Matsiyev 1961: 531; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 190. Oblique stem: owqʼ-ar- {овкъар-}. This is the default word for 'wood ashes' ('lye', Russian зола). It is distinct from čim [Matsiyev 1961: 492; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 387] '(fine) ashes' (Russian пепел).
Matsiyev 1961: 214; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 229. The form is listed as the only equivalent for 'bark' in the latter source, but is clearly a diminutive derivate of kowst {ковст} [Matsiyev 1961: 220] with vocalic assimilation (= Ingush kɔst-ilg 'little (piece of) bark').
Matsiyev 1961: 477; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 241. Complex form, literally 'to stick (in) the teeth'. Said of people; for animals, the verb leːca (originally 'to catch, seize') is used instead [Matsiyev 1961: 278].
Matsiyev 1961: 311; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 116. Distinct from maːmag 'female breast' [Matsiyev 1961: 286], although naːqa is also frequently used to indicate the female breast (maːmag is probably a "Lallwort").
Matsiyev 1961: 293, 310; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 322. Polysemy: 'nail / claw / hook'. The latter source only quotes the variant mʕaːra, and its primacy is also confirmed by external data.
Matsiyev 1961: 300. Durative stem; in [Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 403] for the meaning 'drink' (Russian durative пить) the authors quote the terminative stem mala 'to drink to the end' (Russian terminative выпить), which is not quite correct. Nevertheless, both forms obviously represent the same root.
Matsiyev 1961: 120; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 150. If no specific object is present, the usual construction is huma y=aʔa 'to eat (food)' (huma = 'thing(s); food').
Matsiyev 1961: 276; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 245. Chechen has no special verb to denote the process of 'flying'; for leːla, the polysemy 'move / walk / perambulate / fly (around)' is attested, and the directional meaning 'to fly (somewhere, in a particular direction)' may also be expressed by the verb d=aː-n 'to come' q. v.
Matsiyev 1961: 293; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 532. The word specifically denotes 'hollow horn' (of domestic cattle), as well as 'drinking horn', and is distinct as such from kur 'antler (of deer and various wild ungulates); (metaphorically) > forelock' [Matsiyev 1961: 232]. According to formalized rules, 'hollow horn' is eligible in this context rather than the more complex, less stable meaning 'antler' (this is also justified by the fact that only maʕa, not kur, clearly goes back to a Proto-Nakh word meaning 'horn').
Matsiyev 1961: 556. In [Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 244] 'to lie' (state) is translated as v=ižina ʕilla (an idiomatic compound with *=iž- 'to lie down'), but only the second component expresses the meaning 'to lie' in most syntactic contexts (e. g. lättah ʕilla 'to lie on the ground' etc.).
Matsiyev 1961: 378; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 270. Same word as 'person' q.v. In order to specifically denote a male human being, the compound börša stag may be used [Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 270], where börša is an adjectival derivate from borš 'male; young bull' [Matsiyev 1961: 71, 72]. This is not, however, basic usage; the semantic opposition 'man / woman' is normally rendered in Chechen as stag vs. zuda q.v.
Matsiyev 1961: 94; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 703. The latter source treats this as the general term, distinguished from lag [Matsiyev 1961: 267] 'front part of neck; throat' and yäʕna [Matsiyev 1961: 551] 'nape of neck'. However, [Matsieyv 1961] glosses worta as 'part of the neck below the back of the head; upper part of neck (of animals)' ('часть шеи ниже затылка; верхняя часть шеи (у животных)'). Still, considering also the existence of the adjectival derivate wortanan [ibid.] 'belonging to the neck; jugular, etc.', the word may safely be considered the primary entry for 'neck'.
59
new
kerla {керла}59
Matsiyev 1961: 215; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 322. Polysemy: 'new / fresh'. Secondary synonym: cʼina [Matsiyev 1961: 486]. The latter form, as seen from attested textual examples, despite its archaic character, is mainly used today only in the meaning 'not used up, not worn out' (e. g. cʼina kostüm 'a new costume'), whereas in the required meaning 'newly made; having recently made its appearance' the basic form is kerla. (The two words form a square opposition with, respectively, tiša 'old' = 'used up, worn out' and šira = 'ancient; having existed for a long time').
Matsiyev 1961: 476; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 296. This is the basic negative particle for the indicative mood, to be strictly distinguished from the prohibitive ma [Matsiyev 1961: 283]. The same root is also encountered as a verbal negative stem ('not to be / have'), in the form =ac- [Matsiyev 1961: 131], used instead of ca in the future tense.
Matsiyev 1961: 481; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 691. Same word as 'man' q.v. Oblique stem: stega-. In certain contexts the word has been replaced by the secondary synonym adam [Matsiyev 1961: 31], [Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 691], an Arabic loanword, but the original Nakh word stag is still quite commonly employed to denote 'human being'. Suppletive plural form: nax 'people' [Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 252].
Matsiyev 1961: 34; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 109. Terminative stem, as opposed to durative leː-n [Matsiyev 1961: 277]; should also be distinguished from d=iyc-a [Matsiyev 1961: 145] 'speak, talk'.
Matsiyev 1961: 439; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 557. The simple verbal stem ʕan (durative, opposed to the terminative ʕeː-n [Matsiyev 1961: 555]) is translated in [Matsiyev 1961] as 'to be in a state of rest' (Russian 'находиться в состоянии покоя'). This meaning is too broad to satisfy the requirements for the item 'sit'; the correct equivalent is, therefore, the composite expression xiʔ-na ʕan, where xiʔ-na is a participial form of xaʔa 'to sit down'. Cf. the example in [Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 557]: ɣanta tʼeħ xiʔna ʕan 'to sit on a chair'.
Matsiyev 1961: 315; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 221. The former source defines neʕ as 'skin, hide' (of people and animals); the latter - only as 'hide', whereas for the meaning 'human skin' it offers a different stem, cʼoːka [Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 221]. This form, however, is only assigned the meaning 'hide (of animal)' in the earlier dictionary [Matsiyev 1961: 486]; the meaning 'skin' in that source is assigned to čʼqʼor 'human skin / layer / shell, cover' [Matsiyev 1961: 493] (sic!). This confusion most likely reflects a case of "transit synonymy"; the confusion is caused by the contamination of the meanings 'human skin' and 'animal skin', quite distinct in Proto-Nakh. We include the variants neʕ and cʼoːka as synonyms (but not čʼqʼor, since it is referred to as 'skin' or 'hide' only in one source).
Matsiyev 1961: 173. Quoted as dʕora in [Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 625]. The stem is used for far deixis; there is also an "intermediate" or "neutral" stem, i ~ i-za [Matsiyev 1961: 192-193], more frequently used to denote the 3rd p. personal pronoun and less clearly eligible for inclusion, since the basic deictic opposition 'this / that' is generally formed by the stem pairing of dʕaː- and ha- q.v.
Matsiyev 1961: 472; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 715. The stem is used for near deixis. Oblique stem: hoq-. On the functions of the quasi-synonymous i ~ i-za see under 'that'.
Matsiyev 1961: 274; Karasayev & Matsiyev 1978: 189. Polysemy: 'snake / adder'. The latter source also quotes teːqarg, lit. 'crawling', as a synonym, but the form is marked as 'figurative' in Matsiyev 1961. Finally, of note is the word böːxa-lla [Matsiyev 1961: 73], glossed as polysemic: 'dirt, impurity / snake'; the meaning 'snake' is also marked as 'figurative', but this time, external parallels in Ingush show that this figurative usage is somewhat archaic.
