diandongbei:pu31
MYYFY 1987: 8.
Hmong Daw:pu31
Heimbach 1979: 235.
Hmong Njua:pu21
Lyman 1974: 266. Meaning glossed as 'to be full, reach ultimate capacity'. Cf. also maŋ4 'to be complete, full' [Lyman 1974: 178]; ɲǯaŋ3 'to be full (of the moon)' [Lyman 1974: 245].
Bunu:puŋ31
Meng 2001: 226. Different word listed in [MYYFY 1987: 8]: ɳʈo6.
Baonao:lay62
Meng 2001: 226.
Numao:puŋ31
Meng 2001: 226.
Longhua Jiongnai:paŋ531
Mao & Li 2002: 296.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:pã351
Mao & Li 2002: 296.
Xiaozhai Younuo:puŋ221
Mao & Li 2007: 284.
Huangluo Younuo:pou221
Mao & Li 2007: 284.
Northern Pa-Hng:paŋ221
Mao & Li 1997: 304.
Southern Pa-Hng:pɔ̃311
Mao & Li 1997: 304.
Hm-Nai:paŋ131
Mao & Li 1997: 304.
Lianhua She:paŋ31
Mao & Meng 1986: 126. Quoted as paŋ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 276].
Yang 2004: 342. Cf. Xiaozhang gaŋ35, Dengshang gã22.
Qiandong:pɛ12
Zhang 1990: 14; MYYFY 1987: 8.
Chuanqiandian:saŋ53
MYYFY 1987: 8.
Diandongbei:saɯ5-tʰao53
MYYFY 1987: 8.
Hmong Daw:pu12
Heimbach 1979: 234. Meaning glossed as: 'to give (free of charge), to hand to'. Also used as a compound: pʰu7 pu1 [Heimbach 1979: 245]; the author notes that "this word is used in this sense in Laos but is seldom so used among Thailand Hmong".
Hmong Njua:pu12
Lyman 1974: 266. Polysemy: 'to give / to feed (animals)'. Cf. also mu̯a1 with the basic meaning 'to hold, take, seize', but occasionally used in the meaning 'to give, offer' [Lyman 1974: 185].
Bunu:
Not attested.
Baonao:
Not attested.
Numao:
Not attested.
Longhua Jiongnai:
Not attested.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:
Not attested.
Xiaozhai Younuo:haŋ334
Mao & Li 2007: 279.
Huangluo Younuo:haŋ334
Mao & Li 2007: 279.
Northern Pa-Hng:ɕu445
Mao & Li 1997: 296.
Southern Pa-Hng:ɕɦʉ445
Mao & Li 1997: 296. Also pɔ̃35 id. (semantic difference is unclear).
Hm-Nai:kuŋ311
Mao & Li 1997: 296.
Lianhua She:
Not attested. Cf., however, paŋ22 'to give' in [Hiroki 2003: 252].
Luofu She:
Not attested.
Pa Na:põ12
Taguchi 2001: 90. Quoted as pon13 in [Chen 2001: 80].
Yang 2004: 323. Cf. Xiaozhang ɯ33, Dengshang wu22 id.
Qiandong:ɣu51
Zhang 1990: 393; MYYFY 1987: 154.
Chuanqiandian:ʐoŋ51
MYYFY 1987: 154.
Diandongbei:zao51
MYYFY 1987: 154.
Hmong Daw:žõ41
Heimbach 1979: 440.
Hmong Njua:žoŋ31
Lyman 1974: 374.
Bunu:ɣaŋ51
Meng 2001: 229; MYYFY 1987: 154.
Baonao:ɣɔŋ51
Meng 2001: 229.
Numao:ɣou51
Meng 2001: 229.
Longhua Jiongnai:ŋɔuŋ351
Mao & Li 2002: 296.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ŋɔ221
Mao & Li 2002: 296.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ŋ̩351
Mao & Li 2007: 280.
Huangluo Younuo:ŋ̩531
Mao & Li 2007: 280.
Northern Pa-Hng:nɛ442
Mao & Li 1997: 305. Said of people (as in 'good person'). The meaning 'good = beautiful, pretty' is expressed with the word ya55.
Southern Pa-Hng:ntɦɛ442
Mao & Li 1997: 305. Said of people (as in 'good person'). The meaning 'good = beautiful, pretty' is expressed with the word yɔ̃55.
Hm-Nai:yaŋ551
Mao & Li 1997: 305.
Lianhua She:ŋɔŋ51
Mao & Meng 1986: 127. Quoted as ŋɔŋ11 in [Hiroki 2003: 279].
Luofu She:ŋɔŋ51
Mao & Meng 1986: 127.
Pa Na:ni̯u51
Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as ɲu35 in [Chen 2001: 81].
Number:35
Word:green
Western Xiangxi:li̯o4-1
Xiang 1992: 137; MYYFY 1987: 82. Borrowed from Chinese (綠 lǜ 'green'). The old word mɹo1 is still preserved in some idiomatic combinations, e. g. nu2 mɹo1 'green leaves' [Xiang 1992: 137]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 325]: Jiwei ʎɔ22, Yangmeng ʎoŋ33, with the old word still preserved in Zhongxin: mɹɯ55.
Eastern Xiangxi:ʎɔ35-1
Yang 2004: 325. Borrowed from Chinese (綠 lǜ 'green'). The older equivalent still seems to be preserved in the Xiaozhang dialect: myɤ53. Cf. also Dengshang ã22=nɤ44.
Yang 2004: 252. The first two morphemes are 'head' q.v. Differently in Xiaozhang: noŋ53=fi53 'hair', where =fi53 is 'head' q.v. Still differently in Dengshang: dɯ35=xwa22 'hair', which seems to be a borrowing from Chinese 頭髮 tóu-fā 'head hair'.
Mao & Li 2002: 266. The first morpheme is 'head' q.v.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ŋkɔ35=pley441
Mao & Li 2002: 266. The first morpheme is 'head' q.v.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ha31=pi̯a331
Mao & Li 2007: 238.
Huangluo Younuo:ha22=pi̯a331
Mao & Li 2007: 238.
Northern Pa-Hng:ti351
Mao & Li 1997: 261, 265. Polysemy: 'head hair / animal hair / feather'.
Southern Pa-Hng:pi351
Mao & Li 1997: 261, 265. Polysemy: 'head hair / animal hair / feather'.
Hm-Nai:pi351
Mao & Li 1997: 261, 265. Polysemy: 'head hair / animal hair / feather'.
Lianhua She:kaŋ6=kʰɤ5=pi11
Mao & Meng 1986: 101. The first two components are 'head' q.v. Quoted as kuaŋ35=kʰɤ11=pi22 in [Hiroki 2003: 180].
Luofu She:kaŋ6=kʰu5=pi11
Mao & Meng 1986: 101. The first two components are 'head' q.v.
Pa Na:pi̯o1-pi̯o1 #1
Taguchi 2001: 88. Meaning glossed as 'body hair'; however, since no alternate synonym is attested for 'head hair', we tentatively include the word on the list. Quoted as fo44=pi̯o13 'head hair' in [Chen 2001: 77], where fo44 = 'head' q.v.
Number:37
Word:hand
Western Xiangxi:qo1=tɯ41
Xiang 1992: 200; MYYFY 1987: 8. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 256]: Jiwei qo35=tɯ22, Yangmeng qo54=tɯ33, Zhongxin o55=tɯ33.
Eastern Xiangxi:qu53=bʋ552
Yang 2004: 256. Cf. Xiaozhang ɕi21=bu55 id. Differently in Dengshang: dɯ35 'hand' (cognate with Western Xiangxi).
Qiandong:pi41
Zhang 1990: 28; MYYFY 1987: 8.
Chuanqiandian:dʰe41
MYYFY 1987: 8.
Diandongbei:ti41
MYYFY 1987: 8.
Hmong Daw:te51
Heimbach 1979: 313. Meaning glossed as: 'the lower arm and hand, pertaining to the lower arm, the hand or the fingers'. The word is used with the classifier cʰay5 in the meaning 'arm, hand', and with the classifier tu5 in the meaning 'finger'.
Hmong Njua:te61
Lyman 1974: 320. Used with the classifier cʰay4.
Bunu:pe41
Meng 2001: 202. Quoted as ta1=pe4 in [MYYFY 1987: 8].
Baonao:pey41
Meng 2001: 202.
Numao:pɑ41
Meng 2001: 202.
Longhua Jiongnai:ča311
Mao & Li 2002: 267.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ča531
Mao & Li 2002: 267.
Xiaozhai Younuo:tʰou221
Mao & Li 2007: 240.
Huangluo Younuo:tʰou221
Mao & Li 2007: 240.
Northern Pa-Hng:qa44=pʋ221
Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial qa44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:tɦɤ33=pɦʉ311
Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial tɦɤ33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:pu221
Mao & Li 1997: 267.
Lianhua She:kʰwa41
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Quoted as kʰua54 in [Hiroki 2003: 184]. Polysemy: 'arm / hand'.
Luofu She:kʰwa41
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Polysemy: 'arm / hand'.
Pa Na:la6=kwa41
Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as la44=kwa31 in [Chen 2001: 77]. Distinct from ka13=ʆi13 'arm' [ibid.].
Number:38
Word:head
Western Xiangxi:ko3=pɹei31
Xiang 1992: 225; MYYFY 1987: 176. Initial ko3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 251]: Jiwei pɹei44, Yangmeng pɹei44, Zhongxin to55=pɹei33.
Eastern Xiangxi:ɭa31=pɹei551
Yang 2004: 251. Cf. Xiaozhang la21=fi55, Dengshang tɔ44=pei44.
Qiandong:qʰo12
Zhang 1990: 277; MYYFY 1987: 176. Secondary synonym: fʰu3 [Zhang 1990: 203]; in [MYYFY 1987: 176], listed alongside with qʰo1, but actually the word is more frequently used in more abstract meanings ('top', 'summit', 'leader' etc.).
Chuanqiandian:hǝu51
MYYFY 1987: 176.
Diandongbei:fao31
MYYFY 1987: 176.
Hmong Daw:tɔw1=hɔw41
Heimbach 1979: 49, 308. Initial tɔw1= is a desemanticized classifier with the original meaning 'gourd, pumpkin' [Heimbach 1979: 307]. In various compound expressions ("forehead", "bald-headed", etc.), only the root morpheme hɔw4 is used.
Hmong Njua:tau1=hau31
Lyman 1974: 120. Initial tau1= is a desemanticized classifier with the original meaning 'pumpkin, turban squash' [Lyman 1974: 315]. In various compound expressions, only the root morpheme hau3 is used.
Bunu:fa31
Meng 2001: 202; MYYFY 1987: 176.
Baonao:vɦi̯a31
Meng 2001: 202.
Numao:kʰɑn13
Meng 2001: 202.
Longhua Jiongnai:ŋkau532
Mao & Li 2002: 266.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ŋkɔ352
Mao & Li 2002: 266.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ha31=kʰɔ532
Mao & Li 2007: 238.
Huangluo Younuo:ha22=kʰɔ532
Mao & Li 2007: 238.
Northern Pa-Hng:a33=toŋ33=ti221
Mao & Li 1997: 265. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=ɕʉ55=pi311
Mao & Li 1997: 265. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:naŋ35=ci131
Mao & Li 1997: 265. Initial naŋ35= is a desemanticized classifier.
Lianhua She:kaŋ6=kʰɤ52
Mao & Meng 1986: 101. Quoted as kuaŋ35=kʰɤ11 in [Hiroki 2003: 179]. The word kɔ44 is also listed there as a separate equivalent for 'head'.
Luofu She:kaŋ6=kʰu52
Mao & Meng 1986: 101.
Pa Na:fo31
Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as la44=fo44 in [Chen 2001: 77].
Yang 2004: 359. Cf. Xiaozhang tʰaŋ53, Dengshang tʰã54.
Qiandong:coŋ1-nɛ22
Zhang 1990: 437; MYYFY 1987: 40. The second morpheme of this compound formation is nɛ2 'ear' q.v.; the first component is the proper verbal root 'hear', also used by itself in occasional contexts.
Lyman 1974: 198. Polysemy: 'to hear / to smell / to feel / to be aware'. Distinct from noŋ6 'to listen / to smell / to feel' ("to initiate the functioning of one's senses") [Lyman 1974: 204].
Bunu:ɕǝŋ54
Meng 2001: 218. Quoted as ɕɤŋ5 in [MYYFY 1987: 40].
Baonao:n̥i̯a33
Meng 2001: 218.
Numao:n̥ey33
Meng 2001: 218.
Longhua Jiongnai:n̥aŋ533
Mao & Li 2002: 282. Distinct from m̥aŋ35 'to listen'.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:n̥aŋ353
Mao & Li 2002: 282. Distinct from m̥aŋ22 'to listen'.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ɲuy353
Mao & Li 2007: 290.
Huangluo Younuo:ɲuy533
Mao & Li 2007: 290.
Northern Pa-Hng:n̥oŋ223
Mao & Li 2007: 287. Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen'.
Southern Pa-Hng:n̥õ313
Mao & Li 2007: 287. Distinct from ma55 'to listen'.
Hm-Nai:ma555
Mao & Li 2007: 287. Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen'.
Lianhua She:kuŋ56
Mao & Meng 1986: 114. Quoted as kɤŋ11 in [Hiroki 2003: 192].
Luofu She:kuŋ56
Mao & Meng 1986: 114.
Pa Na:naŋ44 #3
Chen 2001: 81. Probably not attested in [Taguchi 2001: 89], where the word toŋ5, corresponding to the Chinese character 聽, means 'to listen' = tuŋ35 id. in [Chen 2001: 81].
Number:40
Word:heart
Western Xiangxi:qo1=moŋ21
Xiang 1992: 249; MYYFY 1987: 100. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 254]: Jiwei qo35=moŋ42, Yangmeng qo54=moŋ31, Zhongxin qo31=maŋ35.
Eastern Xiangxi:sen53-caŋ31-1
Yang 2004: 254. Borrowed from Chinese 心臟 xīn-zàng. Two other dialects seem to preserve older terms: Xiaozhang tu53=ʆin53, Dengshang kɯ54=ɕʰi22.
Qiandong:ɬiu32
Zhang 1990: 96; MYYFY 1987: 100.
Chuanqiandian:ʂa43=ɳc̢u73
MYYFY 1987: 100. Internal structure of this compound is not quite clear.
Diandongbei:ƛoey32
MYYFY 1987: 100.
Hmong Daw:plǝw32
Heimbach 1979: 249. Polysemy: 'heart / in the midst of'. Used with the classifier lu1.
Hmong Njua:plaʉ22
Lyman 1974: 277. Used with the classifier lu1. Polysemy: 'heart (as a bodily organ) / core, center, middle'. Distinct from ša1 'liver / heart (fig.), mind, seat of emotion' [Lyman 1974: 299].
Bunu:pi3=so14
Meng 2001: 203. Initial pi3= is a desemanticized classifier. Different equivalent listed in [MYYFY 1987: 100]: θin3=tau4.
Baonao:ƛou32
Meng 2001: 203.
Numao:ɲ̥uŋ35
Meng 2001: 203.
Longhua Jiongnai:pa22=ʑɔuŋ336
Mao & Li 2002: 269.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:pa21=ʑaŋ316
Mao & Li 2002: 269.
Xiaozhai Younuo:fɔ22=sǝn33=l̥in337
Mao & Li 2007: 241.
Huangluo Younuo:l̥in337
Mao & Li 2007: 241.
Northern Pa-Hng:a33=noŋ355
Mao & Li 1997: 269. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=ɕɔ̃538
Mao & Li 1997: 269. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:naŋ35=ɕuŋ538
Mao & Li 1997: 269. Initial naŋ35= is a desemanticized classifier.
Lianhua She:san19
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Differently in [Hiroki 2003: 186]: cu22-li31 'heart'. Not clear if this is a borrowing from Chinese 心 xīn.
Luofu She:fun110
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Same word as 'liver' q.v.
Pa Na:saŋ1-taw211
Taguchi 2001: 88.
Number:41
Word:horn
Western Xiangxi:qo1=ki̯e11
Xiang 1992: 104. Transcribed as qo1=ɕe1 in [MYYFY 1987: 134] (with a dialectal palatalized articulation variant of the initial consonant). Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 267]: Jiwei qo35=ɕe35, Yangmeng qo54=ɕe54, Zhongxin o55=ɕe55.
Eastern Xiangxi:qu53=kɯ531
Yang 2004: 267. Cf. Xiaozhang ɲ21=ɕi53=ɕi53, Dengshang ki54.
Qiandong:ki11
Zhang 1990: 176; MYYFY 1987: 134.
Chuanqiandian:qǝu72
MYYFY 1987: 134.
Diandongbei:ku11
MYYFY 1987: 134.
Hmong Daw:ku11
Heimbach 1979: 88. Used with the classifier tu5 (for a single horn) and cɨ7 (for a pair).
Hmong Njua:ku11
Lyman 1974: 140. Both sg. and pl. meanings.
Bunu:ki̯uŋ11
Meng 2001: 199. Quoted as ɕuŋ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 134].
Baonao:ɕɔ11
Meng 2001: 199.
Numao:kuŋ11
Meng 2001: 199.
Longhua Jiongnai:ki̯aŋ441
Mao & Li 2002: 263.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ki̯ã441
Mao & Li 2002: 263.
Xiaozhai Younuo:kǝ33=kuŋ331
Mao & Li 2007: 248. Initial kǝ33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Huangluo Younuo:ku33=ku331
Mao & Li 2007: 248. Either a reduplication, or assimilated from kǝ33=ku33, where kǝ33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Northern Pa-Hng:qaŋ351
Mao & Li 1997: 261.
Southern Pa-Hng:tɦɤ33=qɔ̃351
Mao & Li 1997: 261.
Hm-Nai:qaŋ351
Mao & Li 1997: 261.
Lianhua She:kaŋ11
Mao & Meng 1986: 99. Quoted as kaŋ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 23].
Yang 2004: 317. Cf. Xiaozhang wei55, Dengshang wei35.
Qiandong:vi41
Zhang 1990: 400; MYYFY 1987: 32.
Chuanqiandian:ko32
MYYFY 1987: 32.
Diandongbei:ku32
MYYFY 1987: 32.
Hmong Daw:ku32
Heimbach 1979: 89; Mottin 1978: 44.
Hmong Njua:ku22
Lyman 1974: 141.
Bunu:ɕuŋ33
Meng 2001: 232; MYYFY 1987: 32.
Baonao:kou32
Meng 2001: 232.
Numao:ɕuŋ33
Meng 2001: 232.
Longhua Jiongnai:va311
Mao & Li 2002: 302.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:wa531
Mao & Li 2002: 302.
Xiaozhai Younuo:vɔ221
Mao & Li 2007: 294.
Huangluo Younuo:vɔ221
Mao & Li 2007: 294.
Northern Pa-Hng:vaŋ221
Mao & Li 2007: 311.
Southern Pa-Hng:vɦɔ̃311
Mao & Li 2007: 311.
Hm-Nai:waŋ221
Mao & Li 2007: 311.
Lianhua She:vaŋ41
Mao & Meng 1986: 130. Quoted as vaŋ54 in [Hiroki 2003: 323].
Luofu She:vaŋ41
Mao & Meng 1986: 130.
Pa Na:wa61
Taguchi 2001: 92. Quoted as va22 in [Chen 2001: 79].
Number:43
Word:kill
Western Xiangxi:ta51
Xiang 1992: 186; MYYFY 1987: 66. Applicable to people. In the meaning 'to kill (small animals)', the word pɤ2 is used instead ([Xiang 1992: 186]; [MYYFY 1987: 50]); 'to kill (large animals, like cows)' is bo3 [Xiang 1992: 186]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 355]: Jiwei ta54, Yangmeng ta35, Zhongxin ta31 'to kill (gen.)', opposed to Jiwei pɤ42, Yangmeng pɤ31, Zhongxin pʰo35 'to kill (e. g. pigs)'.
Eastern Xiangxi:ta311
Yang 2004: 355. Applied to people and animals alike. Cf. Xiaozhang ta21, Dengshang ta22.
Qiandong:ta51
Zhang 1990: 58. Secondary synonym: ma8, glossed as 'to cut, hack; to kill' in [Zhang 1990: 304].
Lyman 1974: 327. Polysemy: 'to kill / to extinguish / to hunt / to shoot'.
Bunu:tɔ51
Meng 2001: 221. Quoted as to5 in [MYYFY 1987: 66].
Baonao:tu51
Meng 2001: 221.
Numao:puŋ62
Meng 2001: 221.
Longhua Jiongnai:ta351
Mao & Li 2002: 287.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ta221
Mao & Li 2002: 287.
Xiaozhai Younuo:tɔ351
Mao & Li 2007: 287.
Huangluo Younuo:tɔ531
Mao & Li 2007: 287.
Northern Pa-Hng:ta551
Mao & Li 2007: 293.
Southern Pa-Hng:ta551
Mao & Li 2007: 293.
Hm-Nai:ta551
Mao & Li 2007: 293.
Lianhua She:ta51
Mao & Meng 1986: 117. Quoted as ta11 in [Hiroki 2003: 254].
Luofu She:ta51
Mao & Meng 1986: 117.
Pa Na:ta51
Taguchi 2001: 90. Quoted as ta35 in [Chen 2001: 80].
Number:44
Word:knee
Western Xiangxi:pi3=ɕɔ61
Xiang 1992: 239; MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial pi3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 255]: Jiwei pi44=ɕo31, Yangmeng pei44=ɕo11, Zhongxin pi33=ɕo11.
Eastern Xiangxi:pi35=ʓɔ111
Yang 2004: 255. Differently in Xiaozhang: po55-po55-ta33 (where the last morpheme is 'foot, leg' q.v.) and in Dengshang: lɔ35=gã22=pʰɔ22-pʰɔ22 id.
Qiandong:po3=qo8=ɕu61
Zhang 1990: 33. Transcribed as po3=qǝ8=ɕu6 in [MYYFY 1987: 14]. The main root morpheme is ɕu6 'knee' [Zhang 1990: 265], rarely used autonomously; po3= is a desemanticized classifier, and qo8 is a root meaning 'joint; hook' [Zhang 1990: 171].
Chuanqiandian:hau3=ʒǝu61
MYYFY 1987: 14. See notes on Hmong Daw for morphemic structure.
Diandongbei:fao3=ɕao61
MYYFY 1987: 14. See notes on Hmong Daw for morphemic structure.
Hmong Daw:hɔw3=ɕɔw61
Heimbach 1979: 9, 51. Initial hɔw3= is a desemanticized classifier with the basic meaning of 'within, inside; underneath; stump, base, basis' (ultimately from 'head' q.v.). The root morpheme ɕɔw6 is encountered on its own in compound expressions ("to kneel, etc.).
Hmong Njua:hau2=ɕau61
Lyman 1974: 120. Meaning glossed as 'knee-cap, knee'. The first component is 'head' q.v.; the second component may also be used on its own with the meaning 'knee' [Lyman 1974: 341].
Bunu:fa3=ɕa61
Meng 2001: 203; MYYFY 1987: 14. The first component is 'head' q.v.
Baonao:vɦi̯a3=ɕa61
Meng 2001: 203. The first component is 'head' q.v.
Numao:kön3=ɕou61
Meng 2001: 203. The first component is 'head' q.v.
Longhua Jiongnai:ði̯eu53-ŋkau532
Mao & Li 2002: 268. The first component is 'head' q.v.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:hɔ35=li̯eu352
Mao & Li 2002: 268. The second component is cognate with Longhua Jiongnai ði̯eu53 id.; the first one is unclear.
Xiaozhai Younuo:fɔ33=ti22=ku223
Mao & Li 2007: 241.
Huangluo Younuo:tou53=kʰuy314
Mao & Li 2007: 241. The first component is 'foot' q.v.
Northern Pa-Hng:pɔ35=ɕi441
Mao & Li 1997: 268.
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=qɦɔ31=ɕɦi441
Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:kʰɯŋ55=ɕi311
Mao & Li 1997: 268.
Lianhua She:
Not attested.
Luofu She:
Not attested.
Pa Na:fo44=ɕu22 #1
Chen 2001: 77. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary. The first component is 'head' q.v.
Number:45
Word:know
Western Xiangxi:ni̯ɛ̃41
Xiang 1992: 281. Transcribed as ɲɛ4 in [MYYFY 1987: 16]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 367]: Jiwei ɲɛ22, Yangmeng ɲɛ33, Zhongxin ɲɛ33.
Eastern Xiangxi:pi532
Yang 2004: 367. Cf. Xiaozhang pi53-to33. Differently in Dengshang: ŋɛ35 (cognate with Western Xiangxi).
Qiandong:pu12
Zhang 1990: 38; MYYFY 1987: 16.
Chuanqiandian:pǝu12
MYYFY 1987: 16.
Diandongbei:pao12
MYYFY 1987: 16.
Hmong Daw:pɔw12
Heimbach 1979: 225.
Hmong Njua:pau12
Lyman 1974: 261. Polysemy: 'to know / to understand'.
Bunu:pa12
Meng 2001: 219; MYYFY 1987: 16.
Baonao:pi̯a12
Meng 2001: 219.
Numao:pu12
Meng 2001: 219.
Longhua Jiongnai:pe442
Mao & Li 2002: 290.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:pey442
Mao & Li 2002: 290.
Xiaozhai Younuo:tou22=pɔ332
Mao & Li 2007: 293.
Huangluo Younuo:tou22=pɔ332
Mao & Li 2007: 293.
Northern Pa-Hng:ko53=pi352
Mao & Li 2007: 297.
Southern Pa-Hng:pı352
Mao & Li 2007: 297.
Hm-Nai:pi35-to132
Mao & Li 2007: 297.
Lianhua She:pe12
Mao & Meng 1986: 121. Quoted as pe22 in [Hiroki 2003: 261].
Luofu She:pe12
Mao & Meng 1986: 121.
Pa Na:taw5=po12
Taguchi 2001: 90. Quoted as tau35=po13 in [Chen 2001: 81].
Yang 2004: 274. Cf. different equivalents in Xiaozhang ɕi21=mɯ53, Dengshang myɯ44-myɯ44 id. (same root as 'ear' q.v.?).
Qiandong:qa1=nǝu21
Zhang 1990: 152. Transcribed as qa1=nǝ2 in [MYYFY 1987: 162]. The root morpheme 'leaf' is nǝu2, also attested by itself [Zhang 1990: 326].
Chuanqiandian:mploŋ21
MYYFY 1987: 162.
Diandongbei:a5=nƛao21
MYYFY 1987: 162.
Hmong Daw:mblõ21
Heimbach 1979: 167.
Hmong Njua:mbloŋ51
Lyman 1974: 193. Used with the classifier ƛay7.
Bunu:nƛaŋ21
Meng 2001: 200. Quoted as nƛaŋ26 in [MYYFY 1987: 162].
Baonao:nƛɔŋ21
Meng 2001: 200.
Numao:ƛi̯ou21
Meng 2001: 200.
Longhua Jiongnai:mplɔŋ331
Mao & Li 2002: 265.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:mplaŋ311
Mao & Li 2002: 265.
Xiaozhai Younuo:mi̯oŋ131
Mao & Li 2007: 254.
Huangluo Younuo:mi̯oŋ131
Mao & Li 2007: 254.
Northern Pa-Hng:qa22=ni̯aŋ331
Mao & Li 1997: 265. Initial qa22= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:qa31=mpɦi̯o331
Mao & Li 1997: 265. Initial qa31= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:nuŋ331
Mao & Li 1997: 265.
Lianhua She:pi̯ɔŋ21
Mao & Meng 1986: 101. Quoted as piɔŋ31 in [Hiroki 2003: 47].
Luofu She:pi̯ɔŋ21
Mao & Meng 1986: 101.
Pa Na:Łi̯ũ2-Łi̯ũ21
Taguchi 2001: 87. Quoted as Łi̯uŋ313-Łi̯uŋ313 in [Chen 2001: 78].
Number:47
Word:lie
Western Xiangxi:pɤ51
Xiang 1992: 215; MYYFY 1987: 8. The same source also lists qɔ6 as a synonym; considering, however, that the latter word also means 'to fall' [Xiang 1992: 42], it probably at best reflects dynamic action ('to lie down'), whereas the basic equivalent for the static 'to be lying (on a bed, etc.)' is pɤ5 (also confirmed by numerous derived idiomatic expressions, etc.).
Heimbach 1979: 239. The verb expresses both static ('to be lying') and dynamic ('lie down') action, depending on the context.
Hmong Njua:pʉ31
Lyman 1974: 269. Meaning glossed as 'to lie down, recline; (loosely) to sleep'. Examples show that this verb is freely used in the static meaning ('to be lying') as well, and that most of the specific terms denoting various manners of lying down are compound formations that contain pʉ3 as the primary morpheme.
Bunu:
Not attested. Possibly the same word as 'sleep' q.v.
Baonao:
Not attested. Possibly the same word as 'sleep' q.v.
Numao:
Not attested. Possibly the same word as 'sleep' q.v.
Longhua Jiongnai:
Not attested. Possibly the same word as 'sleep' q.v.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:
Not attested. Possibly the same word as 'sleep' q.v.
Xiaozhai Younuo:
Not attested.
Huangluo Younuo:
Not attested.
Northern Pa-Hng:
Not attested.
Southern Pa-Hng:
Not attested.
Hm-Nai:
Not attested.
Lianhua She:
Not attested.
Luofu She:
Not attested.
Pa Na:
Not attested.
Number:48
Word:liver
Western Xiangxi:ʂɛ̃11
Xiang 1992: 65. Transcribed as ʂɛ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 32]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 254]: Jiwei ʂɛ35, Yangmeng ʂɛ54, Zhongxin ʂɛ55.
Eastern Xiangxi:ʆi531
Yang 2004: 254. Cf. ʆe53 id. in Xiaozhang. The Dengshang equivalent is kã54, most likely borrowed from Chinese 肝 gān.
Qiandong:fʰu3=nɛ6-ɕoŋ52
Zhang 1990: 204. Quoted as fʰu5=nɛ6-ɕoŋ5 in [MYYFY 1987: 32] (with a different tonal characteristics of the first syllable). The structure of this trisyllabic compound is not quite clear. The bisyllabic formation fʰu3=nɛ6 is a generic term for several internal organs (translated as 'liver and lungs' in [Zhang 1990]); -ɕoŋ5 is an additional lexical modificator for 'liver', probably = ɕoŋ5 'tight; hard' [Zhang 1990: 261]. The initial fʰu3 may be a desemanticized classifier (cf. fʰu3 as the old equivalent for 'head' q.v.), which leaves nɛ6 as the main root morpheme denoting certain internal organs including the liver.
Chuanqiandian:ʂa11
MYYFY 1987: 32.
Diandongbei:a3=si11
MYYFY 1987: 32. Initial a3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hmong Daw:ši̯a11
Heimbach 1979: 295. Used with the classifier lu1.
Hmong Njua:ša11
Lyman 1974: 299. Used with the classifier lu1. Polysemy: 'liver / heart, mind, seat of emotion (fig.)'.
Bunu:mpi̯au63
Meng 2001: 203. Quoted as ka1=ncau6 in [MYYFY 1987: 32].
Baonao:ɕey3=mpcǝ63
Meng 2001: 203. Initial ɕey3= is a fossilized classifier.
Numao:mpü63
Meng 2001: 203.
Longhua Jiongnai:ŋkʰeŋ441
Mao & Li 2002: 269.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:heŋ441
Mao & Li 2002: 269.
Xiaozhai Younuo:sǝn331
Mao & Li 2007: 241.
Huangluo Younuo:sǝn331
Mao & Li 2007: 241.
Northern Pa-Hng:a33=hi̯eŋ351
Mao & Li 1997: 269. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=hĩ351
Mao & Li 1997: 269. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:
Mao & Li 1997: 269.
Lianhua She:hin11
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Quoted as hin22 in [Hiroki 2003: 187].
Luofu She:fun14
Mao & Meng 1986: 102.
Pa Na:si̯ĩ11
Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as ʆi13 in [Chen 2001: 77].
Number:49
Word:long
Western Xiangxi:ntɯ31
Xiang 1992: 23. Transcribed as dɯ3 in [MYYFY 1987: 66]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 321]: Jiwei dɯ44, Yangmeng dɯ44, Zhongxin dɯ33.
Eastern Xiangxi:du551
Yang 2004: 321. Cf. Xiaozhang dɯ55, Dengshang dɯ35 id.
Qiandong:ta31
Zhang 1990: 47; MYYFY 1987: 66.
Chuanqiandian:nte31
MYYFY 1987: 66.
Diandongbei:nti31
MYYFY 1987: 66.
Hmong Daw:nte31
Heimbach 1979: 188.
Hmong Njua:nde21
Lyman 1974: 214.
Bunu:nte31
Meng 2001: 227; MYYFY 1987: 66.
Baonao:ntey31
Meng 2001: 227.
Numao:ntɑ31
Meng 2001: 227.
Longhua Jiongnai:ða532
Mao & Li 2002: 294.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:la352
Mao & Li 2002: 294.
Xiaozhai Younuo:nou223
Mao & Li 2007: 274.
Huangluo Younuo:nau223
Mao & Li 2007: 274.
Northern Pa-Hng:to221
Mao & Li 1997: 302.
Southern Pa-Hng:to311
Mao & Li 1997: 302.
Hm-Nai:to131
Mao & Li 1997: 302.
Lianhua She:ka1=ta31
Mao & Meng 1986: 125. Quoted as ka22=ta44 in [Hiroki 2003: 269].
Luofu She:ka1=ta31
Mao & Meng 1986: 125.
Pa Na:da31
Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as da44 in [Chen 2001: 81].
Number:50
Word:louse
Western Xiangxi:ta1=te31
Xiang 1992: 197. A different form is recorded in [MYYFY 1987: 140]: ta1=ʓʰi3. (This can hardly be a dialectal difference in pronunciation). Initial ta1= is a classifier for animals. In [Yang 2004: 271], two different items are recorded: (a) 'louse' (Chinese 虱子 shīzi) = Jiwei ta35=ʓʰi44, Yangmeng ta54=ʓʰi44, but Zhongxin ta55=te33 id. and (b) 'head louse' (Chinese 頭虱 tóu-shī) = Jiwei ta35=ʓʰi44, Yangmeng ta54=ʓʰi44, Zhongxin ta55=ʓi33.
Eastern Xiangxi:te551
Yang 2004: 271. Meaning glossed as 'louse' (Chinese 虱子 shīzi) = Xiaozhang te55 id., but Dengshang sɛ22=cɨ22 id. (the latter is borrowed from Chinese). The equivalent for 'head louse' is no different from regular 'louse' in Xiaozhang and Dengshang, but is different in Danqing: mei53=cʰɯ55.
Qiandong:kaŋ1=ɕhu31
MYYFY 1987: 140. Not attested in [Zhang 1990]. The classifier is kaŋ1 'insect'.
Chuanqiandian:to31
MYYFY 1987: 140.
Diandongbei:ɳc̢ʰao31
MYYFY 1987: 140. Alternate synonym: tu3 [ibid.]. Semantic difference is not stated, but external data (see notes on Hmong Daw) suggest that ɳc̢ʰao3 is the word for 'head louse', and tu3 for 'body louse'.
Hmong Daw:nčʰɔw31
Heimbach 1979: 207. Meaning glossed as 'head lice'. Used with the classifier tu5. Distinct from tu3 'body lice' [Heimbach 1979: 326].
Hmong Njua:ɲʰau2 ~ ɲčʰau21
Lyman 1974: 243. Used with the classifier tu6. Cf. also tu2 'louse; flea' in [Lyman 1974: 324] (probably = 'body louse', as in Hmong Daw; cf. tu2-qa1 'chicken-lice').
Bunu:ka1=tuŋ31
Meng 2001: 199. Quoted as ka1=tuŋ36 in [MYYFY 1987: 140]. Initial ka1= is a desemanticized classifier.
Baonao:ɕey1=tɔ31
Meng 2001: 199. Initial ɕey1= is a desemanticized classifier.
Numao:tuŋ31
Meng 2001: 199.
Longhua Jiongnai:taŋ531
Mao & Li 2002: 262.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:tã351
Mao & Li 2002: 262.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ma53=tuŋ221
Mao & Li 2007: 252.
Huangluo Younuo:ma53=tou221
Mao & Li 2007: 252.
Northern Pa-Hng:naŋ221
Mao & Li 1997: 260.
Southern Pa-Hng:ŋ̩31=nɔ̃311
Mao & Li 1997: 260. Initial ŋ̩31= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:ntaŋ131
Mao & Li 1997: 260.
Lianhua She:taŋ31
Mao & Meng 1986: 99. Quoted as taŋ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 36].
Luofu She:taŋ31
Mao & Meng 1986: 99.
Pa Na:tõ31
Taguchi 2001: 87. Quoted as ton44 in [Chen 2001: 78] (although the same source also adds bi̯o44 as an additional synonym with the meaning of 'head louse').
Number:51
Word:man
Western Xiangxi:qo1=ni51
Xiang 1992: 151. Transcribed as qo1=ɲi5 in [MYYFY 1987: 52]. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 261]: Jiwei qo35=ɲi54, Yangmeng qo54=ɲoŋ35, Zhongxin o55=ɲi31.
Eastern Xiangxi:qei35=ɲi321
Yang 2004: 261. Cf. Xiaozhang te53=nen21, Dengshang ten44=ɕʰi22 id. (the last item is a different root).
MYYFY 1987: 52. Initial a1= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hmong Daw:ci3-nɤ̃24
Heimbach 1979: 378. Meaning glossed as 'male, a male individual, man'. The first part of the compound (ci3) has the semantics of 'male, father, husband, male relative'; the second morpheme is a tonal variant of nɤ̃6 'person' q.v.
Hmong Njua:qu̯a4=qʉ25
Lyman 1974: 286. The first morpheme is a "generic designator for people" (see also 'woman'); the second has the meaning 'male (person)' all by itself.
Bunu:po3=ɕǝŋ66
Meng 2001: 204. Quoted as pu1=ɕɤŋ6 in [MYYFY 1987: 52].
Baonao:tɔ1=ɕey66
Meng 2001: 204.
Numao:nu2=ɕɑn66
Meng 2001: 204. The modifier nu2 = 'person' q.v.
Longhua Jiongnai:nči22=nay337
Mao & Li 2002: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'woman' q.v.); the second is the same word as 'person' q.v.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:nči21=nɛ317
Mao & Li 2002: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'woman' q.v.); the second is the same word as 'person' q.v.
Xiaozhai Younuo:te31-tuŋ33-nɔ132
Mao & Li 2007: 246.
Huangluo Younuo:te31-kin22-nɔ132
Mao & Li 2007: 246.
Northern Pa-Hng:qo22=taŋ35-ni̯ɛ338
Mao & Li 1997: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'woman' q.v.); the third one is 'person' q.v.
Southern Pa-Hng:qo31=tɔ̃358
Mao & Li 1997: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'woman' q.v.).
Hm-Nai:qa53=taŋ35-nai338
Mao & Li 1997: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'woman' q.v.).
Lianhua She:ne2=pɤ39
Mao & Meng 1986: 103. The first morpheme is 'person' q.v. Quoted as le31=pɤ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 235].
Luofu She:ne2=pu39
Mao & Meng 1986: 103. The first morpheme is 'person' q.v.
Pa Na:ton13-na313 #8
Chen 2001: 77. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary. The second morpheme is 'person' q.v.
Number:52
Word:many
Western Xiangxi:l̥i̯o11
Xiang 1992: 52. Transcribed as ʎ̥ʰɔ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 88]. Secondary synonym: ʑu1 [Xiang 1992: 52], transcribed as ɕu1 in [MYYFY 1987: 88]. Judging by the examples in [Xiang 1992], l̥i̯o1 may be used with countable objects ('people') and ʑu1 with uncountable ones ('a lot of speech'), but this is not certain. In [Yang 2004: 321], only the second equivalent is listed in the meaning 'many': Jiwei ɕu35, Yangmeng ɕu54, Zhongxin ɕu55.
Lyman 1974: 212. Meaning glossed as 'to be much, many, a lot of; very, a lot'.
Bunu:ntau52
Meng 2001: 226. Additional synonym: ŋki̯ɯ6. Different form listed in [MYYFY 1987: 88}: tu1.
Baonao:ntaǝ52
Meng 2001: 226.
Numao:ntöy52
Meng 2001: 226.
Longhua Jiongnai:ntey352
Mao & Li 2002: 295.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ntay222
Mao & Li 2002: 295. Also hoŋ53 id. (semantic difference unclear).
Xiaozhai Younuo:tʰeŋ33=au354
Mao & Li 2007: 294.
Huangluo Younuo:au53-au534
Mao & Li 2007: 294.
Northern Pa-Hng:ɕaŋ353
Mao & Li 1997: 303.
Southern Pa-Hng:ɕɔ̃353
Mao & Li 1997: 303.
Hm-Nai:ɕuŋ353
Mao & Li 1997: 303.
Lianhua She:u55
Mao & Meng 1986: 125. Quoted as u11 in [Hiroki 2003: 322].
Luofu She:vu55
Mao & Meng 1986: 125.
Pa Na:gau35 #5
Chen 2001: 81. Not attested in [Taguchi 2001].
Number:53
Word:meat
Western Xiangxi:ni̯ä21
Xiang 1992: 182. Transcribed as ɲa2 in [MYYFY 1987: 146]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 257]: Jiwei ɲa42, Yangmeng ŋa31, Zhongxin ɲe35.
Eastern Xiangxi:ŋa311
Yang 2004: 257. Cf. Xiaozhang ŋa21, Dengshang ŋa35 id.
Qiandong:ŋi21
Zhang 1990: 328; MYYFY 1987: 146.
Chuanqiandian:nqa21
MYYFY 1987: 146.
Diandongbei:qay21
MYYFY 1987: 146.
Hmong Daw:nqay21
Heimbach 1979: 169.
Hmong Njua:ŋɢa51
Lyman 1974: 254. Mass noun. Cf. the "children speech" variant ʔa5 [Lyman 1974: 69].
Bunu:ŋka21
Meng 2001: 213; MYYFY 1987: 146.
Baonao:ŋki̯a21
Meng 2001: 213.
Numao:ŋkɑ21
Meng 2001: 213.
Longhua Jiongnai:ŋkay331
Mao & Li 2002: 275.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ŋkɛ311
Mao & Li 2002: 275.
Xiaozhai Younuo:pe332
Mao & Li 2007: 258.
Huangluo Younuo:pe332
Mao & Li 2007: 258.
Northern Pa-Hng:ŋɛ331
Mao & Li 2007: 278.
Southern Pa-Hng:ɴqɦɛ331
Mao & Li 2007: 278.
Hm-Nai:ɴqai331
Mao & Li 2007: 278.
Lianhua She:kwei21
Mao & Meng 1986: 108. Quoted as kɔi31 in [Hiroki 2003: 178].
Luofu She:kwe21
Mao & Meng 1986: 108.
Pa Na:ge21
Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as ge313 in [Chen 2001: 78].
Number:54
Word:moon
Western Xiangxi:qe1=l̥a41
Xiang 1992: 271. Quoted as l̥ʰa5 in [MYYFY 1987: 106], without the desemanticized classifier qe1=. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 243]: Jiwei qe35=l̥ʰa54, Yangmeng qe54=l̥ʰa35, Zhongxin qe55=l̥ʰa31.
Eastern Xiangxi:ɭ̥ʰa311
Yang 2004: 243. The respective equivalents in Xiaozhang (ʑye33-ɭaŋ35) and in Dengshang (ʑe35-ʎã22) seem to be rather transparent loans from Chinese 月亮 yuè-liàng 'moon'; only Danqing preserves the inherited term.
Heimbach 1979: 62. Polysemy: 'moon / month'. Used with the classifier lu1.
Hmong Njua:ɬi31
Lyman 1974: 126. Polysemy: 'moon / month'. Used with the classifier lu1.
Bunu:po3=ɬo51
Meng 2001: 193. Quoted simply as ɬu5 in [MYYFY 1987: 106]; in [Meng 2001: 193], simple stem ɬo5 is only listed in the meaning 'month'. The same classifier as in 'sun' q.v.
Baonao:vei3=lʰou51
Meng 2001: 193. Cf. the simple stem lʰou5 as 'month' in [Meng 2001: 195]. The same classifier as in 'sun' q.v.
Numao:l̥o51
Meng 2001: 193. Polysemy: 'moon / month'.
Longhua Jiongnai:l̥e351
Mao & Li 2002: 254.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:l̥ei221
Mao & Li 2002: 254.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ha31=la351
Mao & Li 2007: 234.
Huangluo Younuo:kwǝn22=la531
Mao & Li 2007: 234.
Northern Pa-Hng:a33=l̥a55-qa22=ma221
Mao & Li 1997: 248. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier. Literally = 'luminary-night' (the first bisyllabic component is the same as in 'sun' q.v., whereas the second one = 'night' q.v.).
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=l̥a551
Mao & Li 1997: 248. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:naŋ35=l̥a551
Mao & Li 1997: 248. Initial naŋ35= is a desemanticized classifier.
Lianhua She:ne52
Meng & Mao 1986: 93. Same root, but with additional modifiers in [Hiroki 2003: 9]: paŋ44=kɔ44=le11.
Luofu She:ne5-kʰui22
Meng & Mao 1986: 93.
Pa Na:la3=la51
Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as la44=la35 in [Chen 2001: 76].
Number:55
Word:mountain
Western Xiangxi:pi3=qɤ41
Xiang 1992: 187; MYYFY 1987: 8. Initial pi3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 246]: Jiwei pi44=qɤ22, Yangmeng pi44=qɤ33, Zhongxin to53=qo33.
Eastern Xiangxi:qu53=ʑe312
Yang 2004: 246. Differently in Xiaozhang: ɕi21=ye55 id., and still differently in Dengshang: ka35=cʰu22 id.
Qiandong:pi43
Zhang 1990: 28; MYYFY 1987: 8.
Chuanqiandian:tao24
MYYFY 1987: 8.
Diandongbei:ʈao24
MYYFY 1987: 8.
Hmong Daw:ʈõ14
Heimbach 1979: 279. Used with the classifier lu1.
Hmong Njua:oŋ14
Lyman 1974: 95. Used with the classifier lu1.
Bunu:θau2a4
Meng 2001: 193. Quoted as fa3=θau2 in [MYYFY 1987: 8]. Two additional forms, kan2 and fa3=pe4 are also listed in [Meng 2001: 193] as additional synonyms. We provisionally select the root that is confirmed in two independent sources.
Baonao:ɣey65
Meng 2001: 193.
Numao:ɣɑn65
Meng 2001: 193.
Longhua Jiongnai:ŋki̯ɔŋ53 ~ ki̯ɔŋ336
Mao & Li 2002: 254.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:či437
Mao & Li 2002: 254. Also ʑaŋ35 id. (although only či43 is frequently used in compound formations, such as 'foot of the mountain', etc., as well as independently).
Xiaozhai Younuo:kǝ33=koŋ136
Mao & Li 2007: 235. Initial kǝ33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Huangluo Younuo:koŋ136
Mao & Li 2007: 235.
Northern Pa-Hng:tei33=kɛ551
Mao & Li 1997: 249.
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=yɔ̃318
Mao & Li 1997: 249. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:yuŋ138
Mao & Li 1997: 249.
Lianhua She:ki̯e69
Mao & Meng 1986: 94. Additional synonym: hɔ1 (semantic difference unclear). Differently in [Hiroki 2003: 14]: ca22 'mountain'.
Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as pa31 in [Chen 2001: 76].
Number:56
Word:mouth
Western Xiangxi:qa3=lo51
Xiang 1992: 292. Initial qa3= is a desemanticized classifier. Completely different form listed in [MYYFY 1987: 98]: pa3=ɲo2, not confirmed in [Xiang 1992]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 250]: Jiwei pa44=ɲo42, Yangmeng pa54=ɲo31, Zhongxin pa31=ɲo35. The equivalent found in Xiang's dictionary apparently shares the same root with 'lip' in [Yang 2004: 250]: Jiwei co54=lɔ54, Yangmeng co35=loŋ35, Zhongxin o55=co31=lɯ31.
Eastern Xiangxi:pa35=ɳɔ312
Yang 2004: 250. Cf. a different equivalent in two other dialects: Xiaozhang qa55=lɤ33, Dengshang ka35=lɔ22 id. They seem to have the same root as the Western Xiangxi terms for 'lip' q.v., but the situation is made even more confusing by the fact that 'lip' in Eastern Xiangxi is glossed as Xiaozhang po21=ɲu21, Danqing pa35=ɲɔ31-ʆei33, i. e. with the same root as 'mouth' (!).
Qiandong:lo51
Zhang 1990: 302; MYYFY 1987: 98.
Chuanqiandian:nɕǝu22
MYYFY 1987: 98.
Diandongbei:a5=ɕao22
MYYFY 1987: 98. Initial a5= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hmong Daw:qʰɔ3=ɲʓɔw22
Heimbach 1979: 145, 271. Initial qʰɔ3= is a desemanticized classifier attached to words with the general semantics of 'hole'. Without this classifier, the root morpheme ɲʓɔw2 is frequently used in various compounds ('lips', 'to curse', etc.).
Hmong Njua:ɲʓau52
Lyman 1974: 233. Used with the classifier lu1. Also qʰao2=ɲʓau5 id. (lit. 'mouth hole', 'mouth orifice').
Bunu:nɕu22
Meng 2001: 202. Quoted as ka1=ɲɕɤu26 in [MYYFY 1987: 98]. Additional synonym: lɔ5, also glossed as 'mouth' in [Meng 2001: 202].
Baonao:kǝ3=ɲɕau22
Meng 2001: 202. Initial kǝ3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Numao:lɑu51
Meng 2001: 202.
Longhua Jiongnai:nti̯ɔ332
Mao & Li 2002: 266.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:nti̯eu312
Mao & Li 2002: 266.
Xiaozhai Younuo:pǝ31=li̯o331
Mao & Li 2007: 239.
Huangluo Younuo:pǝ31=li̯o331
Mao & Li 2007: 239.
Northern Pa-Hng:a33=la551
Mao & Li 1997: 266. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=la551
Mao & Li 1997: 266. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:naŋ35=la551
Mao & Li 1997: 266. Initial naŋ35= is a desemanticized classifier.
Lianhua She:ti̯ɔ22
Mao & Meng 1986: 101. Quoted as tiɔ31 in [Hiroki 2003: 182].
Luofu She:ti̯ɔ22
Mao & Meng 1986: 101.
Pa Na:law51
Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as lau35 in [Chen 2001: 77].
Number:57
Word:name
Western Xiangxi:mpu51
Xiang 1992: 147. Transcribed as bu5 in [MYYFY 1987: 86]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 300]: Jiwei bu54, Yangmeng bʰu35, Zhongxin bu31.
Eastern Xiangxi:bu311
Yang 2004: 300. Cf. Xiaozhang bu24, Dengshang bu22 id.
Qiandong:naŋ2=pi51
Zhang 1990: 321; MYYFY 1987: 86. The main lexical root is pi5 'name' [Zhang 1990: 29]; naŋ2 is a modifier with the original meaning 'to sound; to shout'.
Chuanqiandian:mpe51
MYYFY 1987: 86.
Diandongbei:nci51
MYYFY 1987: 86.
Hmong Daw:mbe41
Heimbach 1979: 159. Used with the classifier lu1.
Hmong Njua:mbe31
Lyman 1974: 189. Used with the classifier lu1.
Bunu:mpe51
Meng 2001: 211. In [MYYFY 1987: 86], the Chinese borrowing men2-ncu5 (< Chinese 名字 míng-zì) is listed instead.
Baonao:mpey51
Meng 2001: 211.
Numao:mpɑ51
Meng 2001: 211.
Longhua Jiongnai:mpa351
Mao & Li 2002: 281.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:mpa221
Mao & Li 2002: 281.
Xiaozhai Younuo:mu35-hou311
Mao & Li 2007: 238.
Huangluo Younuo:mu531
Mao & Li 2007: 238.
Northern Pa-Hng:a33=mu551
Mao & Li 1997: 286. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=mpo551
Mao & Li 1997: 286. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:naŋ35=mi̯aŋ332
Mao & Li 1997: 286. Initial naŋ35= is a desemanticized classifier.
Lianhua She:mui21
Mao & Meng 1986: 112. Quoted as mui31 in [Hiroki 2003: 221].
Luofu She:mui21
Mao & Meng 1986: 112.
Pa Na:bo51
Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as la44=bo35 in [Chen 2001: 79].
Number:58
Word:neck
Western Xiangxi:soŋ3=nqoŋ31
Xiang 1992: 15. Initial soŋ3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 253]: Jiwei soŋ44=ɢoŋ44, Yangmeng so44=ɢoŋ44, Zhongxin saŋ33=ɢaŋ33.
Eastern Xiangxi:qɔ55=qɯ551
Yang 2004: 253. Cf. Xiaozhang ɕi21=qaŋ55, Dengshang gã22-gã22 id.
Qiandong:qa1=qoŋ31
Zhang 1990: 143. Initial qa1= is a desemanticized classifier. Polysemy: 'neck / throat'.
Chuanqiandian:
Not attested.
Diandongbei:
Not attested.
Hmong Daw:ɕa2=ʼda12
Heimbach 1979: 7, 29. Initial ɕa2= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hmong Njua:kaʉ3=ƛaŋ11
Lyman 1974: 152. Probably = 'neck in general' or 'back of neck', as opposed to ɕe5=ƛaŋ1 'neck, throat' [Lyman 1974: 342]. Original semantics of the first components is not quite clear, but ƛaŋ1 is a morpheme common to both words and, consequently, the primary bearer of the meaning 'neck' in general.
Bunu:kuŋ1=ƛǝŋ11
Meng 2001: 202.
Baonao:kɔ1=ƛɒ11
Meng 2001: 202.
Numao:ƛi̯ɑn11
Meng 2001: 202.
Longhua Jiongnai:kaŋ531
Mao & Li 2002: 267.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:kaŋ351
Mao & Li 2002: 267.
Xiaozhai Younuo:kǝ53=kaŋ331
Mao & Li 2007: 239.
Huangluo Younuo:kǝ53=kaŋ331
Mao & Li 2007: 239.
Northern Pa-Hng:a33=ŋɔŋ221
Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=ŋɔ̃311
Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:naŋ35=ɴquŋ131
Mao & Li 1997: 267. Initial naŋ35= is a desemanticized classifier.
Lianhua She:ka1=kin1-ka31
Mao & Meng 1986: 101. Quoted as ka22=kin22 ~ ka22=kin22-ka44 in [Hiroki 2003: 184].
Luofu She:ka1=ki̯en11
Mao & Meng 1986: 101.
Pa Na:ka13=ƛaŋ13 #1
Chen 2001: 77. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary.
Number:59
Word:new
Western Xiangxi:ʆɛ̃11
Xiang 1992: 249. Transcribed as ʆɛ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 148]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 329]: Jiwei ʆɛ35, Yangmeng ʆɛ54, Zhongxin ʆe55.
Eastern Xiangxi:se531
Yang 2004: 329. Cf. Xiaozhang si53, Dengshang se54 id.
Qiandong:xhi11
Zhang 1990: 228; MYYFY 1987: 148.
Chuanqiandian:c̢ʰa11
MYYFY 1987: 148.
Diandongbei:a3=c̢ʰie11
MYYFY 1987: 148.
Hmong Daw:čʰi̯a11
Heimbach 1979: 366.
Hmong Njua:čʰa11
Lyman 1974: 85.
Bunu:sʰiŋ11
Meng 2001: 228. Quoted as ʆiŋ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 148].
Baonao:sʰay11
Meng 2001: 228.
Numao:ʆi11
Meng 2001: 228.
Longhua Jiongnai:ši22=ŋkʰeŋ441
Mao & Li 2002: 296.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:heŋ441
Mao & Li 2002: 296.
Xiaozhai Younuo:sǝn331
Mao & Li 2007: 291.
Huangluo Younuo:l̥ǝn531
Mao & Li 2007: 291.
Northern Pa-Hng:seŋ351
Mao & Li 1997: 305.
Southern Pa-Hng:sẽ351
Mao & Li 1997: 305.
Hm-Nai:ʆiŋ351
Mao & Li 1997: 305.
Lianhua She:tɤ6=hin11
Mao & Meng 1986: 127. Quoted as tɤ35=hin22 in [Hiroki 2003: 277].
Yang 2004: 302. Cf. Xiaozhang m̥ʰaŋ33-sɨ53, Dengshang mã22-ʓɔ22-ɲã44 id.
Qiandong:m̥ʰaŋ51
Zhang 1990: 211. Polysemy: 'evening / night'.
Chuanqiandian:
Not attested. Cf., however, m̥ao5-nto2 'evening' in [MYYFY 1987: 26].
Diandongbei:
Not attested. Cf., however, m̥o5-ntu2 'evening' in [MYYFY 1987: 26].
Hmong Daw:m̥ɔ41
Heimbach 1979: 67.
Hmong Njua:mao31
Lyman 1974: 180.
Bunu:
Not attested.
Baonao:
Not attested.
Numao:
Not attested.
Longhua Jiongnai:nčaŋ222
Mao & Li 2002: 258. Attested in compounds, such as n̥ɔ44-nčaŋ22 "at night, in the night / in the evening", etc.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:nčã212
Mao & Li 2002: 258. Attested in compounds, such as n̥ǝu44-nčã21 "at night, in the night / in the evening", etc.
Xiaozhai Younuo:
Not attested.
Huangluo Younuo:
Not attested.
Northern Pa-Hng:qa22=ma223
Mao & Li 1997: 254. Initial qa22= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:qa31=mɦa313
Mao & Li 1997: 254. Also qa31=ŋ̥ŋ35 id. Initial qa31= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:qa31=ma223
Mao & Li 1997: 254. Initial qa31= is a desemanticized classifier.
Lianhua She:kaŋ44
Mao & Meng 1986: 96. The listed forms, corresponding to the Chinese equivalent 夜里 yè-lǐ 'in the night, at night' are mɔ1=kaŋ4-cʰi2 and nɔk7=kaŋ4, allowing to isolate the basic root kaŋ4 'night'. Cf. also Chinese 夜間 yè-jiān 'in the night' glossed as lɔk32=kaŋ54-cʰi31 and mɤŋ11=kaŋ54 in [Hiroki 2003: 298].
Luofu She:kaŋ44
Mao & Meng 1986: 96.
Pa Na:
Not attested. Cf. do5=ya8 'nighttime' [Taguchi 2001: 92].
Number:61
Word:nose
Western Xiangxi:pa3=mɹɤ61
Xiang 1992: 11; MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial pa3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 253]: Jiwei pa44=mɹɤ31, Yangmeng pa44=mɹɤ11, Zhongxin mɹɯ11 (also Zhongxin pa55=dɯ55, with the same classifier but apparently a different root).
Eastern Xiangxi:duŋ55=mi̯a111
Yang 2004: 253. Cf. Xiaozhang qʰa35=mya24, Dengshang kʰu22=mɤ22 id. (same root, different prefixes).
Qiandong:po3=nɛ61
Zhang 1990: 33; MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial po3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Chuanqiandian:ci5=ɳᶚu61
MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial ci5= is a desemanticized classifier.
Diandongbei:a1=mpü61
MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial a1= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hmong Daw:nǯɨ61
Heimbach 1979: 206. Also used with the desemanticized classifier qʰɔ3 (formerly 'hole'): qʰɔ3=nǯɨ6 'nose, nostril'.
Hmong Njua:ɲǯʉ61
Lyman 1974: 242. Used with the classifier lu1.
Bunu:kʰi3=mpi̯au61
Meng 2001: 202. Quoted as pi36=ncau6 in [MYYFY 1987: 14].
Baonao:kǝ3=mpcǝ61
Meng 2001: 202. Initial kǝ3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Numao:mpü61
Meng 2001: 202.
Longhua Jiongnai:mpi̯au221
Mao & Li 2002: 266.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:mpi̯ɔ211
Mao & Li 2002: 266.
Xiaozhai Younuo:kʰǝ33=muy311
Mao & Li 2007: 238.
Huangluo Younuo:kʰǝ33=muy221
Mao & Li 2007: 238.
Northern Pa-Hng:a33=ni̯ɔ441
Mao & Li 1997: 266. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=qʰõ31=mpɦi̯ɔ441
Mao & Li 1997: 266. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:kei55=mpi̯au311
Mao & Li 1997: 266. Quoted as kʰɤŋ44=piu54-kʰɤŋ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 182].
Lianhua She:kʰuŋ3=piu41
Mao & Meng 1986: 101.
Luofu She:huŋ3=piu4 ~ ŋ̩ŋ3=piu41
Mao & Meng 1986: 101.
Pa Na:kʰoŋ3=bei61
Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as kʰuŋ44=bei22 in [Chen 2001: 77].
Number:62
Word:not
Western Xiangxi:ɕe21
Xiang 1992: 16. Transcribed as ɕe2 ~ ɕi3 in [MYYFY 1987: 4]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 369]: Jiwei ɕe42 ~ ɕi44, Yangmeng ɕu54, Zhongxin ɕe35 (also nɛ35 id.).
Eastern Xiangxi:a352
Yang 2004: 369. Differently in Xiaozhang: kaŋ55-m55, and still differently in Dengshang: cɨ44.
Qiandong:a22
Zhang 1990: 8; MYYFY 1987: 4.
Chuanqiandian:c̢i51
MYYFY 1987: 4.
Diandongbei:hi53
MYYFY 1987: 4.
Hmong Daw:či51
Heimbach 1979: 353; Mottin 1978: 84. Cf. also pǝw3, used among the Hmong of North Thailand, especially children [Heimbach 1979: 226; Mottin 1978: 84].
Hmong Njua:čɨ31
Lyman 1974: 80.
Bunu:ma24
Meng 2001: 233; MYYFY 1987: 4.
Baonao:maǝ24
Meng 2001: 233.
Numao:moŋ24
Meng 2001: 233.
Longhua Jiongnai:ŋ̩534
Mao & Li 2002: 303.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:m̩354
Mao & Li 2002: 303.
Xiaozhai Younuo:mɔ224
Mao & Li 2007: 298.
Huangluo Younuo:mɔ224
Mao & Li 2007: 298.
Northern Pa-Hng:ŋ̩354
Mao & Li 2007: 313.
Southern Pa-Hng:ŋ̩ɦ334
Mao & Li 2007: 313. Also a31 id., although examples in the grammar section show that the latter form is probably the prohibitive '(do) not!' than the indicative negation.
Hm-Nai:a532
Mao & Li 2007: 313.
Lianhua She:ha62
Mao & Meng 1986: 132. Quoted as ha35 in [Hiroki 2003: 338].
Yang 2004: 259. Cf. Xiaozhang nen21, Dengshang nei44.
Qiandong:nɛ21
Zhang 1990: 319; MYYFY 1987: 84.
Chuanqiandian:nen11
MYYFY 1987: 84.
Diandongbei:tɯ1=nɯ11
MYYFY 1987: 84. Initial tɯ1= is a classifier.
Hmong Daw:nɤ̃61
Heimbach 1979: 137. Used with the classifier tu5; also within the compound ti1-nɤ̃6, literally 'single person' [Heimbach 1979: 315].
Hmong Njua:neŋ51
Lyman 1974: 202. Polysemy: 'human being / mankind / existence, being'. Mass noun. Cf. also the bound morpheme tu1=, used in the meaning 'person, man' to form compound terms designating various kinds of people, e. g. tu1=žu6 'worker', etc. [Lyman 1974: 324]; on its own, the word actually means 'son' rather than 'person'.
Bunu:no21
Meng 2001: 204. Quoted as nu2 in [MYYFY 1987: 84].
Baonao:nou21
Meng 2001: 204.
Numao:nu21
Meng 2001: 204.
Longhua Jiongnai:nay331
Mao & Li 2002: 269.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:nɛ311
Mao & Li 2002: 269.
Xiaozhai Younuo:nɔ131
Mao & Li 2007: 243.
Huangluo Younuo:nɔ131
Mao & Li 2007: 243.
Northern Pa-Hng:ni̯ɛ331
Mao & Li 1997: 270.
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=mɦi̯ɛ331
Mao & Li 1997: 270. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:nai331
Mao & Li 1997: 270.
Lianhua She:ne21
Mao & Meng 1986: 103. Quoted as le31 in [Hiroki 2003: 237].
Luofu She:ne21
Mao & Meng 1986: 103.
Pa Na:na21
Taguchi 2001: 90. Quoted as na313 in [Chen 2001: 76].
Yang 2004: 243. Also Xiaozhang naŋ24, Dengshang nã22 id.
Qiandong:noŋ61
Zhang 1990: 341; MYYFY 1987: 88.
Chuanqiandian:naŋ61
MYYFY 1987: 88.
Diandongbei:naɯ61
MYYFY 1987: 88.
Hmong Daw:na61
Heimbach 1979: 135. Used with the classifier kɔ1 for "showers", pʰɔw4 for "a period of rain".
Hmong Njua:naŋ61
Lyman 1974: 198. Mass noun.
Bunu:aŋ1=nɔŋ61
Meng 2001: 193. Quoted simply as noŋ6 in [MYYFY 1987: 88]; aŋ1 = 'water' q.v.
Baonao:nɒ61
Meng 2001: 193.
Numao:noŋ61
Meng 2001: 193.
Longhua Jiongnai:naŋ221
Mao & Li 2002: 254.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:naŋ211
Mao & Li 2002: 254.
Xiaozhai Younuo:lǝŋ33=ŋa311
Mao & Li 2007: 234.
Huangluo Younuo:lǝ33=ŋa221
Mao & Li 2007: 234.
Northern Pa-Hng:aŋ35=moŋ441
Mao & Li 1997: 248.
Southern Pa-Hng:ɔ̃35=mõ441
Mao & Li 1997: 248.
Hm-Nai:nuŋ311
Mao & Li 1997: 248.
Lianhua She:nuŋ41
Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Quoted as lɤŋ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 11].
Luofu She:nuŋ41
Mao & Meng 1986: 93.
Pa Na:noŋ61
Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as nuŋ22 in [Chen 2001: 76].
Number:66
Word:red
Western Xiangxi:ɲɕʰin51
Xiang 1992: 84. Transcribed as ʓʰen5 in [MYYFY 1987: 124]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 323]: Jiwei ʓʰen54, Yangmeng ʓʰoŋ35, Zhongxin ʓi33.
Eastern Xiangxi:cʰe311
Yang 2004: 323. Cf. Xiaozhang cʰei33, Dengshang cʰe22 id.
Qiandong:ʃo72
Zhang 1990: 415; MYYFY 1987: 124.
Chuanqiandian:la13
MYYFY 1987: 124.
Diandongbei:lie13
MYYFY 1987: 124.
Hmong Daw:li̯a13
Heimbach 1979: 112.
Hmong Njua:la13
Lyman 1974: 158.
Bunu:lǝŋ13
Meng 2001: 229. Quoted as lɤŋ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 125].
Baonao:lɒ13
Meng 2001: 229.
Numao:lɑn13
Meng 2001: 229.
Longhua Jiongnai:θi351
Mao & Li 2002: 295.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:θi221
Mao & Li 2002: 295.
Xiaozhai Younuo:cʰun351
Mao & Li 2007: 280.
Huangluo Younuo:cʰun531
Mao & Li 2007: 280.
Northern Pa-Hng:tai444
Mao & Li 1997: 304.
Southern Pa-Hng:tɦɤ444
Mao & Li 1997: 304.
Hm-Nai:tai314
Mao & Li 1997: 304.
Lianhua She:si̯i51
Mao & Meng 1986: 126. Quoted as si11 in [Hiroki 2003: 272].
Luofu She:si51
Mao & Meng 1986: 126.
Pa Na:biŋ55
Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as biŋ13 in [Chen 2001: 81].
Number:67
Word:road
Western Xiangxi:ne3=kɯ31
Xiang 1992: 42; MYYFY 1987: 134. Initial ne3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 246]: Jiwei ne44=kʋ44, Yangmeng n̥ʰe21=kɯ44, Zhongxin o55=ne33=kɯ33.
Eastern Xiangxi:mɔ31=kʋ551
Yang 2004: 246. Also Xiaozhang kɯ55, Dengshang mɔ35=kɯ44 id.
Qiandong:ki31
Zhang 1990: 177. Secondary synonym: koŋ4 id. [Zhang 1990: 187; MYYFY 1987: 134] (the difference between the two words is not clear).
Chuanqiandian:ke31
MYYFY 1987: 134.
Diandongbei:ɕi31
MYYFY 1987: 134.
Hmong Daw:ke31
Heimbach 1979: 80.
Hmong Njua:ke2 ~ ki21
Lyman 1974: 137. Polysemy: 'road / path / way'. Used with the classifier cu5.
Bunu:ki̯e31
Meng 2001: 212. Quoted as nte6=ɕe3 in [MYYFY 1987: 134].
Baonao:ɕe31
Meng 2001: 212.
Numao:ki̯ey31
Meng 2001: 212.
Longhua Jiongnai:ki̯a531
Mao & Li 2002: 280.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ki̯a351
Mao & Li 2002: 280.
Xiaozhai Younuo:kou221
Mao & Li 2007: 237.
Huangluo Younuo:kou221
Mao & Li 2007: 237.
Northern Pa-Hng:qo221
Mao & Li 2007: 284.
Southern Pa-Hng:qo311
Mao & Li 2007: 284.
Hm-Nai:qo131
Mao & Li 2007: 284.
Lianhua She:ka31
Mao & Meng 1986: 110. Quoted as ka4 in [Hiroki 2003: 127].
Luofu She:ki̯a31
Mao & Meng 1986: 110.
Pa Na:la6=ki̯a31
Taguchi 2001: 88. Quoted as ki̯a44 in [Chen 2001: 76].
Number:68
Word:root
Western Xiangxi:pa3=ɕoŋ21
Xiang 1992: 69. Quoted as qo1=ɕoŋ2 in [MYYFY 1987: 114], with a different classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 274]: Jiwei qo35=ɕoŋ42, Yangmeng pa44=ɕoŋ31, Zhongxin o55=ɕaŋ55.
Eastern Xiangxi:gɯ33-gɯ332
Yang 2004: 274. Cf. Dengshang dɯ35=gã54-gã54 id. (the first morpheme is 'tree' q.v.). Different equivalent in Xiaozhang: ɕi21=sɛ53 id.
Qiandong:ɕoŋ21
Zhang 1990: 261; MYYFY 1987: 114.
Chuanqiandian:ɕaŋ21
MYYFY 1987: 114.
Diandongbei:a1=ɕaɯ11
MYYFY 1987: 114. Initial a1= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hmong Daw:ɕa63
Heimbach 1979: 7.
Hmong Njua:ɕaŋ63
Lyman 1974: 338. Also as a bisyllabic compound: ɕaŋ6-ndoŋ3 (where ndoŋ3 = 'tree' q.v.).
Bunu:ka3=ɕɔŋ21
Meng 2001: 200. Quoted as ka1=ɕoŋ2 in [MYYFY 1987: 114]. Initial ka3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Baonao:kǝ3=ɕo21
Meng 2001: 200. Initial kǝ3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Numao:ɕoŋ21
Meng 2001: 200.
Longhua Jiongnai:ka444
Mao & Li 2002: 265.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:čaŋ311
Mao & Li 2002: 265.
Xiaozhai Younuo:fɔ33=kǝ33=ti̯aŋ131
Mao & Li 2007: 252. Literally 'tree-root'. Initial kǝ33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Huangluo Younuo:fɔ33=tǝ33=ti̯aŋ131
Mao & Li 2007: 252. Literally 'tree-root'.
Northern Pa-Hng:koŋ33-ti̯a351
Mao & Li 1997: 265.
Southern Pa-Hng:qɔ̃33-pi̯a351
Mao & Li 1997: 265.
Hm-Nai:kuŋ33-ca351
Mao & Li 1997: 265.
Lianhua She:tɔŋ5=kʰi̯uŋ21
Mao & Meng 1986: 100. Literally 'tree-root'. Quoted as tɔŋ11=kʰiŋ31 in [Hiroki 2003: 46].
Luofu She:tɔŋ5=kʰi̯uŋ21
Mao & Meng 1986: 100. Literally 'tree-root'.
Pa Na:ɕʰuŋ313-ɕʰuŋ313 #1
Chen 2001: 78. Not attested in [Taguchi 2001].
Number:69
Word:round
Western Xiangxi:ʑɛ̃41
Xiang 1992: 270. Quoted as ʑɛ4 in [MYYFY 1987: 100]. Possible secondary synonym: pei3-pei1 [Xiang 1992: 270] (expressive? semantic difference is unclear).
Eastern Xiangxi:
Not attested.
Qiandong:ɬen22
Zhang 1990: 90; MYYFY 1987: 100.
Chuanqiandian:kʰun23
MYYFY 1987: 100.
Diandongbei:qo3=lo84
MYYFY 1987: 100. Internal morphemic structure is not quite clear.
Hmong Daw:kʰɤ̃23
Heimbach 1979: 97. Applied to "balls", "heads", etc. Synonym: yɤ̃2 [Heimbach 1979: 97]; this last word is probably borrowed from Chinese yuán.
Hmong Njua:qʰeŋ5 ~ kʰeŋ53
Lyman 1974: 290.
Bunu:θu6=luŋ15
Meng 2001: 229. Different word listed in [MYYFY 1987: 101]: ɳʈon1.
Baonao:tɒ26
Meng 2001: 229.
Numao:pu27
Meng 2001: 229.
Longhua Jiongnai:klwey332
Mao & Li 2002: 294.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:klwey312
Mao & Li 2002: 294.
Xiaozhai Younuo:lun335
Mao & Li 2007: 292.
Huangluo Younuo:lun335
Mao & Li 2007: 292.
Northern Pa-Hng:qa33=laŋ335
Mao & Li 1997: 302.
Southern Pa-Hng:qɔ̃35=lɦɔ̃315
Mao & Li 1997: 302.
Hm-Nai:lai355
Mao & Li 1997: 302.
Lianhua She:zin21
Mao & Meng 1986: 125. Quoted as zin54 in [Hiroki 2003: 270].
Luofu She:zin21
Mao & Meng 1986: 125.
Pa Na:ƛuŋ313 #2
Chen 2001: 81. Not attested in [Taguchi 2001].
Number:70
Word:sand
Western Xiangxi:qo1=cʰä51
Xiang 1992: 186. Transcribed as qo1=cʰa5 in [MYYFY 1987: 160]. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier.
Eastern Xiangxi:
Not attested.
Qiandong:qa1=sʰa51
Zhang 1990: 146; MYYFY 1987: 160. Initial qa1= is a desemanticized classifier.
Chuanqiandian:sua1-ci3-1
MYYFY 1987: 160. Probably borrowed from Chinese 沙子 shāzi 'sand'.
Diandongbei:a3=va1-sa72
MYYFY 1987: 160. Initial a3= is a desemanticized classifier; internal structure of the remaining bisyllabic combination is not quite clear.
Yang 2004: 357. Also mɔ31 id. Different equivalents in Xiaozhang: gu35, and in Dengshang: bya22.
Qiandong:ho52
Zhang 1990: 216; MYYFY 1987: 178. In [MYYFY 1987: 26], m̥ʰa5 is also listed as a synonym; in [Zhang 1990: 211], this word is given in the meaning 'to say, to explain', i. e. 'to tell' rather than 'to say', used to introduce direct speach.
Chuanqiandian:hay72
MYYFY 1987: 178.
Diandongbei:hi72
MYYFY 1987: 178.
Hmong Daw:hay52
Heimbach 1979: 48. Polysemy: 'to speak / to say'.
Hmong Njua:ha42
Lyman 1974: 118. Polysemy: 'to say / to speak / to utter'. Distinct from qʰa3 'to say, inform; to indicate; to teach, advise' [Lyman 1974: 288] and from ta4 'to say, state; to tell, inform' [Lyman 1974: 310].
Bunu:tɯ23
Meng 2001: 221. Quoted as tɤu2 in [MYYFY 1987: 178]. Additional synonym: vaŋ6 [Meng 2001: 221], semantic difference unclear.
Baonao:ɕi44
Meng 2001: 221.
Numao:ɕou65
Meng 2001: 221.
Longhua Jiongnai:čɔuŋ225
Mao & Li 2002: 282. Also kɔ43 id. (semantic difference unclear).
Liuxiang Jiongnai:čaŋ215
Mao & Li 2002: 282.
Xiaozhai Younuo:
Not attested.
Huangluo Younuo:
Not attested.
Northern Pa-Hng:kaŋ226
Mao & Li 2007: 287.
Southern Pa-Hng:kɔ̃316
Mao & Li 2007: 287.
Hm-Nai:kuŋ136
Mao & Li 2007: 287.
Lianhua She:kuŋ36
Mao & Meng 1986: 114.
Luofu She:kuŋ36
Mao & Meng 1986: 114.
Pa Na:
Not attested.
Number:72
Word:see
Western Xiangxi:qɛ̃61
Xiang 1992: 101. Quoted as qɛ6 in [MYYFY 1987: 16]. Secondary synonym (semantic difference is unclear): cä3 [Xiang 1992: 101]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 347]: Jiwei qɛ31, Yangmeng qɛ11. The second root is also listed for Yangmeng as ca44, and as the sole equivalent for Zhongxin: cɛ33.
Eastern Xiangxi:ʆaŋ31=ca554
Yang 2004: 347. Cf. Xiaozhang pʰɤ55=ca55, Dengshang be35=ʓa22 id. (the first morpheme in both these cases is the verb 'to look').
Qiandong:poŋ82
Zhang 1990: 35; MYYFY 1987: 16.
Chuanqiandian:po82
MYYFY 1987: 16.
Diandongbei:po82
MYYFY 1987: 16.
Hmong Daw:pɔ72
Heimbach 1979: 233.
Hmong Njua:pu72
Lyman 1974: 267.
Bunu:pɔ82
Meng 2001: 222. Quoted as po8 in [MYYFY 1987: 16].
Baonao:puɔ82
Meng 2001: 222.
Numao:pǝu82
Meng 2001: 222.
Longhua Jiongnai:leŋ35=pu322
Mao & Li 2002: 282. Literally = 'to look-see'; the simple predicate pu32 may also be used in some contexts.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:leŋ22=pu322
Mao & Li 2002: 282. Literally = 'to look-see', as in Longhua Jiongnai.
Xiaozhai Younuo:maŋ35=cʰu223
Mao & Li 2007: 282. Literally = 'to look-see'.
Huangluo Younuo:maŋ53=cʰo223
Mao & Li 2007: 282. Literally = 'to look-see'.
Northern Pa-Hng:pa312
Mao & Li 2007: 287.
Southern Pa-Hng:pɦa312
Mao & Li 2007: 287.
Hm-Nai:pʰa312
Mao & Li 2007: 287.
Lianhua She:mɔ6=pʰɤ62
Mao & Meng 1986: 114. Literally = 'to look-see'.
Luofu She:mɔ6=pʰu62
Mao & Meng 1986: 114. Literally = 'to look-see'.
Pa Na:pu53 #2
Chen 2001: 80. Not attested in [Taguchi 2001]: the verb 'to see' is listed there on p. 89 as mo8, but its Chinese equivalent is given as 看 kàn 'to look' (= mo53 'to look' in [Chen 2001: 80]); likewise, external data confirms that 'to look' is the more probable meaning of this word.
Number:72
Word:see
Western Xiangxi:
Eastern Xiangxi:
Qiandong:
Chuanqiandian:
Diandongbei:
Hmong Daw:
Hmong Njua:
Bunu:
Baonao:
Numao:
Longhua Jiongnai:
Liuxiang Jiongnai:
Xiaozhai Younuo:tǝ33=pu312
Mao & Li 2007: 282. Attested as a synonym of maŋ35=cʰu22, with no comments on the semantic difference between the two.
Huangluo Younuo:
Northern Pa-Hng:
Southern Pa-Hng:
Hm-Nai:
Lianhua She:
Luofu She:
Pa Na:
Number:73
Word:seed
Western Xiangxi:qo1=ɳu11
Xiang 1992: 284. Quoted as qo1=ɖu1 in [MYYFY 1987: 90]. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier (in both cases). Cf. in [Yang 2004: 278]: Jiwei qo35=ɖu35, Yangmeng qo54=ɳu54, Zhongxin o55=ɳu55.
Eastern Xiangxi:ɲɯ531
Yang 2004: 278. Cf. Xiaozhang noŋ53, Dengshang nõ54.
Qiandong:n̥ʰiu11
Zhang 1990: 214; MYYFY 1987: 90. Also attested as qa1=n̥ʰiu1 in [Zhang 1990: 145].
Chuanqiandian:noŋ11
MYYFY 1987: 90.
Diandongbei:c̢aɯ32
MYYFY 1987: 90.
Hmong Daw:nõ11
Heimbach 1979: 142. Used with the classifier lu1.
Hmong Njua:noŋ11
Lyman 1974: 203. Used with the classifier lu1.
Bunu:n̥aŋ11
Meng 2001: 201; MYYFY 1987: 90.
Baonao:ɲ̥uɔ11
Meng 2001: 201.
Numao:ɲ̥ɑu11
Meng 2001: 201.
Longhua Jiongnai:nɔuŋ441
Mao & Li 2002: 265.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:nɔ441
Mao & Li 2002: 265.
Xiaozhai Younuo:pǝn353
Mao & Li 2007: 253.
Huangluo Younuo:pǝn133
Mao & Li 2007: 253.
Northern Pa-Hng:e53=ɲoŋ351
Mao & Li 1997: 265.
Southern Pa-Hng:ɲõ351
Mao & Li 1997: 265.
Hm-Nai:ɲuŋ351
Mao & Li 1997: 265.
Lianhua She:ka1=nɔ11
Mao & Meng 1986: 100. Quoted as ka22=lɔ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 46].
Luofu She:ka1=nɔ11
Mao & Meng 1986: 100.
Pa Na:niw1-niw11
Taguchi 2001: 87.
Number:74
Word:sit
Western Xiangxi:ɕoŋ51
Xiang 1992: 293; MYYFY 1987: 80. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 369]: Jiwei ɕoŋ54, Yangmeng ɕoŋ35. Differently in Zhongxin: ɲi33.
Eastern Xiangxi:tʰɛ55-pya355
Yang 2004: 369. Differently in Xiaozhang: aŋ53 and ɕaŋ33 (difference unclear), and still differently in Dengshang: ɲi54.
Qiandong:niaŋ12
Zhang 1990: 330. Polysemy: 'to be (somewhere) / to dwell / to sit'. In [MYYFY 1987: 80], the equivalent for the meaning 'to sit' is given as niaŋ1-ta1, where ta1 = 'earth' q.v.
Chuanqiandian:ɲao12
MYYFY 1987: 80.
Diandongbei:nio12
MYYFY 1987: 80.
Hmong Daw:žɔw73
Heimbach 1979: 434. Cf. also žɔw7 ndu̯ǝ4 'to sit down' [ibid.] (ndu̯ǝ4 is a "post-verbal intensifier").
Hmong Njua:ɲao32
Lyman 1974: 227.
Bunu:ɲi12
Meng 2001: 218; MYYFY 1987: 80.
Baonao:ɲa12
Meng 2001: 218.
Numao:ɲe12
Meng 2001: 218.
Longhua Jiongnai:ɲaŋ442
Mao & Li 2002: 284.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ɲaŋ442
Mao & Li 2002: 284.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ti̯aŋ354
Mao & Li 2007: 294.
Huangluo Younuo:ti̯aŋ534
Mao & Li 2007: 294.
Northern Pa-Hng:ɲoŋ352
Mao & Li 2007: 289.
Southern Pa-Hng:ɲõ352
Mao & Li 2007: 289.
Hm-Nai:ɲɕo312
Mao & Li 2007: 289.
Lianhua She:ŋi̯uŋ12
Mao & Meng 1986: 116. Quoted as ŋiŋ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 202].
Luofu She:ŋi̯uŋ12
Mao & Meng 1986: 116.
Pa Na:ni̯oŋ12
Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as ɲuŋ13 in [Chen 2001: 81].
Number:75
Word:skin
Western Xiangxi:qo1=ki̯ɔ51
Xiang 1992: 161. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Differently in [Yang 2004: 257]: Jiwei qo35=tɤ44, Yangmeng qo54=tɤ44, Zhongxin o55=to33.
Eastern Xiangxi:ɕɔ31-ɕɔ311
Yang 2004: 257. Cf. Xiaozhang ɕi21=ɕo33, Dengshang ɕɔ22-ɕɔ22 id.
Qiandong:tu32
Zhang 1990: 108; MYYFY 1987: 74.
Chuanqiandian:teu52
MYYFY 1987: 74.
Diandongbei:pi5=toey32
MYYFY 1987: 74. Initial pi5= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hmong Daw:tǝw32
Heimbach 1979: 312. Polysemy: 'skin / leather / bark' (see also under 'bark').
Hmong Njua:taʉ22
Lyman 1974: 317. Polysemy: 'skin / hide / bark / rind / peel / leather' (see also under 'bark'). Used with the classifier ƛay7.
Bunu:ka3=ƛau51
Meng 2001: 199, 203. Additional synonym: ka3=to3 id. (semantic difference unknown). Quoted simply as ƛau5 in [MYYFY 1987: 74]. Initial ka3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Baonao:kǝ3=ƛaǝ51
Meng 2001: 203. Glossed as Chinese 皮膚 'human skin'. The simple root ƛaǝ5 is glossed as Chinese 皮 'skin (generic term)' [Meng 2001: 199]. Initial kǝ3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Numao:ƛü51
Meng 2001: 199, 203.
Longhua Jiongnai:ki̯eu351
Mao & Li 2002: 268.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ki̯eu221
Mao & Li 2002: 268.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ku351
Mao & Li 2007: 242.
Huangluo Younuo:ku531
Mao & Li 2007: 242.
Northern Pa-Hng:qa22=li̯u551
Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial qa22= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:qa31=li̯ʉ551
Mao & Li 1997: 268. Initial qa31= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:qʰau351
Mao & Li 1997: 268.
Lianhua She:kʰɤ51
Mao & Meng 1986: 102. Quoted as kʰɤ11 in [Hiroki 2003: 90].
Luofu She:kʰu51
Mao & Meng 1986: 102.
Pa Na:ƛi̯u5-ƛi̯u51
Taguchi 2001: 88.
Number:76
Word:sleep
Western Xiangxi:pɤ5=nqu̯e11
Xiang 1992: 206. Transcribed as pɤ5=ɢwe1 in [MYYFY 1987: 8]. Literally = "to lie (in) sleep" (see under 'lie' for more details). Lexicostatistical calculations should be based on nqu̯e1 as the main morpheme carrying the meaning 'sleep'. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 357]: Jiwei pɤ54, Yangmeng pɤ35, Zhongxin po31 as glosses for the Chinese meaning 睡 shuì 'sleep' (but really transcribing the verb 'to lie'?). However, in [Yang 2004: 354], the Chinese verb 入睡 rù-shuì 'to go to sleep' is given as Jiwei ɢwe35, Yangmeng dʰɤ35=ɢwe31, Zhongxin ɢwe55.
Eastern Xiangxi:pa31 #2
Yang 2004: 357. Dubious, since the word glosses the same Chinese meaning 睡 shuì 'sleep' that in the case of Western Xiangxi (see notes on W.X.) is most likely inaccurate. Nevertheless, this is the only known equivalent for this particular dialect. Cf. also Xiaozhang pʰu53, Dengshang po22 id.
Qiandong:pi52
Zhang 1990: 29; MYYFY 1987: 8. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'. In the meaning 'to sleep', also encountered in a compound formation: pi5-ta1 'to sleep', literally 'to lie-earth' [Zhang 1990: 30].
Chuanqiandian:pu52
MYYFY 1987: 8. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'.
Diandongbei:pu52
MYYFY 1987: 8. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'. An additional synonym in the meaning 'to lie' is listed as l̥ǝ1 [ibid.].
Hmong Daw:ndu13
Heimbach 1979: 192. Also as a compound: u̯ǝ4 ʼda1 ndu1, where u̯ǝ4 = 'to do, make' [Heimbach 1979: 5] and ʼda1 = 'drowsy, drowsiness' [Heimbach 1979: 28], i. e. literally 'to make drowsy-sleep'.
Hmong Njua:čau6-žu64
Lyman 1974: 77. Meaning glossed as 'to sleep, to be sleepy; to soften up one's energy; to relax one's strength'. The idiomatic expression literally means "to be lacking in strength" (žu6 = 'strength'). Other potential candidates for the same meaning include pʉ3 'to lie down' (see 'to lie'); and kʰao7 'to rest; (loosely) to sleep' [Lyman 1974: 146]. However, textual examples show that the most straightforward equivalent for 'to sleep' is indeed the listed idiomatic expression.
Bunu:pau52
Meng 2001: 221; MYYFY 1987: 8. The latter source also lists liŋ5 as an additional synonym.
Baonao:paǝ52
Meng 2001: 221.
Numao:puey52
Meng 2001: 221.
Longhua Jiongnai:pau352
Mao & Li 2002: 284.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:pɔ222
Mao & Li 2002: 284.
Xiaozhai Younuo:puy352
Mao & Li 2007: 288.
Huangluo Younuo:puy532
Mao & Li 2007: 288.
Northern Pa-Hng:vaŋ355
Mao & Li 2007: 290.
Southern Pa-Hng:pɤ552
Mao & Li 2007: 290.
Hm-Nai:pei552
Mao & Li 2007: 290.
Lianhua She:pɔ52
Mao & Meng 1986: 116. Differently in [Hiroki 2003: 208]: ŋiŋ35 or ŋiŋ35-ka22-kʰɔ44.
Luofu She:pɔ52
Mao & Meng 1986: 116.
Pa Na:pu52
Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as pu35 in [Chen 2001: 80].
Number:77
Word:small
Western Xiangxi:ʆu11
Xiang 1992: 246; MYYFY 1987: 132. The former source also lists as quasi-synonyms the words ʐaŋ5 (rather 'tender, young, small (of child)') and te1 (rather 'young (of animals), infant'). Cf. in [Yang 2004: 329]: Jiwei ʆu35, Yangmeng ʆu54, Zhongxin ʆu55.
Eastern Xiangxi:ɲa356
Yang 2004: 329. Cf. Xiaozhang ɲaŋ55 id. Different equivalent in Dengshang: sɯ54.
Qiandong:ʑu51
Zhang 1990: 427; MYYFY 1987: 132.
Chuanqiandian:ʑǝu51
MYYFY 1987: 132.
Diandongbei:ʂao12
MYYFY 1987: 132.
Hmong Daw:me43
Heimbach 1979: 125.
Hmong Njua:mi23
Lyman 1974: 182.
Bunu:vi33
Meng 2001: 228; MYYFY 1987: 132.
Baonao:yau51
Meng 2001: 228.
Numao:yǝŋ34
Meng 2001: 228.
Longhua Jiongnai:ʑu351
Mao & Li 2002: 294. Also ne44 id. (semantic difference is unknown).
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ʑu221
Mao & Li 2002: 294.
Xiaozhai Younuo:l̥e535
Mao & Li 2007: 291.
Huangluo Younuo:l̥e535
Mao & Li 2007: 291.
Northern Pa-Hng:yu551
Mao & Li 1997: 302.
Southern Pa-Hng:yʉ551
Mao & Li 1997: 302. Also tɔ̃35 and ŋı55 id. (semantic difference is unknown).
Hm-Nai:yu551
Mao & Li 1997: 302.
Lianhua She:sɔŋ11
Mao & Meng 1986: 124. Quoted as sɔŋ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 269].
Luofu She:sɔŋ11
Mao & Meng 1986: 124.
Pa Na:yu51
Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as ʑu35 in [Chen 2001: 81].
Number:77
Word:small
Western Xiangxi:
Eastern Xiangxi:
Qiandong:
Chuanqiandian:
Diandongbei:
Hmong Daw:
Hmong Njua:yau3 ~ yau61
Lyman 1974: 362. The forms mi2 and yau3 are listed as complete synonyms in Lyman's dictionary, and listed contexts give no clue as to what the semantic difference is; we have to treat both as technical synonyms.
Bunu:
Baonao:
Numao:
Longhua Jiongnai:
Liuxiang Jiongnai:
Xiaozhai Younuo:
Huangluo Younuo:
Northern Pa-Hng:
Southern Pa-Hng:
Hm-Nai:
Lianhua She:
Luofu She:
Pa Na:
Number:78
Word:smoke
Western Xiangxi:qo1=ɲɕʰo51
Xiang 1992: 255. Transcribed as qo1=ʓʰɔ5 in [MYYFY 1987: 2]. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 248]: Jiwei qo35=ʓʰɔ54, Yangmeng qo54=ʓʰoŋ35, Zhongxin ʓɯ33.
Eastern Xiangxi:ɕɔ35-kʰa551
Yang 2004: 248. Cf. Xiaozhang kʰa33-ɕʰɔ21, Dengshang kʰa22 id.
Qiandong:ǝu1=i12
Zhang 1990: 111. Transcribed as ǝ1=i1 in [MYYFY 1987: 2]. Literally = 'bitter water'; ǝu1 'water' q.v. here functions as a desemanticized classifier.
Chuanqiandian:paŋ5=nɕʰo51
MYYFY 1987: 2. Initial paŋ5= is a classifier.
Diandongbei:paɯ5=nɕʰo5 1
MYYFY 1987: 2. Initial paɯ5= is a classifier.
Hmong Daw:ɲɕʰɔ4 #1
Heimbach 1979: 150. Listed only in the verbal meaning: 'to produce smoke, to smoke', but no separate nominal stem is listed in the dictionary; considering the external evidence, it may be assumed that the word may be used as a noun as well.
Hmong Njua:paŋ3-taʉ63
Lyman 1974: 259. The main root morpheme paŋ3 is glossed with polysemy: 'vapor / mist / steam / breath / smoke'; the specific meaning 'smoke (of fire)' is generated by joining up with taʉ6 'fire' q.v.
Bunu:ka3=pɔŋ5-to43
Meng 2001: 194. Quoted as ka1=poŋ5 in [MYYFY 1987: 2]. Initial ka3= is a desemanticized classifier; to4 = 'fire' q.v.
Baonao:pɒ5-tiu43
Meng 2001: 194. The modifier tiu4 = 'fire' q.v.
Numao:
Not attested.
Longhua Jiongnai:tau31=ɔ434
Mao & Li 2002: 256. The first morpheme is 'fire' q.v.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:tɔ53=nǝu225
Mao & Li 2002: 256. The first morpheme is 'fire' q.v.
Xiaozhai Younuo:to22=ʑin336
Mao & Li 2007: 235. The first morpheme is 'fire' q.v.
Huangluo Younuo:ʑin336
Mao & Li 2007: 235.
Northern Pa-Hng:qa22=u354
Mao & Li 1997: 251. Initial qa22= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:qa31=ʉ354
Mao & Li 1997: 251. Initial qa31= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:u35-tou224
Mao & Li 1997: 251. The second component tou22 = 'fire' q.v.
Lianhua She:tʰɔ4-ka1-nɔ17
Mao & Meng 1986: 94. The first component is tʰɔ4 'fire' q.v. Quoted as ka22-lɔ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 20].
Luofu She:tʰɔ4-ka1-nɔ17
Mao & Meng 1986: 94. The first component is tʰɔ4 'fire' q.v.
Pa Na:
Not attested.
Number:79
Word:stand
Western Xiangxi:ʆɤ31
Xiang 1992: 276.
Eastern Xiangxi:
Not attested.
Qiandong:ʃʰu31
Zhang 1990: 241.
Chuanqiandian:
Not attested.
Diandongbei:
Not attested.
Hmong Daw:šǝw31
Heimbach 1979: 290. This stem by itself is glossed as a dynamic action verb: 'to arise, to stand up'. The static 'be standing' is expressed by compounds: šǝw3 nǯe6 'to stand erect, to stand upright' (nǯe6 = 'erect, vertical, steep (of a roof)' [Heimbach 1979: 199]); šǝw3 ɳʈʰɤ̃3 'to stand straight up' (ɳʈʰɤ̃3 = restricted post-verbal intensifier [Heimbach 1979: 182]), etc.
Hmong Njua:šaʉ2-ɲǯu61
Lyman 1974: 304. The first morpheme by itself is glossed with the meaning 'to rise, arise, get up, wake up (intrans.)'; it forms several compound verbs, including the static 'to stand' by joining up with the "modifier" ɲǯu6 that has no independent usage in Hmong Njua.
Bunu:sʰo31
Meng 2001: 220.
Baonao:sʰou31
Meng 2001: 220.
Numao:sɑu61
Meng 2001: 220.
Longhua Jiongnai:θi̯au531
Mao & Li 2002: 284.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:θɔ351
Mao & Li 2002: 284.
Xiaozhai Younuo:so221
Mao & Li 2007: 293.
Huangluo Younuo:so221
Mao & Li 2007: 293.
Northern Pa-Hng:ɕa442
Mao & Li 2007: 289.
Southern Pa-Hng:ɕɦa442
Mao & Li 2007: 289.
Hm-Nai:ʆou131
Mao & Li 2007: 289.
Lianhua She:sɤ31
Mao & Meng 1986: 115. Quoted as sɤ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 202].
Luofu She:su31
Mao & Meng 1986: 115.
Pa Na:si̯u31
Taguchi 2001: 89. Quoted as ʆu44 in [Chen 2001: 81].
Number:80
Word:star
Western Xiangxi:te1=qe1-l̥a51
Xiang 1992: 250; MYYFY 1987: 36. Literally: "infant-moon" (see under 'moon'). Cf. in [Yang 2004: 243]: Jiwei te35=qe35-l̥ʰa54, Yangmeng te54=qe54-l̥ʰa35, Zhongxin te55=te55=qe55.
Eastern Xiangxi:qei531
Yang 2000: 243. The Danqing dialect preserves the original root; however, the Xiaozhang equivalent (tʰɛ53=sen53-cɨ35) and the Dengshang equivalent (ʆĩ44-ʆĩ44) for this Swadesh meaning seem both to be loanwords from Chinese 星(子) xīng(zi) 'star'.
Qiandong:tɛ1=qɛ11
Zhang 1990: 50. Quoted as cɛ1=qɛ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 36]; this transcription is probably erroneous (c instead of t).
Chuanqiandian:n̥o1=qo1 1
MYYFY 1987: 36. The first component of this compound is n̥o1 'sun' q.v.; the second component is the original root morpheme for 'star'.
Diandongbei:n̥u1=qu1 1
MYYFY 1987: 36. The first component of this compound is n̥u1 'sun' q.v.; the second component is the original root morpheme for 'star'.
Hmong Daw:n̥u1=qu1 1
Heimbach 1979: 71. The first component of this compound is n̥u1 'sun' q.v.; the second component is homonymous with 'old', but the homonimity may be accidental if this is really the original root morpheme for 'star'.
Hmong Njua:nu1=qu11
Lyman 1974: 204. Polysemy: 'star / planet'. Explained by Lyman as literally 'old sun', where nu1 'sun' q.v. and qu1 = 'old' [Lyman 1974: 284]. The homonymity with 'old' may, however, be accidental.
Bunu:ɕe1=kuŋ11
Meng 2001: 193. Quoted as ta1=kuŋ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 36].
Baonao:tɔ1=kɔ11
Meng 2001: 193.
Numao:kuŋ11
Meng 2001: 193.
Longhua Jiongnai:ka44=ntaŋ442
Mao & Li 2002: 254. Collective form ('stars').
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ka44=ntaŋ442
Mao & Li 2002: 254. Collective form ('stars'). Also θi̯ɔ44 id.
Xiaozhai Younuo:l̥in33-tay353
Mao & Li 2007: 234.
Huangluo Younuo:lin33-tay533
Mao & Li 2007: 234.
Northern Pa-Hng:a33=qaŋ351
Mao & Li 1997: 248. Collective form ('stars'). Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=qɔ̃351
Mao & Li 1997: 248. Collective form ('stars'). Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:naŋ35=qaŋ351
Mao & Li 1997: 248. Collective form ('stars'). Initial naŋ35= is a desemanticized classifier.
Lianhua She:ne5-taŋ12
Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Literally: "moon-child" (taŋ1 = 'child'). Quoted as le11-taŋ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 9].
Luofu She:ne5-taŋ12
Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Literally: "moon-child" (taŋ1 = 'child').
Pa Na:
Not attested.
Number:81
Word:stone
Western Xiangxi:qo1=ʐɯ11
Xiang 1992: 197; MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 247]: Jiwei qo35=ʐɯ35, Yangmeng qo54=ʐɯ55, Zhongxin o55=ʐɯ55.
Eastern Xiangxi:qu53=ʋ531
Yang 2004: 247. Also Xiaozhang ci21=xɯ53 id.; Dengshang ɣɤ54=pɔ22 seems to represent a different root.
Qiandong:po3=ɣi11
Zhang 1990: 34; MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial po3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Chuanqiandian:ʐe11
MYYFY 1987: 14.
Diandongbei:a1=vǝ11
MYYFY 1987: 14. Initial a1= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hmong Daw:pɔ1=že11
Heimbach 1979: 436. The first part of the compound is the fused classifier pɔ1, denoting 'roundness' or 'bulkiness' [Heimbach 1979: 231]; the second part is the root morpheme.
Hmong Njua:že11
Lyman 1974: 372. Used with the classifier lu1. Cf. also pao1 'stone, rock' [Lyman 1974: 260], said to be an interchangeable synonym; the two morphemes may also be joined together in a single compound formation pao1-že1 'stone, rock' [ibid.].
Bunu:fa3=ɣe11
Meng 2001: 194; MYYFY 1987: 14.
Baonao:ɣey11
Meng 2001: 194.
Numao:ɣey11
Meng 2001: 194.
Longhua Jiongnai:ŋki̯a441
Mao & Li 2002: 255.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ʑa441
Mao & Li 2002: 255.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ha22=vi̯e331
Mao & Li 2007: 236.
Huangluo Younuo:ha22=vey331
Mao & Li 2007: 236.
Northern Pa-Hng:qa22=yo351
Mao & Li 1997: 250. Initial qa22= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:qa31=yo351
Mao & Li 1997: 250. Initial qa31= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:nti̯ou33=ci13=yo351
Mao & Li 1997: 250. The root morpheme =yo35 is the same as in Pa-Heng, but the first two components are unclear.
Lianhua She:ŋa1-kɔ31
Mao & Meng 1986: 94. Quoted as ŋa22 ~ ŋa22-kɔ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 14].
Luofu She:za1-kɔ31
Mao & Meng 1986: 94.
Pa Na:pei52
Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as pei35 in [Chen 2001: 76].
MYYFY 1987: 90. The bisyllabic form čʰaŋ3-nto2 is also listed as a synonym.
Diandongbei:lu1=n̥u11
MYYFY 1987: 90. Initial lu1= is a classifier.
Hmong Daw:n̥u11
Heimbach 1979: 71. Polysemy: 'sun / day / age, time'.
Hmong Njua:nu11
Lyman 1974: 204. Polysemy: 'sun / day'.
Bunu:po3=n̥ɔŋ11
Meng 2001: 193. Quoted as mi3=n̥oŋ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 90]. Same classifier as in 'moon' q.v.
Baonao:vei3=n̥ɒ11
Meng 2001: 193. Same classifier as in 'moon' q.v.
Numao:tau2=ŋkau12
Meng 2001: 193.
Longhua Jiongnai:ntoŋ221
Mao & Li 2002: 254.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ntoŋ211
Mao & Li 2002: 254.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ha31=nɔ331
Mao & Li 2007: 234.
Huangluo Younuo:ha31=nɔ331
Mao & Li 2007: 234.
Northern Pa-Hng:a33=l̥a55=qa22=n̥ei351
Mao & Li 1997: 248. Initial a33= is a desemanticized classifier. Formally, this is a double compound that consists of a33=l̥a55 'moon; luminary (gen.)' (q.v.) and qa22=n̥ei35 'sun, day' (the morpheme n̥ei35 on its own has the primary meaning 'day').
Southern Pa-Hng:a44=ɔ̃35=n̥e351
Mao & Li 1997: 248. Initial a44= is a desemanticized classifier; the morpheme =ɔ̃35= probably = 'water, rain, sky', and the proper root morpheme is =n̥e35. Cf. also qa31-ha35 id.
Hm-Nai:naŋ35=n̥e351
Mao & Li 1997: 248. Initial naŋ35= is a desemanticized classifier.
Lianhua She:nɔ1-kɔ3 ~ nɔk7-kɔ31
Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Quoted as lɔk22-kɔ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 9].
Luofu She:nɔ1-kɔ31
Mao & Meng 1986: 93.
Pa Na:ni11
Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as la44=ni13 in [Chen 2001: 76].
Number:83
Word:swim
Western Xiangxi:naŋ3-u11
Xiang 1992: 267. Literally = 'to swim (in) water', where naŋ3 is the verbal stem and u1 is 'water' q.v. Transcribed as na3-u1 in [MYYFY 1987: 98] (the same source also adds nqu3-u1 as a synonym, but this expression is translated as 'to wash (in water)' in [Xiang 1992: 239], so we do not include it). Cf. in [Yang 2004: 365]: Jiwei na44-u35. Differently in the two other dialects: Yangmeng ɕi44-wa11-u54, Zhongxin ɕi33-wa11-u55 (with the same noun 'water', but a different verbal base).
Eastern Xiangxi:ɳaŋ55-ʋ531
Yang 2004: 365. Cf. Dengshang nõ35-wu54 id. Differently in Xiaozhang: ʓɯ21-u53.
Qiandong:loŋ3-ǝu11
Zhang 1990: 301. Transcribed as loŋ3-ǝ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 98]. Same morphological structure as in Xiangxi.
Chuanqiandian:lua81
MYYFY 1987: 98.
Diandongbei:la8-ao81
MYYFY 1987: 98. The second morpheme is 'water' q.v.
Hmong Daw:u̯ǝ4=lu̯ǝ7-ʼde21
Heimbach 1979: 34, 121. Literally = 'to make swim-water', where the only morpheme whose meaning may be close to 'swim' on its own is lu̯ǝ7 (u̯ǝ4 is the auxiliary verb 'do, make' and ʼde2 is 'water' q.v.).
Hmong Njua:lu̯a7-ƛe51
Lyman 1974: 176. The second morpheme is 'water' q.v. Also attested in trisyllabic form, with the addition of auxiliary ʔu̯a3 'to do, make': ʔu̯a3=lu̯a7-ƛe5 'to swim' [Lyman 1974: 73] = Hmong Daw u̯ǝ4=lu̯ǝ7-ʼde2.
Bunu:
Not attested.
Baonao:
Not attested.
Numao:
Not attested.
Longhua Jiongnai:
Not attested.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:
Not attested.
Xiaozhai Younuo:
Not attested.
Huangluo Younuo:
Not attested.
Northern Pa-Hng:
Not attested.
Southern Pa-Hng:
Not attested.
Hm-Nai:
Not attested.
Lianhua She:
Not attested.
Luofu She:
Not attested.
Pa Na:duŋ53-ʔŋ13 #1
Chen 2001: 81. Not attested in [Taguchi 2001]. The second morpheme means 'water' q.v.
Number:84
Word:tail
Western Xiangxi:pi3=tɤ31
Xiang 1992: 234; MYYFY 1987: 162. Initial pi3= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 268]: Jiwei pi44=tɤ44, Yangmeng pei44=tɤ44, Zhongxin o55=pi33=to33.
Eastern Xiangxi:ti35=ta331
Yang 2004: 268. Cf. Xiaozhang ti21=ta55, Dengshang ti44=tɔ44 id.
Qiandong:qa1=tɛ31
Zhang 1990: 139. Erroneously quoted as qa1=ta3 in [MYYFY 1987: 162]. Initial qa1= is a desemanticized classifier.
Chuanqiandian:ku5=du31
MYYFY 1987: 162. Initial ku5= is a desemanticized classifier.
Diandongbei:a3=caɯ42
MYYFY 1987: 162. Initial a3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hmong Daw:kɔ4=tɨ41
Heimbach 1979: 330. Initial kɔ4= is a fused classifier with the original meaning 'handle' [Heimbach 1979: 85]. The root morpheme may also be used on its own, with a classifier (tu5 tɨ4 'the tail').
Hmong Njua:qʉ3=tʉ21
Lyman 1974: 329. The root morpheme tʉ2 is glossed with polysemy: 'tail / rump / buttocks'. The (sometimes) fused classifier qʉ3= is glossed with the original meaning of 'stick, rod; handle' [Lyman 1974: 287].
Bunu:tau31
Meng 2001: 199. Quoted as ku16=tau3 in [MYYFY 1987: 162].
Baonao:kǝ3=cǝ31
Meng 2001: 199. Initial kǝ3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Numao:töy31
Meng 2001: 199.
Longhua Jiongnai:ðau531
Mao & Li 2002: 263.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:lɔ351
Mao & Li 2002: 263.
Xiaozhai Younuo:kǝ33=te221
Mao & Li 2007: 250. Initial kǝ33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Huangluo Younuo:kǝ33=te221
Mao & Li 2007: 250. Initial kǝ33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Northern Pa-Hng:tai33=tai221
Mao & Li 1997: 261. Initial tai33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:tɦɤ33=tɤ311
Mao & Li 1997: 261. Initial tɦɤ33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:tei33=tei131
Mao & Li 1997: 261. Initial tei33= is a desemanticized classifier.
Lianhua She:ka1=tɔ31
Mao & Meng 1986: 99. Quoted as ka22=tɔ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 23].
Luofu She:ka1=tɔ31
Mao & Meng 1986: 99.
Pa Na:la44=ti̯e44 #1
Chen 2001: 77. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary.
Number:85
Word:that1
Western Xiangxi:ä31
Xiang 1992: 150. Transcribed as a3 in [MYYFY 1987: 2]. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 318]: Jiwei a44, Yangmeng a44. According to the specifications in [Yang 2004], this is the equivalent for 'that (closer)'. The dialect of Zhongxin, however, has a different equivalent in this meaning: xo33=i55, an extension of the regular i55 'that (farther)'.
Eastern Xiangxi:tɛ55=ɛ551
Yang 2004: 318. Cf. Dengshang tei35=i44 id. Neither Danqing nor Dengshang show any distinction between 'that (closer)' and 'that (farther)'. However, such a distinction is specified for the Xiaozhang dialect: e55-cʰa21 'that (closer)' vs. e55-e55 'that (farther)'. The principal morpheme in both these stems is e55, cognate with Danqing ɛ55 and Dengshang i44.
Qiandong:i31
Zhang 1990: 244; MYYFY 1987: 2.
Chuanqiandian:ʔi31
MYYFY 1987: 2.
Diandongbei:tʰao52
MYYFY 1987: 2.
Hmong Daw:ndǝw82
Heimbach 1979: 186; Mottin 1978: 64.
Hmong Njua:ndaʉ72
Lyman 1974: 214. Meaning glossed as 'that (further away), yonder'.
Bunu:uŋ13
Meng 2001: 233. Meaning glossed as 'that (further away)'.
Baonao:ɔ13
Meng 2001: 233. Meaning glossed as 'that (further away)'.
Numao:yi41
Meng 2001: 233. Meaning glossed as 'that (further away)'.
Longhua Jiongnai:mi449
Mao & Li 2002: 302.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:mi449
Mao & Li 2002: 302.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ni315
Mao & Li 2007: 294.
Huangluo Younuo:ni225
Mao & Li 2007: 294.
Northern Pa-Hng:ŋ̩5510
Mao & Li 2007: 312.
Southern Pa-Hng:ŋ̩5510
Mao & Li 2007: 312.
Hm-Nai:wo5510
Mao & Li 2007: 312.
Lianhua She:va410
Mao & Meng 1986: 131. Quoted as mɤ44 ~ ma54 in [Hiroki 2003: 324]. According to Hiroki, denotes an object that is near to the listener, but far from the speaker.
Luofu She:va410
Mao & Meng 1986: 131. See notes on Lianhua She for semantics.
Pa Na:lõ1=tiŋ311
Taguchi 2001: 93. Quoted as tiŋ44 in [Chen 2001: 79].
Number:85
Word:that2
Western Xiangxi:ʑi14
Xiang 1992: 150; MYYFY 1987: 2. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 318]: Jiwei ʑi35 id. According to the specifications in [Yang 2004], this is the equivalent for 'that (farther)'. A different equivalent for this meaning is attested in the other two dialects: Yangmeng ei54, Zhongxin i55.
Eastern Xiangxi:
Qiandong:nen35
Zhang 1990: 325. According to the dictionary, refers to 'that (far away from the speaker, close to the listener)'.
Chuanqiandian:
Diandongbei:ɳc̢i76
MYYFY 1987: 2. The difference between tʰao5 and ɳc̢i7 is not specified.
Hmong Daw:
Hmong Njua:hao27
Lyman 1974: 119. Meaning glossed as 'that (close by), there (close by)' (i. e. = intermediate degree of proximity).
Bunu:kau28
Meng 2001: 232. Meaning glossed as 'that (intermediate)'.
Baonao:kǝ28
Meng 2001: 232. Meaning glossed as 'that (intermediate)'.
Numao:köy28
Meng 2001: 232. Meaning glossed as 'that (intermediate)'.
Longhua Jiongnai:
Liuxiang Jiongnai:
Xiaozhai Younuo:
Huangluo Younuo:
Northern Pa-Hng:
Southern Pa-Hng:
Hm-Nai:
Lianhua She:ɤ33
Mao & Meng 1986: 131. Quoted as ɤ44 ~ ua54 in [Hiroki 2003: 324]. According to Hiroki, denotes an object that is equidistant from the listener and the speaker.
Luofu She:u33
Mao & Meng 1986: 131. See notes on Lianhua She for semantics.
Heimbach 1979: 132. Meaning glossed as 'to go, to depart'.
Hmong Njua:moŋ61
Lyman 1974: 184. Polysemy: 'to go / to walk / thitherward, away, off / continuously' (the word is used as a verb or in an adverbial function).
Bunu:muŋ41
Meng 2001: 226. Different word listed in [MYYFY 1987: 24]: cu7.
Baonao:mu41
Meng 2001: 226.
Numao:muŋ41
Meng 2001: 226.
Longhua Jiongnai:ŋ̥ŋ311
Mao & Li 2002: 291.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ŋ̥ŋ531
Mao & Li 2002: 291.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ŋ̩221
Mao & Li 2007: 286.
Huangluo Younuo:ŋ̩221
Mao & Li 2007: 286.
Northern Pa-Hng:ɲi331
Mao & Li 2007: 298.
Southern Pa-Hng:ɲɦı331
Mao & Li 2007: 298. Also ŋ̩31 id.
Hm-Nai:m̩331
Mao & Li 2007: 298.
Lianhua She:ŋ̩ŋ41
Mao & Meng 1986: 121. Quoted as ŋ̩ŋ54 in [Hiroki 2003: 310].
Luofu She:ŋ̩ŋ4 ~ huŋ41
Mao & Meng 1986: 121.
Pa Na:ŋ41
Taguchi 2001: 92. Quoted as ŋ31 in [Chen 2001: 80].
Number:93
Word:warm (hot)
Western Xiangxi:ʆo31
Xiang 1992: 156, 179. Quoted as ʆo3 in [MYYFY 1987: 126]. Polysemy: 'warm / hot'. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 329]: Jiwei ʆɔ44, Yangmeng ʆoŋ44, Zhongxin ʆɯ33.
Eastern Xiangxi:kɯ532
Yang 2004: 326. Meaning glossed as 'warm (of water)'. Distinct from xwɛ53 'hot' [Yang 2004: 327]. Different equivalents in Xiaozhang: ɭo55, and in Dengshang: wen44-sui54 (transparent borrowing from Chinese 溫水 wēn-shuǐ 'warm water').
Qiandong:ʃʰǝu31
Zhang 1990: 236. Quoted as ʃʰǝ3 in [MYYFY 1987: 126].
Chuanqiandian:ʂo31
MYYFY 1987: 126.
Diandongbei:ʂo31
MYYFY 1987: 126.
Hmong Daw:šɔ31
Heimbach 1979: 299. Distinct from ku1 'hot' (also 'to be burned or scalded') [Heimbach 1979: 88].
Hmong Njua:šu21
Lyman 1974: 307. Meaning glossed as 'to be warm, be warmed up'. Distinct from ku1 'to be hot' [Lyman 1974: 140].
Bunu:ʆo31
MYYFY 1987: 126. Not attested in [Meng 2001].
Baonao:
Not attested. Cf., however, ɕʰɔ1 'hot (of weather)' in [Meng 2001: 228].
Numao:
Not attested. Cf., however, ʆǝu3 'hot (of weather)' in [Meng 2001: 228].
Longhua Jiongnai:kʰi̯aŋ443
Mao & Li 2002: 297. Polysemy: 'hot / warm (of water)'.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:kʰi̯ã443
Mao & Li 2002: 297. Polysemy: 'hot / warm (of water)'.
Xiaozhai Younuo:kʰuŋ333
Mao & Li 2007: 287. Meaning glossed as 'hot'; no separate word for 'warm' is attested.
Huangluo Younuo:kʰu333
Mao & Li 2007: 287. Meaning glossed as 'hot'; no separate word for 'warm' is attested.
Northern Pa-Hng:nou554
Mao & Li 1997: 306. Meaning glossed as 'warm (of water)'. Distinct from ɕaŋ35 'hot (of weather)' and from qaŋ35 'hot (of water)'.
Southern Pa-Hng:ntɤ534
Mao & Li 1997: 306. Meaning glossed as 'warm (of water)'. Distinct from vo55 'hot (of weather)' and from qɔ̃35 'hot (of water)'.
Hm-Nai:wɯŋ555
Mao & Li 1997: 306. Meaning glossed as 'warm (of water)'. Unlike Pa-Heng, Wunai uses the same word for 'hot (of water)' and 'hot (of weather)': qaŋ35.
Lianhua She:sɤ31
Mao & Meng 1986: 128. Quoted as sɤ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 265]. Distinct from kʰaŋ1 'hot' [Mao & Meng 1986: 127].
Luofu She:su31
Mao & Meng 1986: 128. Distinct from kʰaŋ1 'hot' [Mao & Meng 1986: 127].
Pa Na:kʰi̯õ13
Taguchi 2001: 90. Meaning glossed as 'hot (food)'. Distinct from si̯u3 'hot (weather)'.
Yang 2004: 244. Also Xiaozhang u53, Dengshang wu54.
Qiandong:ǝu11
Zhang 1990: 110. Transcribed as ǝ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 2]. Polysemy: 'water / river'.
Chuanqiandian:tle22
MYYFY 1987: 2. Polysemy: 'water / river'.
Diandongbei:ao11
MYYFY 1987: 2.
Hmong Daw:ʼde22
Heimbach 1979: 34. Used with the classifier tu5 "for streams and watercourses".
Hmong Njua:ƛe52
Lyman 1974: 155. Mass noun.
Bunu:aŋ11
Meng 2001: 193; MYYFY 1987: 2.
Baonao:ɔŋ11
Meng 2001: 193.
Numao:ou11
Meng 2001: 193.
Longhua Jiongnai:ɔuŋ441
Mao & Li 2002: 254.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:aŋ441
Mao & Li 2002: 254.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ŋ̩331
Mao & Li 2007: 234.
Huangluo Younuo:ŋ̩331
Mao & Li 2007: 234.
Northern Pa-Hng:aŋ351
Mao & Li 1997: 248.
Southern Pa-Hng:ɔ̃351
Mao & Li 1997: 248.
Hm-Nai:aŋ351
Mao & Li 1997: 248.
Lianhua She:ɔŋ21
Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Quoted as ɔŋ31 in [Hiroki 2003: 15].
Luofu She:ɔŋ11
Mao & Meng 1986: 93.
Pa Na:ʔŋ11
Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as ʔŋ13, with polysemy: 'water / river' in [Chen 2001: 76].
Number:95
Word:we
Western Xiangxi:pɯ11
Xiang 1992: 236; MYYFY 1987: 6. No clusivity. Cf., however, a special dual form ('we two') in [Xiang 1992: 236]: pe1-le1. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 317]: Jiwei pɯ35, Yangmeng pɯ54, Zhongxin pɯ55 'we'; Jiwei pɯ35-le35, Yangmeng pɯ54-le54, Zhongxin pɯ55-ɯ55-le55 'we two'.
Eastern Xiangxi:pʋ531
Yang 2004: 317. No clusivity, but cf. the dual form ('we two'): pʋ53-ʋ53-le53 [ibid.]. Cf. Xiaozhang pu53-dɤ35, Dengshang pu35 'we'; Xiaozhang pu53-dʰɤ35-u53-ŋ55, Dengshang pu35-wu54-lei54 'we two'.
Qiandong:pi11
Zhang 1990: 27; MYYFY 1987: 6. No clusivity.
Chuanqiandian:pe11
MYYFY 1987: 6. No clusivity.
Diandongbei:pi11
MYYFY 1987: 6. No clusivity.
Hmong Daw:pe11
Heimbach 1979: 227; Mottin 1978: 44. Cf. a special dual form ('we two'): ɨ1 [Heimbach 1979: 6; Mottin 1978: 44].
Hmong Njua:pe11
Lyman 1974: 263. 1st p. plural pronoun. The corresponding dual form is ʔʉ1 ~ ʔe1 ~ ʔi1 [Lyman 1974: 73].
Bunu:pe11
Meng 2001: 232; MYYFY 1987: 6. Cf. a special dual form: a1 [ibid.].
Baonao:pey11
Meng 2001: 232. Cf. a special dual form: ey1 [ibid.].
Numao:pɑ11
Meng 2001: 232. Cf. a special dual form: ɕuŋ3-öy1-lu2 [ibid.].
Longhua Jiongnai:pa441
Mao & Li 2002: 302. Also va31-kloŋ53 id. (derived from va31 'I' q.v.). Cf. a special dual form ('we two'): a44-na44 [ibid.], and the inclusive 'we': taŋ31-kloŋ53 [ibid.].
Liuxiang Jiongnai:pa441
Mao & Li 2002: 302. Cf. a special dual form ('we two'), also capable of functioning as the plural form: a44-na44 [ibid.]. The inclusive variant is pʰa31-ʑa53, and it is also said to be capable of functioning as the exclusive plural.
Xiaozhai Younuo:pou331
Mao & Li 2007: 294.
Huangluo Younuo:pou331
Mao & Li 2007: 294.
Northern Pa-Hng:pu351
Mao & Li 1997: 311. Plural form; cf. also dual pu35-va53-lɛ33 [ibid.].
Southern Pa-Hng:pʉ351
Mao & Li 1997: 311. Plural form; cf. also dual vɦɔ̃31-va53 [ibid.].
Hm-Nai:waŋ22-kaŋ132
Mao & Li 1997: 311. Plural form; cf. also dual waŋ22-wa53-nai33 [ibid.].
Lianhua She:pa11
Mao & Meng 1986: 130. Also pa1-ne3-ti1 id. Quoted as pa22 ~ le31=pa22 in [Hiroki 2003: 323].
Luofu She:pa11
Mao & Meng 1986: 130. Also pa1-ni3-ti1 id.
Pa Na:pa81
Taguchi 2001: 93. Quoted as pa53 in [Chen 2001: 79].
Yang 2004: 319. Differently in two other dialects: Xiaozhang pe53=naŋ33, Dengshang ka35=nã22.
Qiandong:qei2=ʃi33
Zhang 1990: 168; MYYFY 1987: 154.
Chuanqiandian:lua6=c̢i53
MYYFY 1987: 154. The structure of the word is bimorphemic, but the morphemes have no individual meaning on the synchronic level.
Diandongbei:qa1=ši53
MYYFY 1987: 154. The structure of the word is bimorphemic, but the morphemes have no individual meaning on the synchronic level.
Hmong Daw:ʼda1=či43
Heimbach 1979: 29; Mottin 1978: 64. The structure of the word is bimorphemic, but the morphemes have no individual meaning on the synchronic level.
Hmong Njua:ƛaŋ1=čɨ33
Lyman 1974: 152. Also ƛaŋ1=qu̯a4=čɨ3 id. Polysemy: 'what? / something, anything / where? / somewhere, anywhere / how? why?'. The structure of the word is bimorphemic, but the morphemes have no individual meaning on the synchronic level.
Bunu:
Not attested.
Baonao:
Not attested.
Numao:
Not attested.
Longhua Jiongnai:laŋ44-ða354
Mao & Li 2002: 302. Also a44-ða35 id.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ney53-ʑã315
Mao & Li 2002: 302.
Xiaozhai Younuo:kǝ33-li336
Mao & Li 2007: 295.
Huangluo Younuo:hoŋ13-nǝn337
Mao & Li 2007: 295.
Northern Pa-Hng:ka55-yaŋ538
Mao & Li 2007: 312.
Southern Pa-Hng:qa35-yɔ̃538
Mao & Li 2007: 312.
Hm-Nai:hou35=mpou339
Mao & Li 2007: 312.
Lianhua She:cʰa5-na110
Mao & Meng 1986: 131. Quoted as cʰa31-la54 or simply as cʰa31 in [Hiroki 2003: 326].
Yang 2004: 320. Cf. Xiaozhang qwa53, Dengshang kɔ54.
Qiandong:ɬu11
Zhang 1990: 100; MYYFY 1987: 104.
Chuanqiandian:tleu11
MYYFY 1987: 104.
Diandongbei:ƛoey1-nci6-lie41
MYYFY 1987: 104.
Hmong Daw:ʼdǝw11
Heimbach 1979: 32. Polysemy: 'white / clean'.
Hmong Njua:ƛaʉ11
Lyman 1974: 154.
Bunu:ƛo11
Meng 2001: 226. Quoted as ƛu1 in [MYYFY 1987: 104].
Baonao:ƛou11
Meng 2001: 226.
Numao:ƛi̯o11
Meng 2001: 226.
Longhua Jiongnai:klau441
Mao & Li 2002: 295.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:klɔ441
Mao & Li 2002: 295.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ki̯e331
Mao & Li 2007: 273.
Huangluo Younuo:ki̯u331
Mao & Li 2007: 273.
Northern Pa-Hng:kɔ351
Mao & Li 1997: 304.
Southern Pa-Hng:1
Mao & Li 1997: 304.
Hm-Nai:kwau351
Mao & Li 1997: 304.
Lianhua She:ki̯ɔ11
Mao & Meng 1986: 126. Quoted as kiɔ22 in [Hiroki 2003: 272].
Luofu She:ki̯ɔ11
Mao & Meng 1986: 126.
Pa Na:ƛu11
Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as ƛu13 in [Chen 2001: 81].
Number:98
Word:who
Western Xiangxi:ɕi3-le11
Xiang 1992: 205. Quoted as ɕi1-le1 in [MYYFY 1987: 60]. -le1 is a classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 319]: Jiwei ɕi35-le35, Yangmeng ɕi54-le54, Zhongxin ɕi55-le55.
Eastern Xiangxi:pɛ552
Yang 2004: 319. Cf. Xiaozhang pɛ53-le55 id. Differently in Dengshang: cɛ̃35-ɕa44 id.
Qiandong:tɛ4=ʃi31
Zhang 1990: 409; MYYFY 1987: 60. Initial tɛ4 is a classifier for (generally) animate objects; =ʃi3 is the same nominal interrogative morpheme as in 'what?' q.v.
Chuanqiandian:lo1=ʔi53
MYYFY 1987: 60. Initial lo1= is a classifier.
Diandongbei:qa3=tɨ44
MYYFY 1987: 60. Initial qa3= is a classifier.
Hmong Daw:tɨ64
Heimbach 1979: 330; Mottin 1978: 64. This morpheme has a general interrogative meaning. The subject interrogative pronoun 'who?' usually combines it with either the neutral classifier for persons and living things tu5 (tu5 tɨ6) or the "polite" classifier for persons lɤ̃2 (lɤ̃2 tɨ6).
Hmong Njua:leŋ5=tʉ64
Lyman 1974: 329. The main interrogative morpheme is tʉ6; leŋ5= is a classifier for people. An additional synonym is sao2 'who?' [Lyman 1974: 293]; the difference between the two words remains unclear.
Bunu:po3=tau64
Meng 2001: 233.
Baonao:ey2=sey65
Meng 2001: 233.
Numao:iu1=yi31
Meng 2001: 233.
Longhua Jiongnai:n̥a536
Mao & Li 2002: 302.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:n̥a356
Mao & Li 2002: 302.
Xiaozhai Younuo:a53-nɔ137
Mao & Li 2007: 295. The morpheme nɔ13 = 'person' q.v.
Huangluo Younuo:kǝ33-lou138
Mao & Li 2007: 295.
Northern Pa-Hng:ti31-lɛ334
Mao & Li 2007: 312. The first morpheme is a general interrogative; the second is a generic classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:ti44-lɦɛ̃334
Mao & Li 2007: 312. The first morpheme is a general interrogative; the second is a generic classifier.
Hm-Nai:ti35-nai334
Mao & Li 2007: 312. The first morpheme is a general interrogative; the second is a generic classifier.
Lianhua She:pe22
Mao & Meng 1986: 131. Quoted as pe31 in [Hiroki 2003: 326].
Luofu She:pe22
Mao & Meng 1986: 131.
Pa Na:
Not attested.
Number:99
Word:woman
Western Xiangxi:qo1=mpʰa31
Xiang 1992: 156. Transcribed as qo1=bʰa3 in [MYYFY 1987: 4]. Initial qo1= is a desemanticized classifier. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 261]: Jiwei qo35=bʰa44, Yangmeng qo54=bʰa21, Zhongxin o55=ba33.
Eastern Xiangxi:qei35=pʰa351
Yang 2004: 261. Cf. Xiaozhang te53=pʰa55-nen21, Dengshang ken35=pʰa22-nei44 id.
MYYFY 1987: 4. Initial a5= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hmong Daw:pɔ2-ni̯a73
Heimbach 1979: 232. Polysemy: 'woman / wife'. The first component of the compound is pɔ2 'female (of birds or humans)'; the second is ni̯a7 'mother' [Heimbach 1979: 140].
Hmong Njua:qu̯a4=pu53
Lyman 1974: 267. Synonym: qu̯a4-mau7 [Lyman 1974: 181]. In both cases, qu̯a4= is a prefixal extension with the general semantics of 'person' (see the word for 'man', where it is present as well). The difference between the two words is not quite clear, but qu̯a4=pu5 is more frequently found in text examples, and certain attestations suggest that qu̯a4-mau7 could be more specifically understood as 'female' (biological term), whereas qu̯a4=pu5 is more of a social term.
Bunu:po3=mpʰa71
Meng 2001: 204. Quoted as pu1=mpʰa7 in [MYYFY 1987: 4].
Baonao:ɕey1=vey34
Meng 2001: 204.
Numao:nu2=vɑ34
Meng 2001: 204.
Longhua Jiongnai:nči22=vɔ434
Mao & Li 2002: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (same as in 'man' q.v.).
Liuxiang Jiongnai:nči21=wɔ434
Mao & Li 2002: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (same as in 'man' q.v.).
Xiaozhai Younuo:mui31-tuŋ33-nɔ135
Mao & Li 2007: 246.
Huangluo Younuo:mǝ31-tou33-nɔ135
Mao & Li 2007: 246.
Northern Pa-Hng:qo22=tʰei53-ni̯ɛ331
Mao & Li 1997: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'man' q.v.); the third one is 'person' q.v.
Southern Pa-Hng:qo31=mɛ̃531
Mao & Li 1997: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'woman' q.v.
Hm-Nai:qa55=pʰi̯ei53-nai331
Mao & Li 1997: 270. The first morpheme is a classifier for people (see the same morpheme in 'man' q.v.); the third one is 'person' q.v.
Lianhua She:ne2=va34
Mao & Meng 1986: 103. The first morpheme is 'person' q.v. Quoted as le31=va44 in [Hiroki 2003: 235].
Luofu She:ne2=va34
Mao & Meng 1986: 103. The first morpheme is 'person' q.v.
Pa Na:va44-na3134
Chen 2001: 77. Not attested in Taguchi's vocabulary. The second morpheme is 'person' q.v.
Yang 2004: 321. Cf. Xiaozhang li55, Dengshang lei44 id.
Qiandong:lɛ31
Zhang 1990: 283; MYYFY 1987: 94.
Chuanqiandian:lo51
MYYFY 1987: 94.
Diandongbei:lu81
MYYFY 1987: 94.
Hmong Daw:lu31
Heimbach 1979: 120.
Hmong Njua:lu31
Lyman 1974: 172. Exact synonym: tu̯a1 'short' [Lyman 1974: 326]. The two morphemes can also be joined together in a bisyllabic compound: tu̯a1-lu3 id.
Bunu:luŋ31
Meng 2001: 226; MYYFY 1987: 94.
Baonao:lɔ31
Meng 2001: 226.
Numao:luŋ31
Meng 2001: 226.
Longhua Jiongnai:laŋ531
Mao & Li 2002: 294.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:lã351
Mao & Li 2002: 294.
Xiaozhai Younuo:luŋ221
Mao & Li 2007: 277.
Huangluo Younuo:lou221
Mao & Li 2007: 277.
Northern Pa-Hng:laŋ221
Mao & Li 1997: 302.
Southern Pa-Hng:lɔ̃311
Mao & Li 1997: 302.
Hm-Nai:laŋ131
Mao & Li 1997: 302.
Lianhua She:naŋ31
Mao & Meng 1986: 125. Quoted as laŋ44 in [Hiroki 2003: 269].
Luofu She:naŋ31
Mao & Meng 1986: 125.
Pa Na:lõ31
Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as lon44 in [Chen 2001: 81].
Number:106
Word:snake
Western Xiangxi:ta1=nen11
Xiang 1992: 192; MYYFY 1987: 86. Initial ta1= is a classifier for animals. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 272]: Jiwei ta35=nen35, Yangmeng ta54=noŋ54, Zhongxin ta55=nei55.
Eastern Xiangxi:nɛ531
Yang 2004: 272. Cf. Xiaozhang ne53, Dengshang ne54 id.
Qiandong:naŋ11
Zhang 1990: 320; MYYFY 1987: 86.
Chuanqiandian:naŋ11
MYYFY 1987: 86.
Diandongbei:pi1=naɯ11
MYYFY 1987: 86. Initial pi1= is a classifier.
Hmong Daw:na11
Heimbach 1979: 135. Used with the classifier tu5.
Hmong Njua:naŋ11
Lyman 1974: 197. Also used as a generic term for various reptiles or non-reptiles that resemble a snake (eels, etc.). Used with the classifier tu6.
Bunu:nǝŋ11
Meng 2001: 198. Quoted as nɤŋ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 86].
Baonao:nɒ11
Meng 2001: 198.
Numao:nɑn11
Meng 2001: 198.
Longhua Jiongnai:nen441
Mao & Li 2002: 261.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:nan441
Mao & Li 2002: 261.
Xiaozhai Younuo:kau35=ni331
Mao & Li 2007: 249.
Huangluo Younuo:ni331
Mao & Li 2007: 249.
Northern Pa-Hng:neŋ351
Mao & Li 1997: 258.
Southern Pa-Hng:ŋ̩31=nẽ351
Mao & Li 1997: 258. Initial ŋ̩31= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:n̩22=nɯŋ351
Mao & Li 1997: 258. Initial n̩22= is a desemanticized classifier.
Lianhua She:tɔ4=ɔn22
Mao & Meng 1986: 98. Quoted as tɔ54=uan31 in [Hiroki 2003: 36].
Luofu She:tɔ4=ɔn22
Mao & Meng 1986: 98.
Pa Na:la6=gaŋ13
Taguchi 2001: 87. Quoted as gaŋ13 in [Chen 2001: 78].
Number:107
Word:thin
Western Xiangxi:ʆu11
Xiang 1992: 242. Same word as 'small' q.v. However, a separate equivalent is found in [Yang 2004: 329]: Jiwei maŋ22, Yangmeng maŋ33, Zhongxin maŋ33.
Eastern Xiangxi:ʆi351
Yang 2004: 329. Cf. Xiaozhang ʆi21, Denghshang ʆi35-ʆi35-nɤ44 id.
Qiandong:
Not attested.
Chuanqiandian:
Not attested.
Diandongbei:
Not attested.
Hmong Daw:ɲi̯a52
Heimbach 1979: 219. Meaning glossed as 'thin, not thick, measuring relatively little between opposite surfaces'.
Hmong Njua:ɲa62
Lyman 1974: 226. Meaning glossed as 'to be thin, sheer'. Cf. also the reduplication ɲe6-ɲe6 'to be thin (i. e. not thick)'. Additionally, cf. nzau6 'to be thin', nzau6-nzau6 'to be skinny, emaciated' [Lyman 1974: 222].
Bunu:sʰaŋ13
Meng 2001: 228.
Baonao:mǝ44
Meng 2001: 228.
Numao:ncʰɑy35
Meng 2001: 228.
Longhua Jiongnai:ɲiŋ312
Mao & Li 2002: 294.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ɲiŋ532
Mao & Li 2002: 294.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ɲi222
Mao & Li 2007: 273.
Huangluo Younuo:ɲi222
Mao & Li 2007: 273.
Northern Pa-Hng:ɲi222
Mao & Li 1997: 303.
Southern Pa-Hng:ɲɦı312
Mao & Li 1997: 303.
Hm-Nai:n̩222
Mao & Li 1997: 303.
Lianhua She:ŋin42
Mao & Meng 1986: 125. Quoted as ŋin54 in [Hiroki 2003: 270].
Luofu She:ŋin42
Mao & Meng 1986: 125.
Pa Na:ni̯iŋ42
Taguchi 2001: 91. Quoted as ɲiŋ31 in [Chen 2001: 81].
Number:108
Word:wind
Western Xiangxi:ki51
Xiang 1992: 62. Transcribed as ɕi5 in [MYYFY 1987: 108] (with palatalization). Cf. in [Yang 2004: 243]: Jiwei ɕi54, Yangmeng ɕi35, Zhongxin ɕi31.
Eastern Xiangxi:ɕi311
Yang 2004: 243. Also Xiaozhang ɕi33, Dengshang ɕi22 id.
Qiandong:ɕen51
Zhang 1990: 255. Transcribed as ɕin5 in [MYYFY 1987: 108].
Chuanqiandian:ɕua51
MYYFY 1987: 108.
Diandongbei:ɕa51
MYYFY 1987: 108.
Hmong Daw:ɕu̯ǝ41
Heimbach 1979: 18. Used with the classifier tɨ4 for 'gusts of wind'.
Hmong Njua:ɕu̯a31
Lyman 1974: 347.
Bunu:ka3=ɕi51
Meng 2001: 193. Quoted as ka3=ɕi5 in [MYYFY 1987: 108]. Initial ka3= is a desemanticized classifier.
Baonao:ɕi51
Meng 2001: 193.
Numao:ɕi51
Meng 2001: 193.
Longhua Jiongnai:či351
Mao & Li 2002: 254.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:či221
Mao & Li 2002: 254.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ki351
Mao & Li 2007: 235.
Huangluo Younuo:ki531
Mao & Li 2007: 235.
Northern Pa-Hng:aŋ35=ɕi551
Mao & Li 1997: 248. A compound in which the first component is 'water' q.v.
Southern Pa-Hng:ɔ̃35=ɕi551
Mao & Li 1997: 248. A compound in which the first component is 'water' q.v.
Hm-Nai:aŋ35=ɕi551
Mao & Li 1997: 248. A compound in which the first component is 'water' q.v.
Lianhua She:ki11
Mao & Meng 1986: 93. Quoted as ki22 in [Hiroki 2003: 10].
Luofu She:ki51
Mao & Meng 1986: 93.
Pa Na:ci̯i51
Taguchi 2001: 86. Quoted as ɕi35 in [Chen 2001: 76].
Number:109
Word:worm
Western Xiangxi:ta1=kin11
Xiang 1992: 28. Transcribed as ta1=ɕen1 in [MYYFY 1987: 138] (with palatalization). Initial ta1= is a classifier for animals. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 270]: Jiwei ta35=ɕen35, Yangmeng ta54=koŋ54, Zhongxin ta55=ɕi55.
Eastern Xiangxi:ɕi531
Yang 2004: 270. Cf. Xiaozhang ɕe53, Dengshang ke54 id.
Qiandong:kaŋ11
Zhang 1990: 123; MYYFY 1987: 138.
Chuanqiandian:kaŋ11
MYYFY 1987: 138.
Diandongbei:pi1=kaɯ11
MYYFY 1987: 138. Initial pi1= is a classifier.
Hmong Daw:ɕu̯ǝ4-na12
Heimbach 1979: 18. Meaning glossed as 'earthworm'. Used with the classifier tu5. The second component of the compound is na1 'snake' q.v.; the first one is probably the old root morpheme of 'worm'.
Meng 2001: 199. Initial ka1= is a desemanticized classifier.
Baonao:ɕey1=ŋi̯a52
Meng 2001: 199.
Numao:ŋkɑu44
Meng 2001: 199.
Longhua Jiongnai:ka44=ʑaŋ445
Mao & Li 2002: 262. Initial ka44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:kɛ44=ʑaŋ445
Mao & Li 2002: 262. Initial kɛ44= is a desemanticized classifier.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ki13=ki̯aŋ331
Mao & Li 2007: 251.
Huangluo Younuo:ki13=ki̯aŋ331
Mao & Li 2007: 251.
Northern Pa-Hng:qa22=yoŋ356
Mao & Li 1997: 260. Initial qa22= is a desemanticized classifier.
Southern Pa-Hng:qɤ35=yõ356
Mao & Li 1997: 260. Initial qɤ35= is a desemanticized classifier.
Hm-Nai:qei35=ɕuŋ353
Mao & Li 1997: 260. Initial qei35= is a desemanticized classifier.
Lianhua She:ka1=zuŋ15
Mao & Meng 1986: 99. Quoted as ka22=zɤŋ22 in in [Hiroki 2003: 99].
Luofu She:ka1=zuŋ15
Mao & Meng 1986: 99.
Pa Na:gaŋ13=ʑuŋ13 #5
Chen 2001: 78. Meaning listed as 'earthworm' (蚯蚓). Distinct from kiŋ1 [Taguchi 2001: 87] = keŋ13 in [Chen 2001: 78], listed simply as 'worm' (虫).
Number:110
Word:year
Western Xiangxi:ɕu51
Xiang 1992: 152; MYYFY 1987: 90. Secondary synonym: ɕɛ̃1 [Xiang 1992: 152] (transcribed as ɕɛ1 in [MYYFY 1987: 80]). This word, however, is specified in both sources as Chinese 過年 guò nián 'next year', so it is clearly not eligible for inclusion. Cf. in [Yang 2004: 305]: Jiwei ɕu54, Yangmeng ɕu35, Zhongxin ɕu31.
Eastern Xiangxi:cɔ311
Yang 2004: 305. Cf. Xiaozhang cu33, Dengshang cɯ22 id.
Qiandong:n̥ʰiu52
Zhang 1990: 215; MYYFY 1987: 90.
Chuanqiandian:ʆoŋ51
MYYFY 1987: 90.
Diandongbei:ʆao71
MYYFY 1987: 90.
Hmong Daw:ʆõ41
Heimbach 1979: 416.
Hmong Njua:ʆoŋ31
Lyman 1974: 131. Cf. also če1 'one-year period of time which has already passed' [Lyman 1974: 78], e. g. če1-nu̯a2 'last year'.
Bunu:saŋ51
Meng 2001: 195. Quoted as ʆaŋ5 in [MYYFY 1987: 90].
Baonao:sɔŋ51
Meng 2001: 195.
Numao:ci̯ou51
Meng 2001: 195.
Longhua Jiongnai:ɲ̥ɔuŋ352
Mao & Li 2002: 256.
Liuxiang Jiongnai:ɲ̥ɔ222
Mao & Li 2002: 256.
Xiaozhai Younuo:ti̯uŋ353
Mao & Li 2007: 271.
Huangluo Younuo:ti̯uŋ533
Mao & Li 2007: 271.
Northern Pa-Hng:ɕaŋ551
Mao & Li 1997: 252.
Southern Pa-Hng:ɕɔ̃551
Mao & Li 1997: 252.
Hm-Nai:ɕuŋ551
Mao & Li 1997: 252.
Lianhua She:ŋi̯ɔ52
Mao & Meng 1986: 95. Quoted as ŋi̯ɔ11 in [Hiroki 2003: 292]; the same source also lists ŋin35 as a synonym (a borrowing from Chinese?).