Transcribed as ǂhhoe in [ǂHoan-Cornell]; ɳǂoe ~ ɳǂue ~ ɳǂuʰe in [Traill 1973: 29]. Comparison of both transcriptions indicates that the click must be accompanied with "delayed aspiration" (phonetically, pre-nasalized aspirated articulation, with nasalization only heard clearly in mid-phrase).
Heine & Honken 2010: 17. Quoted as !o in [Collins 2001a: 457]. Polysemy: 'stomach / belly'. Entirely different form found in [Traill 1973: 29]: ǀaˤbe. A. Traill mentions the existence of the exact same form in ǀGwi (Central Khoisan), in which case the ǂHoan form is very likely a borrowing; however, none of the principal published sources on ǀGwi mention the existence of such a form in this language (ɳǀnâ is the standard form for 'belly' in this language).
Traill 1973: 29. Somewhat dubious, since at least two other words with similar meanings are recorded: (a) ɡǂao [ǂHoan-Cornell]; (b) ǂʰi [Bell & Collins 2001a: 134]. The latter at least, attested within the phrase ma ǂʰi 'I am big' (?; unclear what is being meant exactly), may be ineligible, since it is also quoted as ǂʰi: ~ ǂǝi [Traill 1973: 32] in the meaning 'wide' (rather than 'big').
Collins 2001a: 458 (transcribed as ng!a"ma; the "nasalized voiced click" of Collins and Gruber is phonologically analyzed as a voiced uvular click in [Bell-Collins 2001a]). According to the same source, this item, in the meaning 'human chest', is lexically opposed to ɡǀoʔe 'chest (of animal)' [ibid.].
Not attested. [Traill 1973: 29] quotes two different forms, ʘui and ʔɳ!am, both with the meaning 'burn'. He does not specify, however, whether these stems are transitive or intransitive, and their existence has not yet been confirmed in published sources.
Heine & Honken 2010: 19. Quoted as !oˤʔo in [ǂHoan-Cornell].
ǂHoan:ǀaba # 1
ǂHoan-Cornell. Quoted as ǀɜba in [Traill 1973: 29]. Secondary synonyms: (a) ǀǀqau [ǂHoan-Cornell], glossed with the polysemy 'ice / cold' = ǀǀao 'cold' [Traill 1973: 29]; (b) ǂaˤ [ǂHoan-Cornell]. Since the former entry is more likely to be a noun, and the latter is not supported in [Traill 1973], we tentatively choose ǀaba as the main entry.
Traill 1973: 29. The word is not attested in any phonetically reliable sources. Traill also quotes the forms čxui ~ ɕʰxui [ibid.] as variants, although it is highly unlikely that they can be mere phonetic variations on kʰõʔẽ; probably a different root.
Heine & Honken 2010: 18. Quoted as ʘoa in [Bell & Collins 2001a: 131]; as ʘoa ~ ʘũĩ ~ ʘua in [Traill 1973: 29]. In [Honken 1977: 158] the same word, following J. Gruber's notes, is written as ʘóːa (sg.), ʘqǒẽ-qà (pl.), with a surprising fluctuation of click effluxes.
Gruber 1975: 6; Heine & Honken 2010: 19. It is not altogether clear if this is the same word as !õːma ~ !ʰõːwa id. [Traill 1973: 30] (with a suffixal extension?). The stem is used with singular objects; the plural action form is ʘóːa [Gruber 1975: 6], quoted as ʘoa in [Collins 2001a: 97].
Gruber 1975: 5. Quoted as ǂiʔi in [Collins 2001: 472]. Both sources gloss the word as 'recline', along with plural action suppletive forms (!qʰǎu in [Gruber 1975: 5]). Also, in [Traill 1973: 30] ʘʼaː ~ cʼãː is glossed as 'lie', but analysis of contexts in [Collins 2001a] shows that it is more likely to represent the basic word for 'sleep' q.v. than 'lie'; considering that most Khoisan languages firmly distinguish between the two meanings, we prefer to leave this slot unfilled.
Gruber 1975: 3. Translated as 'tall'; with the explicit translation 'long' attested only in [Traill 1973: 30] as čaʔaː ~ ceʔaː. Polysemy 'tall / long' is quite typical of the Khoisan area, and there is little reason to doubt that the slot has been filled correctly.
Honken 1977: 161. Translated as 'man' in several syntactic contexts, but it is not made explicit that the word specifically denotes human beings of the male sex. Likewise, ǂHoan ǂʔam-koe 'person' q.v. is occasionally glossed in some sources as 'man', but it is also never clear if it really forms part of the 'man : woman' opposition. Other words that may qualify here are ɳ!áˤ-kòe 'Bushman' [Gruber 1975: 8] and ǂʰõã ~ ǂqʰõã 'ǂHoan person' [Bell & Collins 2001: 150], but more detailed evidence is necessary to reach a decision.
Collins 2001a: 457. Quoted as ǀǀaˤae in [Traill 1973: 30]. Cf. also ǀǀaː 'animal' [Traill 1973: 29]: very likely the same root or even the same word (mistranscribed?), considering the natural polysemy 'meat / animal' in South African languages.
Gruber 1975: 4. Quoted as ǂʼamkoe in [Collins 2001b: 457]; [Bell & Collins 2001: 138]. The word is clearly a compound; its second part may be a general morpheme for denoting people (cf. ɳ!áˤ-kòːe 'Bushman' [Gruber 1975: 8]) and is possibly of Central Khoisan origin (< *kʰoe 'person'). The first part, however, cannot be explained away as a borrowing.
ǂHoan-Cornell. No complete certainty if this is the default generic word for 'root'; other words, glossed more specifically as 'a kind of root', are also found in the same source, e. g. !one, ǀǀɢama etc.
Heine & Honken 2010: 21. Quoted as ɳǀáː in [Gruber 1975: 5]. In the files of [ǂHoan-Cornell], the word is glossed as ǀna 'to be seated', with the click classified as "nasal release with glottal onset", i. e. ʔɳǀa. Regular plural action form for this verb is kí=ǀǀà [Gruber 1975: 5; Collins 2001a: 472].
Heine & Honken 2010: 21. Quoted as ca in [Collins 2001b: 93]; as cʼãː ~ ʘʼaː in [Traill 1973: 30] (the latter variant may be a different word, since this is the only case of a strange variation between an alveolar affricate and a labial click; but for the moment it is more appropriate to regard these forms as representing the same lexeme as ca).
Not attested. In [Traill 1973: 31], the form ǀkʼui ~ ǀkʼoe (= ǀkxui [ǂHoan-Cornell]) is glossed as 'narrow (small)', but the fact that 'narrow' is listed as the first meaning makes the entry very suspicious.
Honken 1977: 165; Heine & Honken 2010: 15. Polysemy: 'that / there', i. e. pronominal and adverbial usage; in the adverbial usage 'there' the word is also quoted as ɕeaˤao ~ ɕaˤʔao in [Traill 1973: 32].