арабский:ʔašram- 'qui a le nez mutilé, à qui on a coupé le bout du nez' [BK 1 1222]
тигре:šǝrum 'slit-lipped' [LH 211].
Note that morphologically the word is formed as a passive participle from šärmä 'to break through' (see above)
мехри:šǝrēm 'hare-lipped' [JMhr 396]
джиббали:s̃érǝm 'to have a hare-lip' [JJ 267]; cf. s̃šrim 'to be given a hare-lip' (s̃-stem; note -š- in a non-initial position)
харсуси:meŝrīm 'hare-lipped' [JH 121]
NOTES:A very tentative reconstruction of *ŝ1- suggested by ARB š- vs. variation of sibilants in MSA languages (see below).
Probably connected with SEM *ŝrm {} *ĉrm (or *ŝ1rm {} *ŝrm?) 'to cut, split, break': AKK šarāmu 'to break open a seal, cut to size, prune, weed' OB on [CAD š2 48-9], [AHw 1184]; SYR šrm 'fregit' [Brock 809] (note š- instead of the expected *s-); ARB šrm 'fendre légerement, déchirer légèrement, y causer une déchirure' [BK 1 1222] (note the terms with anatomic connotations: šarūm-, šarīm- 'femmes chez qui le périnée est rompu, de manière que les deux voies se joignent', šarīm- 'parties naturelles de la femme' [ibid.]); TGR šärmä 'to break through'.
See a variant SEM root *srm {} *crm 'to cut': AKK sarāmu 'to cut, cut into, make an incision' OB on [CAD s 172], [AHw 1028]; ARB srm II 'couper en morceaux' [BK 1 1084].
Cf. *h_rm 'to have an incision, esp. to have a slit nose or hare-lip' (No. ).
[Brock 499]: SYR, ARB
NUMBER:2301
PROTO:*ŝyb {} *ĉyb
MEANING:to have grey hair
аккадский:šībtu 'grey hair' Mari, SB [CAD š2 386], [AHw 1228], šâbu 'to become old' OA, OB on [CAD š1 19], [AHw 1224], šību 'old' OB on [CAD š2 389], [AHw 1228], šību 'old man' OAkk on [CAD š2 390], [AHw 1228]
NOTES:Also *ŝayb-(at-) ~ *ŝīb-(at-) {} *ĉayb-(at-) ~ *ĉīb-(at-) 'grey hair'; widely spread nominal forms may be regarded as primary ones, and verbal forms as derived.
Note the derived meanings 'to be old', 'old', 'old age' attested throughout SEM.
аккадский:(?) ṣiāh_u, ṣâh_u, OB on [CAD ṣ 64], [AHw 1096].
Phonetically hard to explain; may there have been loss of *-ḳ caused by incompatibility of two "emphatics" in *ṣh_ḳ < *ṣ̂ḥḳ? Otherwise to be probably compared to ARB and UGR ṣyḥ 'to cry, to shout'? Cf. also šeh_ēḳu 'to sneeze (?)' SB [CAD š2 263], [AHw 1209]; difficult semantically, though compatible phonetically (<*ŝḥḳ < *ṣ̂ḥḳ?)
угаритский:ẓḥḳ [Gordon 27] (in UT 75 where ẓ regularly renders *ṣ̂), ṣḥḳ [Aist 266]
A detailed analysis of a possible geographical and chronological distribution of these variants may be found in [Steiner 116-7]; the author is inclined to think that forms with ŝ are normally younger
арамейские:HTR šḥḳ 'to laugh, smile kindly on so.' [HJ 1121-22] (from *ŝḥḳ, dissimilated from *ṣ̂ḥḳ?)
иудейский арамейский:ṣǝḥaḳ [Ja 1274] (from *ṣ̂ḥḳ to avoid *ʕḥḳ with two incompatible pharyngeals), ʔăḥīk [ibid. 40] (from or, rather, instead of *ʕḥk to avoid two incompatible pharyngeals, from *ṣ̂ḥk), ḥūk [ibid. 432] (same process, but followed by elision of *ʔ-), gǝḥak [ibid. 233], gḥk 'to laugh, jest' [Sok 126] (same process: g- instead of *ʕ- to avoid incompatible *ʕ- and *-ḥ-).
Cf. dǝḥak [Ja 292], dḥk 'to laugh, make fun of' [Sok 153], to be treated as a variant root? Cf. another variant root dʕk [ibid.]. Note also GUR daḳä; one more variant root (<*dḥḳ or *dʕḳ?)
сирийский арамейский:gǝḥēk [Brock 113].
From *ṣ̂ḥk, see comments to JUD
мандейский арамейский:AHK, ʕHK [DM 9], GHK [ibid. 81] (all from *ṣ̂ḥk, see comments to JUD), SHK [ibid. 320] (from *ŝḥk from *ṣ̂ḥk to avoid *ṣ̂ḥk > *ʕḥk, with two incompatible pharyngeals; see JUD)
арабский:ḍḥk (-a-) [BK 2 11]
геэз (древнеэфиопский):ŝaḥaḳa, ŝǝḥḳa (a) [LGz 528] (from *ṣ̂ḥḳ, with dissimilation of two "emphatics"?)
тигре:säḥaḳä [LH 171] (from *ṣ̂ḥḳ? See GEZ)
тиграй (тигринья):säḥaḳä [Bass 170] (from *ṣ̂ḥḳ? See GEZ)
On the importance of the GAF example as the unique representative of SEM *ṣ̂ḥḳ in ETH, see [Leslau Contributions 44] and [Steiner 112]
восточноэфиопские:HAR sēḥaḳa [LHar 138]; SEL ZWY sāḳä, WOL saʔä [LGur 556] (all from *ṣ̂ḥḳ? See GEZ)
гураге:CHA EZ̆A MUH MSQ SOD daḳä, GYE dāḳä, MUH GOG SOD daʔä, ENN END dāʔä [ibid. 216].
Hetzron and Habtä Maryam proposed that d- may be a reflex of the lateralization, which seems unlikely and was repeatedly refuted by Leslau (on this discussion see [Steiner 112]); cf. ARM JUD dḥk/dʕk
мехри:ẑǝḥāk (ō) [JM 475]
джиббали:ẑaḥák [JJ 325]
харсуси:ẑǝḥāk [JH 151]
сокотри:ḍáḥak [LS 361]
NOTES:One of phonetically most difficult lexical comparisons in Semitic languages. Numerous and diverse phonetic changes are accounted for by various degree of incompatibility, in individual languages, of the given trio of radicals. It is hard to chose, in the PSEM reconstruction, between *ṣ̂ḥk {} *ĉ̣ḥk reflected in most ARM, ARB and MSA (with a further -k > -ḳ by assimilation to the "emphatic" ṣ̂- {} *ĉ̣-) and *ṣ̂ḥḳ {} *ĉ̣ḥḳ reflected in UGR ẓḥḳ, HBR and ARM JUD ṣḥḳ, and GAF (with a reverse process: -ḳ > -k by dissimilation of the two "emphatics"). The latter hypothesis, however, looks preferable as it explains better what can be assumed as an alternative dissimilation of *ṣ̂ḥḳ {} *ĉ̣ḥḳ into *ŝḥḳ {} *ĉḥḳ in HBR, ARM HTR and ETH (with the exception of GAF); the development *ṣ̂ḥk {} *ĉ̣ḥk into *ŝḥḳ {} *ĉḥḳ implies an intermediate stage of *ṣ̂ḥk {} *ĉ̣ḥk > *ṣ̂ḥḳ {} *ĉ̣ḥḳ (and only then > *ŝḥḳ {} *ĉḥḳ) and seems more complicated.
Note that some of MSA forms (JIB and HRS z_́ḥḳ, BṬḤ s̃ ́) quoted in [Steiner 115] apud [Thomas 1937] are not found either in Johnstone's dictionaries or in [LS]. Of much interest are various parallel strategies of avoiding two pharyngeals in ARM.
арабский:ḍrṭ (-u-) 'peter (avec un pet qui fait s'entendre)' [BK 2 22]
мехри:ẑǝrūṭ (-ē-) 'to fart (audibly)' [JM 478]
джиббали:ẑérɔ́ṭ [JJ 327]
харсуси:ẑerōṭ [JH 152]
сокотри:ẑerót [LS 365] (-t due to dissimilation of the "emphatics")
NOTES:Cf. what may be a metathetic variant root in MSA: MHR ẑāṭǝr, HRS ẑǝṭǝrḗt, JIB (EAST) ẑéṭǝr, (CENTR) ẑǝtrét (note -t- instead of *-ṭ-) 'buttocks' [SSL 2 249]; note also ARB ḍawṭar-, ḍayṭar- 'homme grand, gros, épais et fessu' [BK 2 26], with a difficult, but not impossible, meaning shift.
Jastrow regards these forms as derived from the af. stem of the verb twb 'to go back, return, do again' corresponding to HBR šwb [ibid. 1649], presumably implying food going back; in view of the comparative data, this looks rather a folk etymology
тигре:täfʔa 'cracher' [LH 322 apud Munzinger]; cf. also tǝf bälä 'to puff, to make tff as if wishing to spit' [ibid.]
тиграй (тигринья):täfʔe 'vomitare' [Bass 423]
амхарский:täffa 'to spit' [K 1001]
аргобба:ntf 'to spit'
восточноэфиопские:HAR tuf bāya; WOL tuf balä, SEL tuff balä, ZWY tǝf-um bālä do. [LGur 592]
гураге:CHA täfa EZ̆A MUH MSQ GOG SOD täffa, END tuff balä, CHA EZ̆A MUH MSQ GOG SOD ǝtǝff balä, ENN ǝtǝff barä, END ǝtuff barä, GYE itǝff barä do. [ibid.]
NOTES:Rather a biconsonantal stem with various triconsonantal stems (*tpp, *twp and *tpʔ).
Note JIB tféf 'worthlessness in this world and perdition in the next' [JJ 269], apparently related with an interesting semantic evolution.
Cf. *tbb ~ *twb (No. ).
Cf. a variant root in ETH: TGR ṭäfʔa 'to spit', ṭǝfǝʔ, ṭǝfäʔ, ṭǝfʔat 'spittle' [LH 621] (also ṭäfʕa 'to spit', ṭǝfʕat 'spittle' [ibid.]), TNA ṭuf bälä 'sputare', ṭǝfṭaf 'saliva' [Bass 992]; probably makes a common root with ARB ṭawf- 'excréments humains' [BK 2 121], with an unusual but not unattested, meaning shift: cf. ARB in *g(ʷ)ŝʕ/ʔ {} *g(ʷ)ĉʕ/ʔ, No. .
One wonders whether these variant roots (*tbb ~ *twb, *tpp ~ *twp ~ *tpʔ, and *ṭpp ~ *ṭpṭp ~ *ṭpʔ/ʕ) might suggest PSEM *tṗ
NUMBER:2306
PROTO:*ṭmm ~ *ʔṭm
MEANING:to be deaf and mute
аккадский:ṭummum- 'taub' OB on [AHw 1394], ṭummumu (D-stem) '(Ohren) verschliessen, taub machen' SB [ibid.]
еврейский (иврит):ʔṭm 'stop up one's ear' [KB 37]
еврейский (иврит):*hištīn (in the participle maštīn) 'sein Wasser ablassen, harnen' [KB deutsch 1371], *šayin (in pl. suff. šēnēhäm) 'Harnwasser, Urin' [ibid.].
The verb is to be treated, at least synchronically, as hipʕīl from *štn, though historically -t- is certainly a passive-reflexive stem infix. The noun attested only in Kt (the consonantal teхt), is euphemistically replaced in Qr by mēmē raḡlēhäm 'the water of their legs'
иудейский арамейский:ʔaštēn [Ja 1639], [Sok 569].
š instead of the expected t may be explained either as a loan from HBR or, rather, as a result of dissimilation (*t_t > št instead of *tt)
All these forms are treated as having the consonantal root mt_n by most Arabic dictionaries; however, they may be formally derived from the verb t_yn as well (сf. GEZ maŝyant 'bladder' <*ŝyn). Note also YEM t_ēnin 'faeces' compared to this root in [Behnstedt 160]
геэз (древнеэфиопский):ŝena, sena [LGz 540], ŝǝnt 'urine', maŝyant 'bladder' [ibid.].
ŝ instead of the expected s in part of the forms looks rather a current confusion of graphemes ŝ (<*ŝ) and s (<*š, *s and *t_). An opposite point of view including discussion of the word in question, see in [Voigt 1994, p.105], where a correspondance SEM *t_ ~ GEZ ŝ is postulated
тигре:šena [LH 227], šǝn (šǝnt- before suffixes) 'urine' [ibid.]
NOTES:Of interest is that a presumably deverbal noun *t_in-at-/*t_ayn-(at-) {} *čin-at-/*čayn-(at-) 'urine' is somewhat better preserved throughout SEM.
Note verbal forms with the passive-reflexive *-t- infix in AKK, UGR, HBR and possibly JUD.
арабский:d_̣lʕ (a) 'clocher, boiter, de manière à incliner de côté en marchant' [BK 2 137]
мехри:d_̣áwla 'to be cripped, limp' [JM 84]
джиббали:d_̣élaʕ 'to be cripped, lame' [JJ 49]
харсуси:d_̣áwla 'to limp' [JH 30]
NOTES:Cf. ETH: GEZ ṣalʕa 'to be wounded, be superficially healed' [LGz 554], TGR ṣälʕa 'to be sore, wounded' [LH 633], TNA (tä)ṣälʕa 'to be a little sick' [LGz 554], HAR ṭuluʕ 'wound' [ibid.], WOL (a)ṭole, ZWY aṭūlī 'wound' [LGur 616]; may it be related with a specific semantic development?
восточноэфиопские:WOL ZWY mǝraḳ, SEL mǝrāḳ 'spittle, saliva' [LGur 422]
гураге:END mǝnǝʔ do. [ibid.].
Cf. SOD ǝrǝmmač̣ä do. [LGur I 1044]; according to [LGur 89], a metathesis of mǝraḳ (note a misprint ǝrǝmmačä [ibid.]). Cf. also GOG ǝmburḳǝyä, etc. (-mb- <*-m-!) do. compared by Leslau with AMH mǝraḳ [LGur 45]
NOTES:Alternatively to be regarded as a biconsonantal verbal or nominal (*rVḳ- 'spittle, saliva') root, which gave rise to verbs formed after different triconsontization patterns: *wrḳ (HBR, JUD, GEZ), *rḳḳ and *rw/yḳ (HBR, JUD).
Possibly related to or contaminated with SEM *rw/yḳ 'to pour out, empty out' ~ *rḳy 'to sprinkle' (see [KB 1227], [LGz 473]).
NOTES:Rather scarcely attested; included into anatomic lexicon quite conventionally.
ETH *zmw.
Justly distinguished by Leslau (see discussion in [LGz 639-40]) from the forms with -n, cf. *z/d_ny {} *ʒ/ǯny, No. .
Cf. ARB d_mm II 'blâmer, relever les défauts, les vices de quelqu'un; commettre une action blâmable' [BK 1 781]' related with an apparent meaning shift (cf. ARB zny 'commettre l'adultère' [BK 1 1018] ~ zānaçnß- 'vice, défaut' [ibid. 789]).
аккадский:alpu 'bull, ox; (head) of cattle; beef' OAkk. on [CAD a1 364], [AHw. 38]. // The existence of a special form with the fem. marker -at- is questionable: the OAkk. form al-pá-tim (pl.f.) is rendered as 'Kuh' in [AHw. 38], but see the remark "the ref. GAL al(?)-pá-tim does not suffice to posit a fem. *alpatum" in [CAD a1 372].
угаритский:ʔalp 'res de vacuno, buey, becerro, res joven' [DLU 29-30]. // The term is rare in mytho-poetical literature but widely used in administrative texts.
финикийский:ʔlp 'ox' [T 20], [Krah. 55]. // In KAI 24:11 (wmy bl ḥz pn ʔlp 'one who did not see the face of a bull') and 26 A III:8 (z ʔš yšb bn ykn bʕl ʔlpm 'one who will live in it will be the owner of large cattle), see [Gibson 35, 51], [Tropper Zincirli 42]. Also in the Punic offering tariff from Marseilles (KAI 69:3). For the plant name lasounalph (alsounalph) in Dioscurides, most probably a Punic word literally meaning 'Ox-tongue' see now a special study [Steiner Oxtongue 98-103].
еврейский (иврит):ʔäläp 'cattle' [KB 59]. // A rare poetic term (with the exception of Dt 7.13 šǝgar ʔălāpǟkā wǝʕaštǝrōt ṣō(ʔ)näkā 'offsprings of your large and small cattle' and parallel passages in the same book). In Ps 144.14 and Sir 38.25 a related term ʔallūp 'cow, bull' is found, built after a secondary derivational pattern (ʔallūpēnū mǝsubbāllīm 'our cows are pregnant', bʔlwp ynhg yšwbb bšwr '[one who] leads a bull, turns back an ox').
арамейские: Dem. ʔlp 'bull' [HJ 1253]. // Sam. ʔlp 'cattle' [Tal 39] (in the translation of Dt 7.13, most probably a Hebraism).
сокотри:ʔalf 'génisse' [LS 62].
NOTES: The term is often assumed to be derived from the PS verbal root *ʔlp 'to be quiet, friendly; to domesticate' (see e.g. [KB 59], under Hbr. ʔlp 'to learn; to teach', with parallels from other languages). This derivation does not seem evident since the nominal root is much more widely attested than the verbal one and belongs to the oldest stock of PS faunal terms being attested both in Akk. and MSA. A later contamination in particular languages cannot be exluded, however (see especially Hbr. ʔallūp above, meaning both 'bull, cow' and 'close friend'). // [DRS 21]: *ʔalp- 'boeuf' (Akk., Ugr., Hbr., Pho., Off. /not in [HJ]/, Soq.); [Fron. 28]: *ʔalp- 'bue' (Soq., Hbr., Ugr., Akk.); [KB 59]: Hbr., Pho., Ugr., Soq., Akk.; [DLU 29- 30]: Ugr., Hbr., Pho., Arm., Akk.; [LS 62]: Soq., Akk., Hbr.; [Firmage 1152]: Akk., Hbr., Ugr.
аккадский:azaru (azzaru) 'lynx' OB on [CAD a2 527], [AHw. 92]. // In OB as a proper name only, relatively rare in also later texts also. The best known passage is that from Sanherib's inscription OIP 2 34 III 56 where azzaru occurs in comparison with Shuzubu, a king of the South Mesopotamian marshy area (kīma azzari ēdiš ipparšid 'he fled alone like an a.'). Departing from this passage, B.Landsberger identified a. with Lynx chaus (cf. [Landsberger Fauna 87], [Salonen Jagd 186]). In lexical lists equated to Sum. SA.A.RI.RI.
геэз (древнеэфиопский):ʔanzar 'wild cat' [LGz. 34]. // According to Leslau, a misprint for ʔanar (= Amh. ʔanär 'wildcat') which seems unlikely in view of the Akk. cognate above (note in particular the double -zz- in Akk. which well corresponds to -nz- in Gez.).
NUMBER:2317
PROTO:*ʔanap-at-
MEANING:kind of bird
аккадский:anpatu 'a bird' SB [CAD a2 143], [AHw. 54]. // According to [Salonen Vögel 120], possibly 'flamingo'.
еврейский (иврит):ʔănāpā 'kind of bird (plover or cormorant)' [KB 72]. // Listed among the forbidden birds of the dietary laws (Lv 11.19 and Dt 14.18), between ḥăsīdā and dūkīpat.
арамейские: D.-Alla ʔnph 'type of bird' [HJ 84]. // In I 8, in a difficult context (ḥ[sd...] bny nḥṣ wṣrh ʔprḥy ʔnph). According to [Hackett 29, 48], 'the st[ork ...] the young of the NḤṢ-bird (?) and claws up young herons').
NOTES: According to [Zimmern 51], the Hbr. and Syr. forms are Akkadisms which remains to be proved. // [KB 72], [Firmage 1155], [Salonen Vögel 120]: Hbr., Akk., Syr.
NUMBER:2318
PROTO:*ʔan(V)ḳ-
MEANING:a bird of prey
арабский:ʔanūḳ- 'oiseau noir de la grandeur d'un corbeau, vivant dans les ruines ou sur le sommet des montagnes, et se nourissant de charogne' [BK 1 64], [Lane 118], [LA X 10].
NOTES: Possibly an Arb.-Eth. areal term. // Cf. forms with ʕ- instead of ʔ- in Arb. (ʕanḳāʔ- 'oiseau de cou long, griffon, sorte d'oiseau fabuleux de grandeur prodigieuse, roi des oiseaux, Anka' [LA X 276]) and Gez. (māʕǝnaḳ, māʕǝnḳ 'turtledove, locust-eating crane' [LGz. 326]). Syr. ʕǝnāḳā 'struthiocamelus' [Brock.535], [PS 2935] is certainly an Arabism (a late gloss explaining Arb. ʕanḳāʔ-). // [LGz. 31]: Gez., Eth., Arb.
аккадский:ayāṣu 'weasel; a bag to carry oil, made of the skin of the weasel' OB on [CAD a1 231], ayyaṣu [AHw. 25]. // In OB as a proper name only. In later periods, in lexical lists (= Sum. DINGIR.NIN.KILIM.EDIN.NA), divinatory and medical texts. Well attested is mašak ayāṣi 'the skind of a.' as a kind of receptacle. Cf. further [Salonen Jagd 163], [Landsberger Fauna 113].
NOTES: All Eth. forms are thought to be Cushitisms in [LGz.], though Amh. ayṭ is also compared to Akk. (with an extremely strange observation: "in case it [ayṭ - A.M., L.K.] does not go back to *anṣay, cp. Akk. ayaṣu 'weasel'). Forms very close to the Eth. examples above are indeed quite widespread in Cushitic (v. [SIFKYa 142], *ʕAnC̣Aw- 'mouse, rat'), so that the loan hypothesis is not unlikely and presupposes an Akkadian-Cushitic isogloss (the Eth. forms being of no relevance for the PS reconstruction). However, a contamination of an inherited Sem. word with (ultimately related) Cush. terms cannot be excluded. It is important to observe that only Geez shares with Akk. the meaning 'weasel' while all Neo-Ethiopian (as well as Cushitic) terms // mean only 'mouse'. // As for the Eth. forms in ḥ-, cf. Akk. h̊umṣ/sīr-, h̊umuṣṣīr-, h̊umunṣ/sīr-, h̊a/um(a)sīrum, h̊ab/maṣīr- '`(grosse) Maus' ([big] mouse) ' OAk, Bab.; LL; used as a PN in OAk, OB, and LB; Fauna 105f.; AHw.., p.355; h̊umṣirt-, h̊ab(a)ṣirt- `weiblische Maus' (female mouse) S/LB; PN in LB (Hab/Ha-ba-ṣir-tum/ti); AHw.., p.355 + ЭБЛА.
