Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. An expressive root; the vocalism is hard to establish. PD *ḳas: reflects a variant *ḳVmć_wV (with secondary labialisation).
Notes: One of several EC and NC roots with the structure *KVKV denoting some small object. The root is expressive, and it is hard to reconstruct vowels; however, consonantal correspondences are quite regular and the root is well represented, thus it must be reconstructed for PNC. See Abdokov 1983, 134 (with some confusion of several roots mentioned above). Cf. Hurr. kirikiri(j)annǝ 'seed of pine-cone' ( > Akkad. kirkiriannu), see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 57.
Similar roots are known in Kartvelian (PK *ḳaḳal- 'nut', *ḳaḳa- 'fruit stone'); however, the supposition of a late loan of Lezg. forms from Georg. ḳaḳali 'walnut' (Klimov 1972, 352) or from Arm. k:ak:al id. (Klimov, Vinogradova 1979, 158) is unacceptable - both because Lezg. forms are very different semantically and because they fit well into the common NC root. The Armenian form itself is obviously a Caucasian loanword.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The root contains a rare cluster of two resonants (it is not excluded that *-nV here is an old suffix). The uvular reflex in PTs (*q̇ʷ-) must be explained by PTs pharyngealization (although its source is not quite clear). All other correspondences are regular, and the root seems quite reliable.
If we assume that *-nV is a suffix here, the root *ḳwărV could be linked with another Av.-And. derivate, *ḳʷVr-tV 'young donkey' (Av. ḳert, Chad. ḳert, Cham. Gig. ḳorti, Bagv. Tlo. ḳortu; Av. > Arch. ḳeIrt, Bezht. ḳerṭ, Gunz. ḳert).
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are regular (it seems probable that the Khin. word for 'nose' also belongs here - with a secondary dissimilative deglottalisation of the second consonant).
Notes: A Nakh-Lezg. isogloss. Tentatively one can compare also Lak. ḳart:aši (Balk. ḳʷart:ajš:i, Khosr. ḳʷart:aši) 'a big earthenware jar with wide mouth') - although the suffixation is quite strange, and the origin of medial -r- is unclear (this could be a distorted compound of *ḳʷat: + some obscure second component).
Notes: Reasons for delabialisation in PAK are not clear; otherwise the correspondences are quite regular. Note that this root was specifically used to denote a small bone for throwing (Russ. 'альчик') - hence also the meaning 'lot' in Lak.
Notes: An expressive reduplicated root; despite this, correspondences are regular, and the PNC reconstruction seems rather probable. Cf. also Hurr. kakkari ( > Akkad. kakkaru) 'a sort of sweetmeat', see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 56.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The root should be distinguished from a similar *kīc̣ɨ̄ 'puppy' q.v. (although some contaminations are possible).
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The PL form demonstrates an assimilation (*ḳunč > *ḳunč̣). We must mention also an isolated Tsezian form: Khvarsh. ḳuca 'onion'. It can not correspond to other forms for phonetic reasons, and may be an old Nakh loanword.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The meaning 'drop' in some languages (Kar., Lak., Rut.) is probably a result of partial contamination with another similar PEC root, *ṭHänḳŏ q.v.
An EC source is probable for Georg. ḳwinṭali 'pimple', Osset. ḳʷɨdīlɨ / gudeli 'wart' (see Abayev 1958, 646-7: Osset.-Georg.).
