Traill 1994: 170. Transcribed as a sequence of two separate words because the normal word structure in !Xóõ does not allow such sequences; however, the two morphemes are not actually met separately.
Bleek 1956: 105. Only the second morpheme of this composite formation is listed in [Bleek 1929: 15], as kàːˤ, which is probably incorrect, judging by the external data.
Bleek 1956: 559. Quoted as ǀǀárǝ in [Bleek 1929: 15]. This is the same word as 'many' q.v., which raises certain doubts as to whether it could also function at the same time as the basic equivalent for 'all'. The adduced textual example in [Bleek 1956] is: si ǀǀárri, si sa sĩsĩ "we all, we shall work" (which could theoretically be interpreted as "the many of us will work").
Bleek 1956: 536; Bleek 1929: 17. The latter source further adds ʘwaːni as a synonym; this word is seemingly derived from ʘwa ~ ʘwã 'to make a fire; flame (n.)' [Bleek 1956: 684].
Traill 1994: 173. Plural form: gún. Class 3/2; tonal class I. Meaning glossed as 'thick, dry bark'. Cf. also cāʰbi, pl. cāʰbu-tê 'fresh, wet bark, fibres in bark' [Traill 1994: 163].
Bleek 1956: 50. Probably erroneously transcribed with an extra lateral click in [Bleek 1929: 19]: ɡǀǀulǝ.
Nǀuǀǀen:ɡ!um2
Bleek 1956: 389; Bleek 1929: 19. The latter source also lists ɳǀaba ku as a synonymous form. This form is reproduced in [Bleek 1956: 342] as ɳǀabuku (with a different vowel and without the empty space; it is also erroneously listed as representing SIV, i. e. ǀʼAuni rather than Nǀuǀǀen, but this is clearly a typo - especially since the plural form is listed as ɳǀabuku-te, with a typically Taa plural suffix), and it is clearly related to ɳǀabu 'leaf' q.v. Since derivation of 'bark' from 'leaf' in Khoisan is very unusual, there are reasons to doubt the correctness of the semantic definition.
Traill 1991: 91. Plural form: !ʰūma-tê. Class 2; tonal class II (poss.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.). Meaning glossed as 'external lower part of the belly, above the pubic area'. Cf. also ɳǀǀàm sã̀ʔã 'the upper external part of the abdomen' [Traill 1994: 123], literally 'liver-face'. It is also possible that the term ǀȭʰã 'innards, bowels, stomach' [Traill 1994: 54] is more "basic" than !ʰūma; however, its semantic glossing prevents it from being eligible.
Traill 1994: 83. Variable form: !xa-BV. Quoted as ǂai in [Maingard 1958: 107] (unless this is a different word, but it could also simply reflect a misheard click influx).
Bleek 1956: 497; Bleek 1929: 23. The word ǀǀárri 'much, many; (?) all' may apparently also be used in the meaning 'big', as in: ɳǀǀei ǀǀárri "the house is big", but this seems to be marginal usage (or a mistranslation).
Bleek 1956: 80; Bleek 1929: 22. It may be assumed that the form ši=ɡǀǀu is a mistyped (or, less probably, misheard) variant of the correct ši=ɡǀu, based on external cognates (not only in Taa, but in the !Kwi group as well, where similar forms are encountered with the same prefix ši= ~ si=). Cf., however, also ši=ɡǀuː 'partridge' [Bleek 1956: 180]: is this the same word or two different ones?
Bleek 1956: 170. In [Bleek 1929: 22], obviously the same word is transcribed as ši=ǀúː. Cf. also ǂarri-ron [Bleek 1956: 657] = ǂari-ron [Bleek 1929: 22], glossed as 'little bird' in both sources.
Bleek 1929: 22. In [Bleek 1956: 214], the meaning 'to bite' is glossed as a complex idiom: ceya ǀǀai. This might mean something like 'to bite to death', 'to kill by biting', if ǀǀai is one of the morphological variants of the Nǀuǀǀen word for 'to kill' q.v. Another word with the same meaning in [Bleek 1929: 22] is šaːda, but it is not confirmed in [Bleek 1956].
Traill 1994: 131. Quoted as ǂʼani-ka in [Maingard 1958: 108].
Kakia:ǀxʼa2
Bleek 1956: 337. Transcribed as ǀkʼaː in [Bleek 1929: 22]. Possible synonym: dani, glossed simply as 'black' in [Bleek 1929: 22] and as 'black, dark (possibly from charcoal)' in [Bleek 1956: 23].
Traill 1994: 92, 93. Class 3; tonal class II (ɳ!àːˤ). Class 2; tonal class II (poss.); class 3; tonal class I (alien.) (ɳ!âˤm). The plural form of ɳ!âˤm is ɳ!âˤma-tê. Polysemy: 'blood / money'. The two forms are almost certainly traceable to the same root, and -m has to be recognized as a nominal suffix, although its function is unclear.
Traill 1994: 109. Plural form: ɡǀǀúː-tê. Class 2; tonal class II (poss.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.). Cf. such semantically close forms as !ɢāʰma 'sternum' [Traill 1994: 86]; ɢóˤlo 'breast of a bird' [Traill 1994: 181]. Distinct from ɡǂqʰẽ̀ː 'breast (female); milk' [Traill 1994: 143].
Bleek 1956: 282; Bleek 1929: 28. Additional synonym: ǀʼum-sa [Bleek 1956: 359]; it is impossible to establish which of the two is the main word for 'chest', but only ɡǀu has reliable external parallels. The word for 'female breast' is not attested.
Not attested. Possible candidates include ǀǀa 'to burn', which (mistranscribed as ǀǀo) is listed in [Bleek 1929: 545] as 'to burn (intr.)', and is encountered as an intransitive verb in the example ǀʼaː wa ǀǀa a 'the fire is burning' [Bleek 1956: 545]; and possibly ʘwa ~ ʘwã 'to make a fire' [Bleek 1956: 684], as in ši a ʘwa ǀʼa 'we will light a fire'. The latter variant is more probable: 'to light a fire' frequently = 'to burn a fire' in Khoisan, and external comparison with !Xóõ also confirms the same word. Still, for lack of more precise evidence, it is perhaps better to leave the slot unfilled.
Bleek 1956: 360; Bleek 1929: 60. Both sources quote the compound form ǀxʼa ǀʼʌm-te, where the first word = 'hand' q.v., and the second word is in the plural form. It is possible to speculate that the dental click ǀ is here mistranscribed for the lateral click ǀǀ, in which case the word is easily comparable to !Xóõ ɡǀǀàʔm id. (see a probable example on the opposite confusion under 'bird' q.v.).
Nǀuǀǀen:ǀɔnu #3
Bleek 1929: 60. Dubious, since the same word is listed in [Bleek 1956: 319] with the meaning 'finger', not 'finger-nail'.
Traill 1994: 107. Plural form: ɡǀǀàʔma-tê. Class 2/4; tonal class II. The plural form is quoted as ǀǀʼʰama-te 'claws' in [Maingard 1958: 105]. The semantic difference between ǀǀqû-le and ɡǀǀàʔm is not explained in the dictionary; we have to treat the forms as synonymous.
Traill 1994: 87, 216. Plural form: !qʰàː=ɡǀqʰũ̄ã̄-tê. A compound form, literally = 'water-hair'. The word ɡǀqʰũ̄ã̄ 'hair' q.v. by itself can also be used in the meaning 'cloud' [Traill 1994: 64]. The only monoradical term with close semantics that can be elicited is qõ̀ː 'fairweather cumulus' [Traill 1994: 179], but it is not the generic term for 'cloud' and is therefore ineligible for inclusion.
Bleek 1956: 504. Quoted as !xweː ɳ!ani in [Bleek 1929: 29]. Literally 'rain-sky'. As a synonym, both sources also list the word !xɔni [Bleek 1956: 501]; this may actually be a contracted variant of !xweː ɳ!ani rather than a different root altogether.
Traill 1994: 105. Glossed as a noun, but cf. also kâ ǀǀã̂ʔũ 'be cold' [ibid.]. Quoted as ǀǀwe ~ ǀǀwɛ ~ ǀǀau in [Maingard 1958: 101, 109] (there are unexpected phonetic discrepancies in the first two variants, but still, this is probably the same word).
Bleek 1956: 610; Bleek 1929: 29. The former source lists the meaning as 'wind, cold', with two examples: ǀǀxʼweː !xai "a big wind" and ši ia ti ǀǀxʼweː "we are cold". Although such polysemy is theoretically possible, it is more likely that two different words were mixed in D. Bleek's transcription. Another synonym is ǀxʼau [Bleek 1956: 338] (transcribed as ǀa in [Bleek 1929: 29], unless this is actually a third word, since the discrepancies are too significant).
Bleek 1956: 561. Quoted as ǀǀãũ in [Bleek 1929: 29]. Cf. also ǀǀʌm 'to be cold' (e. g. of wind) [Bleek 1956: 594]; it is unclear if the two words are related or represent different stems.
Traill 1994: 186. Also attested with a different tonal characteristics as sīː 'come to, come up to', variable form sa-V [ibid.]. Quoted as si ~ ši in [Maingard 1958: 103].
Bleek 1956: 161, 165, 168, 177. Only the form si is listed in [Bleek 1929: 30]; the others must be either morphological (where vowel gradation is involved) or dialectal (fluctuation between s- and š-) variants.
Bleek 1956: 267; Bleek 1929: 33. The form ǀǀʼaː, quoted in the latter source as a synonym, does not actually have the meaning 'to die', but only 'to kill' q.v., as seen from examples in [Bleek 1956: 513].
Bleek 1956: 267. The form ǀǀʼaː, listed as the only equivalent for 'die' in [Bleek 1929: 33], is either a misprint for ǀʼaː or reflects the same confusion between 'die' and 'kill' as in the same source's data on Kakia.
Bleek 1956: 405, 496, 678. The form !xi-ti 'dog' [Bleek 1956: 500] probably represents a contraction with some sort of particle. Fluctuation of click influxes is typical for the phonetically unstable (or, perhaps, just hard to distinguish) palatal click. Only the variant !xài is quoted in [Bleek 1929: 34].
Traill 1994: 175. Variable form: xʼaʰ-V. This is the generic term to denote 'drinking'; cf. also such specific terms as qôm 'to sip (smth. cool)' [Traill 1994: 179] and sàm kV 'to sip something hot' [Traill 1994: 185]. Quoted as xʼā in [Maingard 1958: 104].
Bleek 1956: 117, 121, 601. Only xʼã is quoted in [Bleek 1929: 34]. The variant with the lateral click influx is definitely secondary and probably misheard (such "extra" clicks occasionally appear in Bleek's transcriptions of words with velar affricates).
Traill 1994: 106. Polysemy: 'to dry / to stiffen'. Used both as a transitive and intransitive verb. The semantic difference between ǀǀúaˤ and ǀʼòː is unclear and cannot be understood from the examples in the dictionary; for the moment, both forms have to be treated as synonymous.
Traill 1994: 147. The first variant is the possessed form; the second variant is the alienated form. Plural form: ɳǂũ̀ãʰ-tê / ɳǂũ̄ãʰ-te. Class 2; tonal class II (possess.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.). Polysemy: 'ear / lobe of the liver / auricle of the heart / notch in a fire stick'.
Bleek 1956: 452, 586, 592. Meaning glossed as 'ground, sand'; cf. another transcription variant as ǀǀxuːm 'sand' [Bleek 1956: 637]. The diversity of transcriptions is quite expectable if the original articulation was ǂxʼ-, as in !Xóõ (palatal click combined with ejective velar affricate release). In [Bleek 1929: 35], the meaning 'earth, dust' is rendered as ɳ!ɔe; this word is confirmed in [Bleek 1956: 480] only in the meaning 'dust'.
Bleek 1956: 441. Meaning glossed as 'ground', but cf. also ɡǂum 'sand, ground' in [Bleek 1956: 649]; despite the difference in click influxes, the two forms most likely attempt to transcribe the same word.
Traill 1994: 197. Variable form: ʔa-V (resulting in multiple contracted phonetic variants: [ʔiː], [ʔeː], [ʔaː], [ʔǝu]). This is the generic term to denote 'eating', quite distinct from more specific terms such as gùm kV 'eat dry food' [Traill 1994: 174], xàbu kV 'eat wet food' [Traill 1994: 188], etc. Quoted as ʔẽ ~ ʔã in [Maingard 1958: 100].
Traill 1994: 100. The first variant is the possessed form; the second variant is the alienated form. Plural form: !ʼũ̂ã-tê ~ !ʼũ̂ã-nî. Class 2; tonal class II (poss.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.). In [Maingard 1958: 101, 105], a significantly different form is listed: ǀwe ~ kwɛ, pl. ǀwa-te (the second variant may be a print error for ǀwɛ), of unclear origin.
Traill 1994: 184. Polysemy: 'fat (n.) / marrow / fat (adj.)'. Plural form: sã̀ːˤ-tê. Class 2; tonal class II. This is the generic term, distinct from qāʰna 'roll of stomach fat round the navel' [Traill 1994: 178], etc.
Bleek 1956: 27. Quoted as dɔhɛ in [Bleek 1929: 38]. The word is dubious: it is clearly the same as !Xóõ dūʰʔe 'white ostrich plume' [Traill 1994: 158], and it is quite possible that D. Bleek might have glossed it with a more general meaning than the one it actually possessed. Both sources also yield the form ǀʰaː 'long feather' as a partial synonym ([Bleek 1956: 311]; [Bleek 1929: 38]); this word may represent the same Proto-Taa root as 'hair' q.v. and, therefore, be cognate with !Xóõ ɡǀqʰũ̀ã. Unfortunately, there is no way to know for sure.
Bleek 1956: 265, 266. Meaning glossed as 'to fly away'. Quoted as žõ̀ĩ 'to fly', žùː ~ žweː 'to fly away' in [Bleek 1929: 40]. There is little reason to think that the meanings 'to fly' and 'to fly away' were morphologically distinct; rather, the phonetic fluctuations reflect different manners of pronunciation for different speakers, or morphological variants based on agreement with words of different classes.
Nǀuǀǀen:!ari #2
Bleek 1929: 40. Highly dubious, since the form is not confirmed in [Bleek 1956], nor does it have any reliable external parallels.
Traill 1994: 147. The first variant is the possessed form; the second variant is the alienated form. Plural form: ɳǂùma-tê (poss.) / ɳǂūma-tê (alien.). Class 2; tonal class II (poss.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.). Polysemy: 'foot / spoor / track / hoof of an ungulate'. Distinct from ǂqʰàla 'leg' [Traill 1994: 141]. Quoted as ɳ!ò ~ ɳ!ǝ in [Maingard 1958: 101, 104], with erroneous transcription of the click influx.
Traill 1994: 82. Polysemy: 'be full / euph. for pregnant (dialectal)'. The semantic difference between ǀʼōla and ɡ!ùʰm is not specified; we list both words as technical synonyms.
Traill 1994: 87. Variable form: !qʰa-V. The idea of 'giving' is also frequently conveyed by complex formations that employ the "verb-postposition" ɳǀàː, variable form ɳǀa-V [Traill 1994: 67], e. g. ǀùa ɳǀàː 'to pass to, give to' [Traill 1994: 55], where ǀùa by itself = 'hold, grab, grasp, catch hold of'.
Bleek 1956: 495, 498. Quoted as !xa in [Bleek 1929: 42]. The quasi-synonymous form ǀʼa in [Bleek 1929: 42] is not confirmed in [Bleek 1956], but it may have been the same word as !Xóõ ɳǀa-V, with an erroneous omission of nasalization.
Bleek 1956: 347; Bleek 1929: 42. Cf.: e ǀwa maːka ɳǀi "he did not give tobacco". In [Bleek 1929], a second synonym, ǀwaː, is also quoted, but it is not confirmed in [Bleek 1956] and lacks external cognates.
Traill 1994: 178. Plural form: qáɲa. Meaning is glossed as 'beautiful, pretty, nice' rather than 'good', but there are no other candidates; cf. also such adverbial usage as in ɡǀã́ː té qã́ĩ "work well!" [ibid.]. It is not quite clear if this is the same word as ɡ!ãĩ (Northern dial.) ~ kãĩ 'good' in [Maingard 1958: 100], unless Maingard's transcription of the alveolar click in the Northern dialect somehow reflects uvular articulation or even presages click loss in the dialect described by Traill; it is also possible that Maingard's dialectal forms represent two different roots.
Bleek 1956: 580; Bleek 1929: 43. The latter source also lists !ãŋ in the meaning 'good'; in [Bleek 1956: 407] it is quoted as !kʼãn and glossed as 'pretty'.
Traill 1994: 57. Polysemy: 'green / blue / turquoise'. Cf. ɡǀàiˤʰ-sí, pl. ɡǀàˤʰm-sá ~ ɡǀàˤʰm-sã́-tê 'beetle; dung beetle'. The two words are almost certainly connected; on the synchronic level, the word for 'beetle' is formally derived from the word for 'green', but the process could have also been the opposite from a historical perspective. Quoted as ɡǂaiˤ ~ ɡǂai in [Maingard 1958: 102] (with incorrect identification of the click influx).
Bleek 1956: 654. Quoted as ǂaba in [Bleek 1929: 44]. The latter source also quotes bana as a synonym; the word is not confirmed in [Bleek 1956] and, furthermore, looks quite "un-Taa" due to the initial b- (probably a borrowing).
Bleek 1929: 45. Plural form. Not attested in [Bleek 1956], unless the form ǀunte 'hair' in [Bleek 1956: 326] is actually not SII (ǀǀNg!ke), but SVI (Nǀuǀǀen). Cf. also ǀǀxwaʔa 'hair, (?) white hair' in [Bleek 1956: 368].
Traill 1994: 60. The first variant is the possessed form; the second variant is the alienated form. Plural form: ǀxʼàː-tê ~ ǀxʼāː-tê. Class 2; tonal class II (poss.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.). Quoted as ǀā in [Maingard 1958: 105]; cf. also m=ǀa 'my hand' in [Maingard 1958: 103]; pl. ǀa-te 'fingers' (rather than the expected 'hands') in [Maingard 1958: 105].
Traill 1994: 67. The first variant is the possessed form; the second variant is the alienated form. Plural form: ɳǀã̀ː / ɳǀã̄ː. Class 2; tonal class II (poss.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.). Quoted as ɳǀà ~ ɳǀe ~ ɳǀā in [Maingard 1958: 101, 104].
Bleek 1956: 186. The transcription tãa probably reflects an internal glottal stop (tãʔa). Polysemy: 'hear / understand'. The phonetically similar, but still significantly different form čauː in [Bleek 1929: 46] is not confirmed in [Bleek 1956]; it may be erroneous.
Traill 1994: 65. The first variant is the possessed form; the second variant is the alienated form. Plural form: ǀqʼã̀ː / ǀqʼã̄ː. Class 2; tonal class II (poss.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.).
Bleek 1956: 292; Bleek 1929: 46. The latter source also lists the synonymous form če, which is not confirmed in [Bleek 1956] and finds no external confirmation in !Xóõ either.
Bleek 1956: 595; Bleek 1929: 47. Although the form looks like the equivalent of the plural form in !Xóõ, [Bleek 1956: 598] contains a separate plural form 'horns', listed as ǀǀwã-ša. It is possible that both are actually plural, and the variations reflect idiolectal varieties; but it is also true that Kakia -ša occasionally corresponds to !Xóõ suffixal -sa in the singular number as well (cf. !Xóõ ǀqʼìː-sà 'back, backwards' = Kakia ǀʼiː-ša id.).
Traill 1994: 194. Emphatic form: n̄-ʔn̄. Cf. also the extended emphatic form: n̄-ʔn̄ dē [Traill 1994: 158] (with an additional 1st p. emphatic particle). Variants listed in [Maingard 1958: 106] include na ~ ŋ ~ ma ~ m (the latter two do not seem to be exclusively confined to assimilatory positions before labial consonants; there may be some idiolectal variation at work here).
Bleek 1956: 141, 142, 147; Bleek 1929: 49. With possessive suffixes: ŋ-ga ~ ŋ-ke 'my'. Assimilates to m if the next word begins with a labial consonant: m ʘwaːke 'my child' [Bleek 1956: 132].
Bleek 1956: 141, 142; Bleek 1929: 49. Emphatic form: ŋ-ŋ. Assimilates to m if the next word begins with a labial consonant: m ʘwa kei e 'my child it is' [Bleek 1956: 132].
Traill 1994: 177. Variable form: qa-JV. Cf. also: qâi 'forceful downward movement' [ibid.], e. g.: qâi ǀǀʼúm 'stamp', qâi uˤLV ɳǀàn 'sharply lower the head', etc. Possibly a case of homonymy, but may also reflect a typical semantic source for the meaning 'to kill' (i. e. 'to hit', here understood as reflecting a sharp downward movement). Entirely different form listed in [Maingard 1958: 103, 107]: ǀṍ ~ ǀɔ̃ː.
Bleek 1956: 513; Bleek 1929: 50. Cf. also: ǀǀxʼai 'to kill by a blow on the head' [Bleek 1956: 602]. This word is transcribed as ǀǀkʼai and glossed simply as 'kill' in [Bleek 1929: 50], and both it and ǀǀʼaː may actually contain the same root (the lateral click with varying effluxes reflects an effort to transcribe a uvular consonant, and the variation in vowels reflects different concordial variants).
Traill 1994: 112. Plural form: ɡǀǀxú-la-tê ɳǀã̀ː. Class 2; tonal class II. A compound form, literally 'head of ɡǀǀxṹː', which would rather suggest the meaning 'knee-cap'; however, according to Traill, the form as a whole specifically means 'knee', while the meaning 'knee-cap' is expressed by other lexical items.
Bleek 1956: 342; Bleek 1929: 52. Plural form: ɳǀabu-te. In [Bleek 1956], erroneously listed as SIV (ǀʼAuni), although the plural form in -te is more typical of Nǀuǀǀen.
Traill 1994: 157. Meaning glossed as 'lie down (sg.)', but the word apparently functions as both static 'be lying' and dynamic 'lie down'. The suppletive plural form equivalent is ǂqʼàu [Traill 1994: 144].
Traill 1994: 123. The first variant is the possessed form; the second variant is the alienated form. Plural form: ɳǀǀàː / ɳǀǀā̃ː. Class 2; tonal class II (poss.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.).
Traill 1994: 51. Plural form: ɳʘã̀ː-tê. Class 1/4; tonal class II. Meaning glossed as 'a species of louse'. There is also a second word: ɡǀǀxʼóni, pl. ɡǀǀxʼóni-tê (class 3; tonal class II) [Traill 1994: 113]. Only the first, however, has reliable external parallels in the rest of !Kwi-Taa, and, furthermore, looks more archaic as a stem due to its monosyllabicity and complex morphophonology. Until a better semantic differentiation has been made between the two words, we prefer to include only ɳʘṹːˤ in the calculations.
Traill 1994: 154. Class 2; tonal class II. Polysemy: 'man / husband'. Suppletive plural: ǀǀxã̀ː [Traill 1994: 110]. The singular form is a compound, literally 'person' q.v. + àːˤ 'father / male'. The same structure is observed in the word for 'woman'; lexicostatistical calculations, therefore, have to be based on àːˤ as the principal morpheme in this word. Quoted as Northern dial. taː=ʔa, Southern dial. laː=ʔa in [Maingard 1958: 100].
Bleek 1956: 129. Quoted as làːˤ, pl. làːˤ-a in [Bleek 1929: 56]. This form, historically, is to be analyzed as the equivalent of the !Xóõ compound tâː=àːˤ (dialectal lâː=àːˤ) 'person' + 'father'. However, it does not look as if the simple form la survived in Kakia on its own (the only known example, la ɳǀau 'young man' in [Bleek 1956: 129], may be a relict idiomatic expression): the two morphemes were fused together very tightly, and we may count this as a lexical replacement (with the transferral of the original meaning 'male human being' from the monovocalic stem aˤ onto the new biphonemic stem laːˤ).
Nǀuǀǀen:!ã3
Bleek 1956: 401; Bleek 1929: 56. Plural form: !ã-te. Erroneously marked as SIV (ǀʼAuni) in [Bleek 1956], when the form is in fact Nǀuǀǀen (SVI).
Traill 1994: 104. The emphatic variant is phonetically realized as [ǀǀátːi]. Cf. also ǀǀáli kV (vb.) 'to enlarge'; ǀǀáli (adv.) 'often, to a large degree' [ibid.]. Glossed as 'many, numerous / big (sg. noun)'. Quoted as ǀǀaɽi in [Maingard 1958: 105].
Bleek 1956: 559; Bleek 1929: 57. Apparently, the word !xai 'big' q.v. may also be used in the meaning 'many' (cf.: ǀxorru eː, ǀxorru !xai "horses they are, many horses" in [Bleek 1956: 497]), but the semantic difference is unknown.
Bleek 1956: 557. The form ǀǀári 'many' is quoted in [Bleek 1929: 57] for both Kakia (SV) and Nǀuǀǀen (SVI), but only a different morphological variant, ǀǀan-te, is confirmed specifically for Nǀuǀǀen in [Bleek 1956].
Traill 1994: 47. Class 3; tonal class I. Cf. also with the same root: ʘã̀ː 'herd of eland, flesh, meat' [ibid.]. The diminutive form ʘàye-ʘàː ('small meat') means 'animals, creatures of the wild, game'. Quoted as ʘʼwēiye in [Maingard 1958: 104].
Traill 1994: 78. Plural form: !ùʰma-tê. Class 1/4; tonal class II. Meaning glossed as 'hill', also 'niche for several sp. of plants, characterised by heavy sand'. No word for 'mountain' as such is present in the dictionary. Cf. also !ùʰm sã̀ʔã 'hill, dune' (literally 'face of hill').
Bleek 1956: 352. Quoted as ɳǀum, with an unexplainable m instead of n, in [Bleek 1929: 59]: this may simply be a misprint, since the form ɳǀuː-n is exactly the same as the plural of the !Xóõ equivalent for 'stone' q.v. (i. e. 'mountain' = 'stones').
Bleek 1956: 463; Bleek 1929: 59. The latter source also quotes a synonymous form žam, but it is neither confirmed in [Bleek 1956] nor supported with external parallels.
Traill 1994: 54. The first variant is the possessed form; the second variant is the alienated form. Plural form: ǀã̀ː / ǀã̄ː (Traill lists both the poss. and the alien. form as ǀã̀ː, but the second variant must be a misprint). Class 2; tonal class II (poss.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.). The phonetic identity between this word and 'tail' q.v. must be a case of homonymy rather than polysemy. Quoted as ǀãũ in [Maingard 1958: 102].
Traill 1994: 137. Phonetically realized as [ǂxʼã̀õ]. The first variant is the possessed form; the second variant is the alienated form. Plural form: ǂxʼã̀ː ~ ǂxʼã̄ː. Class 2; tonal class II (poss.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.).
Traill 1994: 69. The first variant is the possessed form; the second variant is the alienated form. Plural form: ɳǀùʰɲa-tê / ɳǀūʰɲa-tê. Class 2; tonal class II (poss.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.).
Bleek 1956: 351, 353, 486, 622. Quoted as ɳǀu-ča in [Bleek 1929: 62]. The attestation of this word both with the accompanying suffix -ča and without it is not surprising, but the unexpected variants with both the alveolar clik and the lateral click, listed by D. Bleek, are hard to explain through mistranscription alone.
Traill 1994: 117. Cf. also the negative verb ǀǀʼàː 'not to be; malfunction' [Traill 1994: 128], with somewhat more limited usage. Quoted as ǀǀa ~ ǀǀwa ~ ɡǀǀa ~ ɡǀǀwa in [Maingard 1958: 103].
Bleek 1956: 547, 551, 596. Quoted as ǀǀwaː ~ ǀǀàːˤ in [Bleek 1929: 62]. The variety of variants suggests complex articulation of the original variant, possibly *ǀǀquaˤ or *ǀǀqʼuaˤ (which would account for the notation of glottalic, pharyngealized, and labialized articulation by D. Bleek).
Bleek 1956: 590. Another form, listed both in [Bleek 1929: 60] and [Bleek 1956: 328], is ǀwa; in the latter source it is even illustrated with examples of usage, e. g. si ǀwa ã "we have not eaten". However, the existence of a dental click-based negative particle in Nǀuǀǀen is highly doubtful: there are no other such negative particles in any of the !Kwi-Taa languages, whereas the usual lateral click-based particle does find an equivalent in Nǀuǀǀen. It is quite possible that ǀwa is merely a typo for *ǀǀwa, carried over from [Bleek 1929] to [Bleek 1956] (possibly under the influence of the same particle in North Khoisan languages, where dental click-based negatives are the norm).
Traill 1994: 154. Suppletive plural form: tûː. Class 3/4; tonal class I/II. Meaning glossed as 'person (spec. a Bushman), a proper person; kin (pl.)'. Cf. also the ǂqhūã dialect variant lâː [Traill 1994: 191]. Quoted as ta in [Maingard 1958: 105].
Bleek 1956: 240; Bleek 1929: 65. Plural form: tu-ku ~ tu-tu. Alternate synonym: da, attested by D. Bleek in such examples as !on da 'old man' and !on da-ke 'old woman', which may be idiomatic; tu is supported as the main word for 'person' by far more convincing examples. The word ǀǀʼʰaːˤ [Bleek 1956: 539] is glossed as 'man, person, Bakalahari', and, judging by such an example as ɡ!one a, ǀǀʼʰaˤa, lokwoi "a Tswana that, a Bakalahari, a white man", has particular ethnic connotations.
Bleek 1956: 240. Plural form: tu-tu. Meaning glossed as 'man, person'. Cf.: n kai tu sa tanate "I hear the person speaking"; tu ɡǀǀãĩ "woman" (literally "person-female": a very important example, proving that the word tu has no specific 'male' connotations).
In [Bleek 1929: 56], an entirely different word is found in the meaning 'person': šaː, pl. šaː-re, quoted as ša, pl. šaːre in [Bleek 1956: 177]. Furthermore, da, pl. du is also attested in da !ʼoe, du ɳ!um "one person, two people" [Bleek 1956: 19]. Since they are illustrated with fewer (da) or no (ša) textual examples, we do not include them into the calculations, although this does not eliminate the necessity of clarifying their origins. It is not even excluded that they could represent two subdialectal variants of the same root as Kakia da, !Xóõ tâː ~ lâː.
Bleek 1956: 463; Bleek 1929: 68. This composite formation is best explained as 'water of cloud' or 'water of wind', where ǀǀa = 'water' q.v. and, therefore, the main carrier of the meaning 'rain' in this case.
Traill 1994: 54. Meaning glossed as 'red, crimson, orange'. Synonym: ɳǀǀòˤʰba 'red' [Traill 1994: 124]; the difference between the two is unclear, but only ǀāʰɲa finds external confirmation in the same meaning. Quoted as ǀaˤɲa in [Maingard 1958: 102] (with pharyngealization of the root vowel, not confirmed in [Traill 1994]).
Bleek 1929: 69. For some reason, not confirmed in [Bleek 1956], but the word finds reliable external parallels and may be included in the list with a small degree of confidence.
Traill 1994: 132. Plural form: ǂólo-tê. Class 2; tonal class I. Meaning glossed as 'path'. There is also a different word whose meaning is glossed as 'road, way': dào, pl. dào-tê [Traill 1994: 158], but it is somewhat suspicious: the meaning 'path' is preferable in the Bushman context as the more basic one, and, furthermore, dào is an almost certain borrowing from Central Khoisan. In [Maingard 1958: 102], however, the word dau is listed with the meaning 'path'.
Bleek 1956: 22; Bleek 1929: 64. Meaning glossed both as 'path' and 'road'. As in !Xóõ, the word most likely represents a (recent?) borrowing from a Central Khoisan source.
Bleek 1929: 64. Another possible equivalent is the compound expression !arri !ã [Bleek 1956: 410], quoted as !are !ã in [Bleek 1929: 64]. Since neither the expression, nor its individual components find any external cognates that could help clarify the meaning, we prefer not to include it into the calculations due to unreliability of the sources.
Traill 1994: 84. Plural form: !xʼá-ba-tê. Class 2; tonal class II. Meaning glossed as 'woody root; a person's roots, i.e. kin, relatives; certain small blood vessels of the body'. Other words with close semantics include !ɢāˤbi-sì ~ !ɢāˤbi-sà 'adventitious root, rootlet' [Traill 1994: 86]; !ɢāˤna 'metatarsal, metacarpal, finger, knuckle, toe, toe joint; adventitious root, rootlet' [Traill 1994: 86] (the two words may be related, with different suffixation).
Kakia:
Not attested.
Nǀuǀǀen:ɡ!au-te2
Bleek 1956: 379; Bleek 1929: 70. Although the word is glossed as 'root', the presence of the plural suffix -te identifies it as an obvious plural form. Cf. also the form ǀǀani, glossed in [Bleek 1929: 70] as 'root fibre', but in [Bleek 1956: 557] as 'roots' (pl.).
Traill 1994: 148. Meaning glossed as 'round shaped, tubular (e.g. a branch, rod), as opposed to flat-shaped; also applied to a tall lanky person'. According to Traill, a very close synonym with practically the exact same meaning is ʔ!nã́ʔõ ǀʼẽ̂ː [Traill 1994: 98].
Kakia:
Not attested. In [Bleek 1929: 71], the complex form ǀʰá ki is glossed as 'round (adj.)', but the only example on the word 'round' in [Bleek 1956: 311] is ši a ču ga ǀʰá ǀʼã "we are sitting round the fire" - obviously, with completely different semantics.
Traill 1994: 137. Class 2; tonal class I. Polysemy: 'earth / sand'. There are also some partial synonyms with more specific meanings, e.g. ǂɢùˤli 'caked sand' [Traill 1994: 141]; xòʔbo 'dry sand' [Traill 1994: 188], etc., but none of them are eligible for inclusion due to their semantic peculiarities.
Bleek 1956: 637; Bleek 1929: 71. This is clearly the same word as 'earth' q.v.; differences in transcription reflect idiolectal peculiarities or mistakes rather than different stems.
Traill 1994: 156. Cf. also tám 'say it, mean' [Traill 1994: 155] (it is not excluded that the two words are historically related). Cf. tana 'say' in [Maingard 1958: 104].
Kakia:ǀe2
Bleek 1956: 306. Meaning glossed as 'say to' in [Bleek 1929: 71]; cf. such examples as ŋa ǀe ɡǀum "I say thank you", aša ǀe ɡǀum ke polisi "he has gone to say a greeting to the policeman" in [Bleek 1956]. The meaning 'say' is rendered in [Bleek 1929] by the equivalent tana, but examples in [Bleek 1956: 191] show that the actual meaning should rather be defined as the iterative 'to speak, talk': ʘwaːa kia tana "the child talks", si ka kumma tana-ne "we have talked enough", etc. Although represented by fewer examples, ǀe is clearly more eligible as the default equivalent here.
Nǀuǀǀen:
Not attested. In [Bleek 1929: 71], the meaning 'say' is translated as tana, but the situation is the same as in Kakia: examples, reproduced in [Bleek 1956: 191], clearly show that the meaning is actually 'to speak, sound' rather than 'to say', cf.: n kai tu oz tana te "I hear the person speaking", !xweː že tana "the rain resounds (thunders)".
Bleek 1956: 341, 345, 354; Bleek 1929: 72. The latter source also quotes the secondary synonym: ǀǀõĩ, confirmed with one textual example in [Bleek 1956: 585] (ši ɔhi ǀǀõĩ ʘün e ǀǀwi "if we see a duiker here..."); however, this may be an inexact translation (the verb could mean 'to find', 'to track', etc.), and the example looks fairly weak next to numerous examples with the etymologically well confirmed ɳǀV-.
Bleek 1956: 235. Listed examples permit to analyze the meaning of this verb both as static ('to be sitting') and dynamic ('to sit down'). Quoted as cúː 'to sit', but čuː ǀi 'to sit down' in [Bleek 1929: 76] (although the examples in [Bleek 1956] suggest exactly the opposite: cf. misis ya ču "Missis sits down", but šiǀǀwi a ču ǀí "the cook sits there").
Bleek 1956: 182, 236; Bleek 1929: 76. Text examples in [Bleek 1956: 368] would indicate that the static verb šu 'to be sitting' is opposed to the dynamic verb !ʼaː 'to sit down' (si !ʼaː "we sit down"), but comparison with !Xóõ shows that this is rather a case of singular/plural action stem suppletivism.
Traill 1994: 157. Plural form: tùˤma-tê. Class 2/4; tonal class II. Meaning glossed as 'skin, thin bark' (although the generic term for 'bark' seems to be different, see under gúle). Polysemy: 'skin / wrinkled / covering / cocoon / shell'. Quoted as tǝm in [Maingard 1958: 100]; Maingard also notes an additional dialectal (Southern) form ɡǀoe, not confirmed in [Traill 1994].
Bleek 1956: 245; Bleek 1929: 76. The latter source, in the same meaning, also quotes the word ǀe, but in [Bleek 1956: 307], it is glossed as 'skin, skin cap', and all the examples only refer to 'skin shoes' or 'skin caps', i. e. leather goods.
Traill 1994: 72. Meaning glossed as 'small quantity, extent, duration, i.e. little, narrow, small, thin (be not thick or be not fat), few'. Suppletive plural form: ǀqʼán-tá [Traill 1994: 65]. Should be distinguished from the diminutive formant ʘàː, as in ʘàye-ʘàː 'animal' (literally 'small meat') [Traill 1994: 47]. Quoted as ǀui ~ ǀwi in [Maingard 1958: 102]; the same source also lists ʘʼwì 'small' as a synonym.
Bleek 1956: 302; Bleek 1929: 76. A second candidate is the word ǀiː [Bleek 1929: 76], also glossed with the meaning 'small'; in [Bleek 1956: 316], it is quoted with a suffixal extension as ǀi-sa.
Bleek 1956: 543, 581, 590, 592. Most of these variants feature in examples where their meanings are glossed as either 'stand' or 'stand up'. In [Bleek 1929: 79], 'stand' as such is glossed as ǀǀũ ~ ǀǀʼʰũ, whereas the dynamic meaning 'stand up' is rendered as the compound forms ǀǀũ ǀǀi and ǀǀaba ǀǀũ. Regardless of whether this is correct, the main root is the same in all cases.
Traill 1994: 105. Plural form: ǀǀōna-tê. Class 2; tonal class II. Polysemy: 'star / the star form of a hedgehog'. The plural form is quoted as ǀǀana-te in [Maingard 1958: 105].
Bleek 1956: 354, 624; Bleek 1929: 80. The second variant (with the lateral click) is very strange and may simply represent an erroneous transcription or a typo.
Bleek 1956: 493; Bleek 1929: 80. It is unclear whether this is the same word as ɡ!um 'mountain' q.v.: click accompaniments are different, but this may simply reflect a transcriptional error. A second possible candidate is the word ǂʼoi-ye [Bleek 1956: 675], quoted as ǂʼɔye in [Bleek 1929: 80], but the origins of this item are much less clear.
Traill 1994: 54. The first variant is the possessed form; the second variant is the alienated form. Plural form: ǀã̀ː / ǀã̄ː (Traill lists both the poss. and the alien. form as ǀã̀ː, but the second variant must be a misprint). Class 2; tonal class II (poss.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.). The phonetic identity between this word and 'name' q.v. must be a case of homonymy rather than polysemy.
Traill 1994: 154. The remote deictic pronoun in !Xóõ is apparently formed out of the distant deictic pronoun tVʔV 'this' q.v. to which an additional pronominal morpheme, modifying the overall meaning, is then appended. On the whole, there are three complex stems: (a) the nominal stem tVʔV=BVʔV, employed in such constructions as ǹ ń ǀǀʼàː táʔǹ bánʔǹ 'there is no that (thing), i.e. there is no such thing'; (b) the adjectival/verbal stem tV(ʔVː)-yà kV 'there, that (proximate)'; (c) the adjectival/verbal stem tVʔVː-sà kV 'there, that (remote)'. Given this situation, from a lexicostatistical point of view, it is more realistic to use the general deictic stem tVʔV as the primary expression for both meanings ('this' and 'that'), since they are apparently not very well distinguished in !Xóõ.
In [Maingard 1958: 106], the variants ila and e te ila are listed in the meaning 'that, those'. The compound form te-ila may represent yet another formation analogous with Traill's tV-yà, tVʔVː-sà, etc.; for ila as such, however, there are no textual examples in the article.
Bleek 1956: 189. In [Bleek 1929: 83], the meaning 'that' is glossed as ta, a, ti. The system of demonstrative pronouns in Kakia is not really reconstructible in details due to lack of description, but presumably it must have resembled !Xóõ, i. e. the morpheme tV was involved in the structure of both.
Bleek 1929: 83. Highly dubious, as are all data on Taa demonstratives in D. Bleek's sources. Examples on ti include ti ŋ tá "what is that?"; ti ka ta "what is it?"; ti sa ǀǀi "it is good". None of them confirm the faraway deictic degree of ti, at best indicating its general anaphoric status and nothing else. However, on a very tentative basis it could be accepted for the calculations, based on external comparison.
Traill 1994: 154. This simple stem is also used as the basis for other demonstrative pronouns; see notes on 'that' for details. In [Maingard 1958: 106], a huge group of different words is listed in this meaning: si, ta, te, na, e te ina. Of these, ta and te clearly correlate with Traill's tVʔVː. As for si, although various auxiliary words with the same phonetic shape are listed in [Traill 1994], none of them are explained as 'this': the closest equivalent is sīː 'generic locative, side, place, impersonal "it", until' [Traill 1994: 185], which definitely cannot function as an adjectival demonstrative pronoun on its own.
Bleek 1956: 202. Quoted as te a ~ ti e in [Bleek 1929: 85]. Preserved examples are hard to interpret in an unambiguous manner, but presumably, the meaning was still expressed by a "tV-type" morpheme, just as in !Xóõ.
Nǀuǀǀen:
Not attested properly. There is a morpheme ǀǀi, assigned the meaning 'this' in [Bleek 1929: 84] and 'here, there, this' in [Bleek 1956: 580], but without any supporting examples; nor is it confirmed with evidence from related dialects. We exclude it from calculations.
Traill 1994: 117. The first variant is the possessed form; the second variant is the alienated form. Plural form: ǀǀqʰã̀ː-tê / ǀǀqʰã̄ː-tê. Class 2; tonal class II (poss.) or class 3; tonal class I (alien.). Polysemy: 'tooth / edge of the blade of a spear'.
Bleek 1956: 485, 622. An "unusual" form ɳ!ámmi is also listed in [Bleek 1956: 473] (in the example: i ša ɳǀǀa ša ɳ!ámmi "we are two left"). Quoted as ɳ!úm in [Bleek 1929: 88].
Bleek 1956: 177. In [Bleek 1929: 42], both ša and ši are listed in the meaning 'to go', but cf. the following example: misis ya ša ɳ!a, e ǀǀxʼaba ši "Missis goes away and comes back", from which it becomes clear that ša is 'to go' and ši is 'to come' (just as is expected upon comparison with !Xóõ).
Bleek 1956: 161, 176. In [Bleek 1929: 42], four variants are listed in the meaning 'go': sa ~ ša ~ si ~ še. Textual examples are obscure and contradictory, but overall, it is most probable that the situation in Nǀuǀǀen was the same as in !Xóõ, where sâː expresses the meaning 'to go' and sîː is 'to come'.
Traill 1994: 171. Meaning glossed as 'be hot, warm (e.g. sand, food, water)'. A possible synonym is ʘʼái (kâ) 'be hot, burn, burned' [Traill 1994: 52], cf. ǀǀʼân ń kâ ʘʼái "the sun is hot"; however, the semantics here is closer to the strongly marked 'scorching'.
Bleek 1956: 686. Meaning glossed as 'red, hot', with two examples: xʼa ʘwi "red cat" (however, xʼa 'cat' is not found by itself in the dictionary, making the example extremely dubious) and ǀǀʼʌn na ši ʘwi "the sun is hot", which is more credible. The word combination ši ʘwi is listed in the meaning 'hot' in [Bleek 1929: 48] as well. No known Kakia words are glossed with the meaning 'warm'. In the light of what we know of the etymologically related word ʘʼái in !Xóõ, the entry is dubious.
Bleek 1956: 590. Quoted as ǀǀuː in [Bleek 1929: 48]. Meaning is glossed as 'hot' in both sources. Cf., however, also ǀǀo in ǀǀʼei-ya ǀǀo "the sun is warm" [Bleek 1956: 581]; this is quite possibly the same word.
Traill 1994: 87. Class 3; tonal class II. Meaning glossed as 'water, rain, amniotic fluid'; however, in the meaning 'rain' !Xóõ also uses the special term !xʼôe q.v. Quoted as !ʰā in [Maingard 1958: 104].
Traill 1994: 196. Emphatic form: īʰ-ʔī. Quoted as i ~ i-ǀǀai (incl.) in [Maingard 1958: 106] (the latter form = īʰ ǀǀâe 'we three' [Traill 1994: 196], possibly also = 'many of us').
Traill 1994: 196. Emphatic form: īsî-ʔī. According to Traill, there is no semantic difference between the simple form īʰ and the more complex stem ī=sî. However, in [Maingard 1958: 103, 106] the form si ~ ši is explicitly mentioned as the exclusive equivalent of i 'we' (incl.), and, furthermore, this ties in quite well with the general situation in !Kwi-Taa languages that systematically oppose different stems for inclusive and exclusive pronouns (including the Kakia and Nǀuǀǀen dialects, closely related to Traill's !Xóõ). In the light of this, Traill's ī=sî looks suspiciously similar to a collocation of both variants, especially since the formant =sî has no other explanation. It is possible that in the particular dialect of !Xóõ described by Traill, īʰ and ī=sî are genuine synonyms, but even in this case, =sî is still a detachable morpheme and may be used in lexicostatistical calculations.
Traill 1994: 195. The construction consists of the general interrogative particle ǀV and the third person singular / Class 3 harmonic pronoun èʰ. In this construction, the particle ǀV is considered to be the main carrier of the interrogative meaning.
Kakia:
Not attested. In [Bleek 1929: 91], the interrogative 'what?' for Kakia is given as -ta (with a hyphen, i. e. as an enclitical form), but this is exremely dubious: there is no confirmation for this analysis in [Bleek 1956], and the closely related !Xóõ does not yield any supporting evidence either. This may have been the result of an erroneous grammatical analysis; we prefer not to include the word on the list.
Nǀuǀǀen:
Not attested. In [Bleek 1929: 91], the interrogative 'what?' for Nǀuǀǀen is given as -ta (with a hyphen, i. e. as an enclitical form), but this is exremely dubious: there is no confirmation for this analysis in [Bleek 1956], and the closely related !Xóõ does not yield any supporting evidence either. This may have been the result of an erroneous grammatical analysis; we prefer not to include the word on the list.
Traill 1994: 96. Cf. the nominalization: kâ=ɳ!úi-sà 'whiteness'. Quoted as ɳ!ui 'white' in [Maingard 1958: 102]. The latter source adds an extra synonym: !aˤɽi 'white' [Maingard 1958: 102] = !áˤli 'whitish and shiny (silver, light grey, gold)' [Traill 1994: 75], clearly not eligible for inclusion if the specification given by Traill is correct.
Traill 1994: 195. See notes on 'what'; according to Traill's description, there is no difference in !Xóõ between the animate 'who' and the inanimate 'what'.
Traill 1994: 154. Class 2; tonal class II. Polysemy: 'woman / wife'. Suppletive plural: ǀàːˤ [Traill 1994: 53]. The singular form is a compound, literally 'person' q.v. + qáe 'mother / female'. The same structure is observed in the word for 'man'; lexicostatistical calculations, therefore, have to be based on qáe as the principal morpheme in this word. Quoted as Northern dial. ta=kae, Southern dial. la=kae in [Maingard 1958: 100].
Bleek 1956: 129. Plural form: la=ke ~ la=ké. As in !Xóõ, this is a composite form, consisting of la 'person' (possibly not preserved on its own in Kakia) + kai 'mother / female'. Unlike in !Xóõ, however, the plural form is not suppletive.
Bleek 1956: 300. Erroneously listed as SIV (ǀʼAuni), but comparison with [Bleek 1929] and analysis of textual contexts makes it certain that the word is really SVI (Nǀuǀǀen). Quoted as ǀaːn in [Bleek 1929: 92]. Plural form: ɡǀãĩ [Bleek 1956: 274] or ǀǀãn-te (typo for *ǀãn-te?) [Bleek 1929: 92]. Another expression for 'woman' is the compound form tu-ɡǀǀai, pl. ta-ɡǀǀai-te ([Bleek 1929: 92]; [Bleek 1956: 240]), literally 'person-female'.
Traill 1994: 143. Meaning glossed as 'yellow, Naples yellow, yellow ochre, very light blue-grey, light green-grey'. There are at least two possible synonyms: (a) ɳǂàiˤʰ 'yellow, chrome yellow, cadmium yellow, gold coloured' [Traill 1994: 146] and (b) ɡǀǀáʔu 'yellow, chrome orange, terra cotta'. A detailed study of the terms and the typical objects they can be applied to is necessary to reach a decision in this particular case.
Kakia:
Not attested.
Nǀuǀǀen:!omi2
Bleek 1956: 441. Quoted as !ɔmi in [Bleek 1929: 94]. Erroneously listed as SIV (ǀʼAuni) in [Bleek 1956], when the word is in fact SVI (Nǀuǀǀen).
Bleek 1956: 188. Meaning glossed as 'away', but cf. the example: lihutitu !ʼaː ka ša tai "Lihutitu is far away (? to walk)". In [Bleek 1929: 37], an entirely different root is listed in the meaning 'far': ǀǀài, but it is not confirmed in [Bleek 1956], where we only find the form ǀǀui in the meaning 'to be very far' (ɡ!aː ka ya ǀǀui "it stands very far"). Since the context in the example for tai fits the Swadesh meaning well, and the word is further supported by external parallels in !Xóõ, we tentatively use it to fill the main slot.
Traill 1994: 107. There are at least three other words, all glossed as 'near' or 'close to' in Traill's dictionary: (a) ɳǀǀáːˤ [Traill 1994: 122]; (b) ʔǂnùʰma tí [Traill 1994: 148]; (c) !ʼōa [Traill 1994: 100]. However, all of the examples illustrate the semantics of 'close to (each other)', 'adjacent to', rather than the required 'not far from', so a final decision is impossible based on this evidence.
Kakia:
Not attested. The form ǀi, quoted as 'near' in [Bleek 1929: 61], is not confirmed in [Bleek 1956]; it is probably the same as the auxiliary verb ǀi, frequently encountered together with various static verbs and originally confused with the meaning 'to be near'.
Bleek 1956: 497. Quoted as !xaːne in [Bleek 1929: 71].
Nǀuǀǀen:
Not attested. In [Bleek 1929: 71], the meaning 'salt' is translated as ɳ!ɔb. However, the form is not confirmed in [Bleek 1956] and finds no parallels in other !Kwi-Taa languages. Furthermore, it looks like a Central Khoisan word (with final gender marker -b) and, provided it is transcribed more or less correctly, cannot be a native Nǀuǀǀen form. On the other hand, no phonetically similar words with the meaning 'salt' are known in Central Khoisan.
Bleek 1929: 74. Dubious, since the word is not confirmed in [Bleek 1956]; the clickless variant is also suspicious, since sporadic click loss is not known in Nǀuǀǀen.
Traill 1994: 186. Plural form: síʔi-sà-tê. Class 2; tonal class II. A nominal derivative from síʔi 'to bite' q.v.
Kakia:ši=ǀǀwoi2
Bleek 1956: 180. Quoted as šiǀǀwi in [Bleek 1929: 77]. Despite the phonetic similarity between ši= and the common !Kwi-Taa verb 'to bite', this word has to be analyzed as ǀǀwoi (root morpheme) plus the prefixal component ši=, presumably the same as in the word for 'bird' q.v.
Nǀuǀǀen:si=ɡǀǀwi ~ si=ɡǂwi2
Bleek 1956: 170. In [Bleek 1929: 77], quoted simply as ɡǀǀwi, without the si= prefix. (This may, however, reflect an incorrect morphological segmentation in the early source).
Traill 1994: 163. Slightly dubious, since the meaning is glossed as 'emaciated, thin (through malnourishment)'. The English-!Xóõ index actually lists the equivalent for 'thin' as ʒáiˤ [Traill 1994: 282]; however, in the main section of the dictionary ʒáiˤ is only found as a noun with the meaning 'hunger'.
Kakia:ǀǀɔː2
Bleek 1956: 582; Bleek 1929: 84.
Nǀuǀǀen:ʘwai-sa #3
Bleek 1929: 84. Dubious, since the word is not confirmed in [Bleek 1956].
Traill 1994: 87. Plural form: !ɢũãˤ-te ~ !ɢũãˤ-nî. Class 2; tonal class I (sg.), II (pl.).
Kakia:
Not attested.
Nǀuǀǀen:
Not attested.
Number:110
Word:year
!Xoong:kúli-1
Traill 1994: 171. Plural form: kúlu-tê. Class 1/4; tonal class II. A rather transparent borrowing from a Central Khoisan source (cf. Proto-Central Khoisan *kuri 'year').
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