PAT *mǝħa, used in compounds (cf. Abkh. a-mħá-č̣ '(wooden) spoon', a-mħa-bǝsta, Bz. a-mħá-p 'a wooden shovel with long handle for stirring gruel', Abaz. mħa-č̣ʷa 'spoon' etc.); the same situation prevails in Ub., cf. Ub. mǝχ́ā-č̣́a 'wooden shovel for stirring gruel' (cf. āč̣́a 'wide and flat'), mǝχ́ā́-c̣ʷ 'spoon' ( = Abkh. a-mħáč̣). In all three subgroups of WC we have a delabialized uvular (after the initial labial). The labialisation, however, is to be reconstructed - otherwise (in case of PWC *q́) Ub. would have q́, not χ́, or (in case of PWC *χ́), the Adygh languages would have ħ, not χ. We can not distinguish between PWC *q́ʷ and *χ́ʷ here because of the Adygh form (the cluster *pχ-, because of a specific development of *q in clusters, can go back to both *pχ- and *pq-).
Additional note: there is an enigmatic form in EC: Kar. miʁaža 'wooden spoon'. It resembles Ub. mǝχ́āc̣ʷ and Abkh. a-mħáč̣, but it can not correspond to them phonetically (furthermore, we have demonstrated above that the WC forms in question have a complex morphological nature). Perhaps, we deal with an old loanword in Kar.?