Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)': {Fšecek sňih už roztajáu̯} "All the snow has thawed" [Malina 1946: 102]; {Fšecki zaďňí zubi mám ďuravé} "All my back teeth are holed" [Malina 1946: 23].
Kucaɫa 1957: 228. In addition to the indigenous form {s'itek}, the loanword from the Standard Polish fʂˈist-ɛk {fšistek} is used as well. Distinct from cˈaw-ɨ {cau̯y} 'whole' [Kucaɫa 1957: 228].
TS 5: 175, 211. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. Distinct from cˈɛɫ-ɨ {цэ́лы} ~ cˈaɫ-ɨ {ца́лы} (the second form is influenced by Polish {caɫy}) 'whole / intact, safe / very big' [TS 5: 282].
Kalsbeek 1998: 524. Distinct from z=gor-en-ǐːn-a {zgorenĩna} 'ashes, burnt things, ruins / red inflamed or burnt spot (on the skin)' [Kalsbeek 1998: 591].
Not attested in the dictionary, but according to the OLA data, on the territory of Czech republic variants of the form {popel} are used almost exclusively, and in Polešovice we find {popeɫ} [OLA Ph6: 43-44, map 9]. Since the word 'ashes' is very stable in Slavic languages, including the form {popeu̯} in the list is fully justified.
TS 4: 166. There are two terms translated as 'ashes' in TS: pˈɔpʸɛɫ {по́пел} [TS 4: 166] and zɔɫ-ˈa {зола́} [TS 2: 163]. Unfortunately, for the second term TS provides only two contexts, which does not allow us to find out the difference between these words: {золу́ беруць з печы} "ashes are taken from oven" [TS 2: 163], {Золою не ўгадаеш, колько трэба золіць кросна} "It is hard to estimate, how much ashes you need for bleaching linen in lye" [TS 5: 177].
However, taking into account the contexts for the first term, pˈɔpʸɛɫ {по́пел} seems to be the more frequent and universal term, cf.: {Блошка напала на росаду, трэ попелом посы́паць} "fleas attacked seedlings, they should be powdered with ashes" [TS 1: 64]; {Поўна бочэчка мукі, а зверху жукі} "There is a barrel full of flour and there are beetles on it" (a riddle) – {попел і вуголь} "ashes and embers" (answer) [TS 1: 78]; {золото іў попеліззяе} "gold glitters even in ashes" [TS 2: 152]; {Золото і ў по́пелі блішчы́ць} "gold glitters even in ashes" [TS 4: 166]; {Бі попел на капусці, то гусень будзе} "Looks like ashes on cabbage, it should be caterpillars" [TS 2: 182]; {то зоб'юць село, онно попел будзе} "they will ruin the village, leaving only ashes" [TS 2: 137]; {Толькі одна цэгла да одзін попел остаўса от хаты} "Only bricks and ashes remained from the house" [TS 3: 245]; {Одна цэгла да одзін попел буў у селе!} "there were only bricks and ashes in the village" [TS 4: 166]; {Попел со жлукта называюць пазолкі} "Ashes left in a tub after washing are called pazolki" [TS 4: 7]; {Позол, шчо выкінуць з жлу́кта попел} "pozol, this is when ashes, left in a tub after washing, are thrown away" [TS 4: 125]; {У жлу́кто ўсыплюць ведзер дзве попелу, шоб позолілосо полотно, да п'етнаццаць чугуноў кіпетку́ ўзольюць} "About two buckets of ashes are poured into a tub for lye bleaching linen, and then fifteen pots of boiling water are added" [TS 4: 125]; {А ко́лісь як шо не было мыла, то бралі гэты попел, што топяць у пе́чы да золілі гэтым попелом} "Formerly, if there was no soap, we used to take ashes from oven and boiled [clothes] in water with those ashes" [TS 4: 166]; {У руках плацье отожме́ш, а потым у жлукто да засыпалі попелом і лілі укро́п} "You wring out clothes by hand, then put it into a tub, sprinkle ashes and pour boiling water" [TS 5: 192]; {Розотрэш от такого велікого карука ў попеле да начыніш м'ясом} "One rubs a big pig's stomach with ashes and fills it with meat" [TS 4: 306-307].
There are two probable candidates: zɐɫ-ˈa {зала} and pˈɔpʸǝɫ {попʼьл} ~ pˈopʸɪɫ {попʼил} ~ pˈɔpʸaɫ {попʼал}. They seem to be almost exact synonyms, cf. {А етъ, канʼешнъ, пъпʼалок… зала аднʼим словам} "And this is, of course, "popyelok", or "zola", I mean" [DS 1969: 439]. However, available contexts lead us to the conclusion that the term {зала} is applied to heavy fractions of oven ashes, especially used for washing and bleaching, while {попʼьл} is used for designation of volatile fractions.
Cf. the contexts for zaɫ-ˈa {зала}: {Дʼевка, ты мнʼе нʼа чʼиста вымыла рубаху-то, зала, там пʼирʼаисʼтʼ} "Girl you have not washed my shirt properly, ashes will eat it away" [DS 1969: 102]; {Ранʼшы ф стърʼину мылъ нʼи было, шʼшʼолък дʼелълʼи, вот залы напарʼиш, шʼшʼолкъм залʼным и сʼтʼираиш} "Formerly, in old times there wasn't any soap, we made lye, one steams ashes and washes lye with this ash " [DS 1969: 201]. The derivates zalʸ-ˈi-tʸ {залʼитʼ} 'to boil with ashes' and zalʸ-n-ˈɔy {залʼной} 'intended for boiling with ashes' should be noted as well [DS 1969: 200-201].
The contexts for {попʼьл} are as follows: {Зʼмʼийа чʼирʼис γарʼ нʼи пайдʼотʼ, ана попʼал чʼуствуитʼ} "A snake would not crawl through a burnt-out place, it senses ashes"; {У йентъвъ зъγарʼелъ, прʼишлʼи на друγой дʼенʼ - а там попʼьл} "That man's house was burnt down, we came there the next day, and there were ashes"; {Жыву, жыву, на попʼьл сажγутʼ фсʼо} "One lives, but only ashes remain"; {бываитʼ зʼамлʼа, а патом ана дʼелъицца на попʼил} [When charcoal is burnt] "There is earth, then it turns to ashes"; {Драва пъкладайутʼ балʼшыи, а аγонʼ их фсʼех пʼирʼибʼирʼетʼ на попʼил} "Large pieces of firewood are added, but fire burns it all to ashes"; {Скокъ увʼазʼлʼи, а скокъ на попʼил сʼелʼи… пъстаитʼ, пъстаитʼ и на попʼил сʼадʼитʼ} "Many (old houses) were driven away and many were turned to dust, it stands for a while, and then turns to dust" (literally "sits on ashes") [DS 1969: 439].
Houtzagers 1985: 274. Houtzagers translates it as 'peel / rind / crust', but we have no reason to doubt that it also means 'bark', as in many other Slavic languages.
DS 1969: 518. Polysemy: 'bark / willow'. The term ʂkˈur-a {шкура} 'hide' can be sometimes used in the meaning 'bark' as well, we found two occurrences: {лʼес шкурʼим… а пат шкурой-тъ йесʼтʼ кърайет} "we peel wood... and under bark there are bark beetles" [DS 1969: 605]; {Ад дроф шкура влʼапʼиласʼ, балʼнушкʼи пашлʼи} "The bark from firewood stuck [under my skin] and I got sores" [DS 1969: 62].
Distinct from kar-ˈa {кара} 'scab' [DS 1969: 239], which is used in the meaning 'bark' only once, probably under the influence of Standard Russian: {Кару дубовайу, скару-та йету набратʼ… кръвавой панос астанавʼлʼиваитʼ} "Oak bark ("kora"), this bark ("skora") is gathered to stop bloody diarrhea" [DS 1969: 518].
Distinct from kǝʐ-ux-ˈa {къжуха} 'peel' [DS 1969: 229] and from ɫɨk-a {лыка} 'young lime tree whose bast is used to make bast shoes' [DS 1969: 284].
The term kˈɔʐ-a {кожа} 'skin' is also glossed in the dictionary as 'bark', but this seems to be a mistake, the result of an inadequate explanation provided by the informant: {Скору пръдʼиралʼи, вʼитʼ он, куст, засохнʼитʼ, йесʼлʼи с нʼаво кожу сʼнʼатʼ [ – Что такое "кожа"?] – Йесʼ и нъ лъшадʼах кожа и картошкʼи чʼисʼтʼим – тожа кожа… нъ фсʼакай скатʼинʼи йесʼ кожа… йета тожа кожа ат вʼатла [показывает на кору дерева]… и у чʼилавʼека адна кожа аптʼанута… Хотʼ и у рʼетʼкʼи у γорʼкʼай тожа кожа} "They barked it, but the bush would dry up, if it is skinned [Researcher' answer: - What is skin?] – Skin is on horses, and when we peel potatoes, it's skin too… on all cattle there is skin… it's willow's skin [points at tree bark]… and men are covered with skin…Even a radish has skin too" [DS 1969: 229].
Groen 1977: 265. Polysemy: 'belly / bellows'. Distinct from the Turkic loanword škembe 'tripe' [Groen 1977: 285].
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: mef [Hendriks 1976: 270]. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. A second candidate is the Turkic loanword škembe 'belly, stomach' [Hendriks 1976: 290].
Skopje Macedonian: stomak {стомак} [Evdokimova 2009]. Ultimately borrowed from Greek, probably via Romanian mediation. In the literary language, the main meaning of stomak {стомак} is 'stomach' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 485], whereas the basic term for 'belly' is the inherited term mef {мев} with polysemy: 'belly / bellows / water-skin' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 254].
Hill 1991: 205. There are three possible candidates: the indigenous {mef} 'stomach / womb' [Hill 1991: 205], the Greek loanword {stomak} 'stomach' [Hill 1991: 231] and the Turkic loanword škʸˈɛmb-a {šk'emba} 'stomach' [Hill 1991: 234]. Due to lack of contexts it is not possible to differentiate between them. However, the OLA map L9/50 shows that in the Macedonian dialects the words {mef} and {stomak} are normally used in this meaning, sometimes both of them. Because of this we have to include both words in the list.
Kalsbeek 1998: 469: 572. Distinct from c̢mǎːr {čmãr} 'stomach' [Kalsbeek 1998: 429] and štˈomix {štȍmih} 'stomach' [Kalsbeek 1998: 563]. There is also another term živˈot {živȍt} which means 'lower part of the back / life' [Kalsbeek 1998: 597].
Houtzagers 1985: 377. According to the dictionary, the term {živȍt} 'life' can be used in the meaning 'belly' as well [Houtzagers 1985: 406], but since it does not occur in the texts, we are not able to describe the relation between these words.
Jurišić 1973: 218. Another possible candidate is the unglossed form drɔ̂ːb {drȏb}; it might be assumed that it typically means 'intestines' as it does in Standard Croatian. However, there are examples where {drȏb} undoubtedly means 'belly': {nȅgo ću ti dȁti nogõn ȕ drōb} "or I will kick you in your belly" [Jurišić 1973: 50]. Because of this we prefer to include both terms in the list.
Houtzagers 1999: 244. A problematic item. Two terms can be found in the dictionary: drowb {drȏb} [Houtzagers 1999: 244] and tˈɛrbuh {tȑbuh} [Houtzagers 1999: 325], both glossed as 'belly'. The only context for the first term is {člȍvȩg ȉma drȏb, a svȉnja ima čȩrȇvu} "a human being has a belly, but a pig has paunch" [Houtzagers 1999: 227]. No contexts for the second term are available. Both terms can mean 'belly' in Serbo-Croatian dialects, see [OLA LS9, map 50]. In such a situation we have to include both terms into the list.
Distinct from čärˈeyv-ɔ {čȩrȇvo} 'paunch / belly (of an animal)' [Houtzagers 1999: 237].
Gregorič 2014: 480. Polysemy: 'belly / a kind of food made of cow stomach'. Of German origin. Distinct from tr̩bˈüš-e̝n-a {tr̥ˈbüšėna} 'big belly (expressive)' [Gregorič 2014: 464].
Čujec Stres 2: 358. The term ðrˈwɔβ {đˈruoƀ} 'internal organs' is also glossed as 'belly (obsolete)' [Čujec Stres 1: 147]. Distinct from lyɛmp {ˈliemp} 'big belly' [Čujec Stres 1: 307] and from wamp {ˈwamp} 'belly (pejorative)' [Čujec Stres 2: 390].
Pronk 2009: 208. Glossed as 'intestine' by Pronk. However, the two available contexts (in fact, two variants of the same tale) do not indicate this meaning and rather speak in favour of the meaning 'belly': {Mȋšǝca je lẹ+zwa skuǝz pȗǝt, pa je si pǝtgaa črȋǝbǝco. Je šwa k šȗǝstarju, je rjǝ̀kwa: prọ́sn, pršíwej mi črȋǝbǝco} "A mouse was walking along the road and tore her belly. She came to the shoemaker and said: "Please, sew up my belly"" [Pronk 2009: 158]; {Nǝbàːrt je bwa nǝ mìːšǝca pa je lẹ+ːzwa skuǝs pùːǝt pa sǝ je črẹ+ːwǝco pǝtǝ̀rɣaa. Pa pùːǝšle je šwa k šùːstarjọ pa ɣa je pǝrsíːa, da bi črẹ+ːwǝco pǝršíːwou̯} "Once there was a mouse and she was walking along the road and tore her belly. And she came to the shoemaker and asked him to sew up her belly" [Pronk 2009: 159]. The maps for 'belly' from atlases confirm it: {črẹ+ːwo} (Potschach, written down at 1966) [OLA 9, map 50]; {črẹ+u̯ȍ̦} (Egg, written down at 1958) [SLA 1, map 49].
Distinct from wámp {wȁmp} 'big belly' [Pronk 2009: 284] of German origin.
Prlekija Slovenian:lamp {ˈlamp}-1
Rajh 2010: 112. Polysemy: 'belly / belly-shaped part (e. g. of barrel)'. Of German origin. Distinct from blɛk {bˈlek} 'belly (expressive)' [Rajh 2010: 17].
The only entry in the dictionary glossed as 'Bauch' is bax-ɔr {baxor}, but the only available context is {má velkí baxor} "[he or she] has a big belly" [Gregor 1975: 204]; since it correlates with the pejorative use of {baxor} in most Czech and Slovak dialects, we do not include it in the list. A more plausible candidate is {bruxo}, which occurs in four contexts and seems to be stylistically neutral: {bolí ma bruxo} "my belly hurts" [Gregor 1975: 207]; {na matku mosí pripálit hrňec na bruxu} "matka (some womb disease) should be cured by putting a hot pot on the belly" [Gregor 1975: 243]; {žgŕňa mi bruxo} "my stomach rumbles" [Gregor 1975: 138]; {remeň pod bruxom} "the belt under the belly" [Gregor 1975: 152].
TS 2: 69. Distinct from brux-ɫ-ˈɔ {брухло́} ~ brˈux-ɔ {бру́хо} 'big belly, paunch' (pejorative) [TS 1: 85], tˈɛlʸbux {тэ́льбух} 'man or animal paunch' (expressive) [TS 5: 171]. Distinct from c̢ˈɛrɛv-ɔ {чэ́рэво} 'big belly, paunch' (especially of a pregnant woman or about a belly swollen because of hunger or big amount of food) [TS 5: 313].
DS 1969: 168. Polysemy: 'belly / stoutness / life, period of life (rare) / set of settlement inhabitants or buildings (rare)'. Distinct from baʂˈar {башар} 'paunch' [DS 1969: 50] and from pǝ=čʸirʸˈɛv-ak {пъчʼирʼевак} 'big belly' [DS 1969: 452].
Occurs in examples: {u̯óňi bili veliké zámňeťe v horňím poli} "last year there were big snowdrifts in the upper field" [Malina 1946: 152]; {Sú spou̯em veliká roďina} "Together they are a big family" [Malina 1946: 101]. The adjectives ɦɔdn-iː {hodní} 'kind / beautiful' and ɦrub-iː {hrubí} can be used in the meaning 'big' as well [Malina 1946: 32, 35].
Kucaɫa 1957: 231. SidG., Fac.: dˈuzʸ-i {duz'i}. There are two main terms for 'big': {duz'i} and {velgi}, which corresponds to the situation in Standard Polish. Kucaɫa does not draw a distinction between these synonyms, so we include both in the list.
Comparative form: vʸˈä̃k-sʸ-i {vęks'i}.
Kucaɫa also provides a number of other forms which mean 'big', but they seem to be peripheral (probably emotionally marked or being used only occasionally): spˈwɔr-ɨ {spu̯ory} (W., SidG., Fac.); dˈɔbr-ɨ {dobry} (W., SidG.); pwɔ=ʐˈɔ̃m-n-ɨ {pu̯ožǫmny} (W., SidG.), pɔ=ʐˈɔ̃-nː-ɨ {požonny} (Fac.); mwɔr-ˈɔv-ɨ {mu̯orovy} (W., SidG.), mɔr-ˈɔv-ɨ {morovy} (Fac.); sˈɛt-n-ɨ {setny} (W.), sˈɛt-n-ɨ {setny} ~ sɛt-ˈɛc-n-ɨ {setecny} (Fac.); fɛstɨmˈɛr-skʸ-i {festymerski} ~ fɛrdɨmˈä̃n-ckʸ-i {ferdymęncki} (W.) [Kucaɫa 1957: 231].
There are also plenty of forms meaning 'huge': strˈasn-ɨ {strasny}; wɔgrˈɔ̃m-n-ɨ {u̯ogrǫmny}; ɔkrˈɔpn-ɨ {okropny} (W., SidG., Fac.); mwɔrdɨyaỹ-skʸ-i {mu̯ordyi̯aį̯ski}; clʸˈiv-ɨ {cľivy} (W., SidG.); xaɲˈɛb-n-ɨ {hańebny} (W.) [Kucaɫa 1957: 231].
TS 1: 110-111. The most common word for 'big'. However, the comparative form bˈolʸʂ-ɨ ~ bɔlʸʂ-ˈɨ {бо́льшы́} 'bigger' in the feminine, neuter and plural forms may be used as positive degree form with stress shifted to the flexion, cf. some examples: {вода большая цепер} "there is a high water now", {муха бі́скае большая да не дае спаць} "A big fly buzzes and does not let you sleep", {малы́е дзеці спаць не даюць, а большы́е, то жыць} "small kids do not let you sleep, big ones do not let you live" (a proverb) [TS 1: 71], {у Любові́чах і ў Церэблічах ветрэнікі булі, кры́ла большы́е, обшытые полотном} "In Lyubovichy and Tsereblichy there were windmills with big linen-sheathed wings" [TS 1: 121], {от водзеча, водзі́шчэ большо́е} "there is a flood, high water" [TS 1: 131], {от дожджэча большая, на цэлы месяц занегодзіло} "there is a heavy shower, bad weather lasts for a full month" [TS 2: 27], {зло́дзей – е больша́я ганьба} "to be a thief is a big shame" [TS 2: 156].
Distinct from max {мах} ~ maxʸ-ˈi {махі́} ~ mˈaxʸ-in-ɨ {ма́хіны} 'very big' [TS 3: 68], nˈaɣɫ-ɨ {на́глы} 'big, tall / impudent', which in the first meaning is applied to flax ({на́глы поро́с лён} "it grew a tall flax"), pots ({наглы горшчо́к на ка́шу} "a big pot for porridge"), teeth ({наглые такіе зу́бы, бы борона́} "such big teeth, like a harrow") and fur coats ({то буў кожушок на́глый, мо з поўпу́да важыў} "it was a big fur coat, it weighed about a half pood") [TS 3: 119] and nʸɛ=ʂc̢ˈot-n-ɨ {нешчо́тны} 'very big' [TS 3: 202].
The most common term. Some examples are: {Балʼшайъ балота, а то малʼинʼкʼийъ бълатʼинъчʼкъ} ""Boloto" is a big bog, while "bolotinochka" is a little bog" [DS 1969: 62]; {Надъ думатʼ а балʼшой вадʼе, а нʼи малʼинʼкʼай} "One should think about big water, not about small one (when a bridge is built)" [DS 1969: 64].
The old term vʸalʸˈik {вʼалʼик} ~ vʸilʸˈik {вʼилʼик} occurs only 6 times and always in the short form: {Сʼамʼйа дабрʼе вʼалʼика - чʼатырнаццътʼ душ} "The family is very big: fourteen members" [DS 1969: 373]; {У нʼей рʼибʼенак, а ской вʼалʼик - нʼа знайу} "She has a child, but I do not know how old it is" [DS 1969: 518]; {Када сʼвʼакры умʼарла, ана ской вʼилʼика была?} "When her step-mother died, how old was she [a girl]?" [DS 1969: 518]; {Дъ их куст вʼалʼик} "Because their family is big" [DS 1969: 553]; {О, какайъ прарамка у тʼибʼе… на пуγавʼичʼку ана вʼилʼика дабрʼе} "Oh, what a buttonhole you have… it is too big for the button" [DS 1969: 466]; {Окны какʼии лабастыи… уж болʼнъ вʼилʼкʼи} "Such big windows…They are a little too big" [DS 1969: 279].
There is also the term ɫab-ˈast-ay {лабастай}, which seems to be a synonym of balʸʂ-ˈɔy {балʼшой} and is often used along with it: {Взʼала палку балʼшуйу, лабастайу и давай майу сʼвʼинʼйу бʼитʼ} "She took a big stick and started to beat my pig"; {Лошътʼ у нʼаво харошъйа, лабастъйа, балʼшайа} "He has a horse, good and big" [DS 1969: 279]. However, it is much less frequent than balʸʂ-ˈɔy {балʼшой}, so we do not include it into the list. Probably what is being observed here is the beginning of the replacement process.
Some examples are: {Chitali ptáki na vjeički} "They fowled birds using baits" [Malina 1946: 145]; {To si ňe skorí pták!} "You are such a fast bird!" (ironically about latecomers) [Malina 1946: 109].
Kalsbeek 1998: 450. Distinct from u=yˈes {ujȅs} (imperfective form u=yyed-ˈa-t {ujiedȁt}) 'to bite / to sting', which is probably applied to insects [Kalsbeek 1998: 458].
Čujec Stres 1: 263. First person sg. is kˈwɔyl-ǝm {ˈkuojlǝm}. Glossed as 'to cause wound pain with teeth' and can be applied to (at least) dogs, horses and fleas. Another candidate is ɣriz-t {ɣˈrizt} ~ ɣruz-t {ɣˈruzt}, but it is glossed as 'to crush with teeth' and rather means 'to bite off' [Čujec Stres 1: 201, 205]. The diagnostic context is {ˈpǝs pa ˈkuojlǝ, na ɣˈrizǝ} "dog kuojlǝ, not ɣˈrizǝ" [Čujec Stres 1: 201].
Gregor 1975: 226. Polysemy: 'to bite / to chew'. First person sg. is: ɦriz-u {hrizu}.
Wieciorka Lesser Polish:ˈu=zrɛ-ɕ {uzreć}5
Kucaɫa 1957: 80. Perfective form, imperfective is not attested. The examples given by Kucaɫa are: {pez͜ uzre} "a dog will bite" and {u̯osa uzre} "a wasp will sting". There is also a special term u=pˈɒlʸ-i-ɕ {upåľić}, glossed as 'ukąsić' as well, but the example indicates that it is rather limited to the meaning 'to sting': {u̯osa me upåľiu̯a} "a wasp stung me" [Kucaɫa 1957: 80]. Elsewhere Kucaɫa underlines that there is no equivalent of Standard {kąsać} [Kucaɫa 1957: 297].
Since it is the same as in Standard Russian this term does not have its separate entry, but it occurs in examples: {кусаиш - фсʼе зубы вʼидна!} "when you bite it, all your teeth are seen" [DS 1969: 252]; {анʼи кусайутʼ, муравлʼи-та} "they bite, those ants" [DS 1969: 161]. Applied to insects, geese, pigs, snakes, humans and nettle. Perfective form is u=kus-ˈi-tʸ {укуситʼ}: {Тока в лʼес взайдʼош, абуиша лаптʼи, кабы зʼмʼайа нʼи укусʼила} "As soon as you enter the forest, you usually put bast shoes on your feet, so as not to be bitten by a snake" [DS 1969: 82]. The reflexive form {кусацца}, like in Standard Russian, means 'to be able to bite / to have a propensity to bite': {йашʼшʼиркʼи у нас, етʼи нʼи кусайуццъ} "those lizards we have, they do not bite" [DS 1969: 611].
Distinct from ɣrɨs-tʸ {грыстʼ} 'to nibble / to sting' [DS 1969: 130], klʸav-ˈa-tʸ {клʼаватʼ} 'to peck (of birds) / to bite (of fish) / to sting (of insects) / to bite (of snakes) / to crack (nuts, sunflower seeds, of people)' [DS 1969: 223], tk-a-tʸ {ткатʼ} 'to prod / to sting (of insects)' [DS 1969: 558].
Does not have a separate entry, but occurs in some examples: {ˈMora jǝ iˈmie za ˈkejnǝ, ˈčǝrǝnɣa} [Čujec Stres 1: 372]; {ˈtinta jǝ ˈčǝrna} "ink is black" [Čujec Stres 2: 350]; {ˈɣaːƀǝr jǝ ˈƀiːǝu̯ m pa ˈčǝrn} "hornbeam is of two kinds: white and black" [Čujec Stres 1: 173].
Does not have a separate entry, but frequently occurs in such examples as: {Уγалʼ жγʼош, чʼорнай зʼдʼелайисʼсʼи, аднʼи γласкʼи тарчʼатʼ} "When you burn coal, you become black, only your eyes can be seen" [DS 1969: 111]; {Буравыйь γрыбы - анʼи бʼелыйь, толʼкʼъ шлʼапкъ чʼорнъйъ} "Pine forest mushrooms are white, only their cap is black" [DS 1969: 129].
Some examples are: {naščípnút si kosť} "to slightly split one's bone" [Malina 1946: 66]; {už nemám tag ohipké kosťi} "My bones aren't as lithe as they used to be" [Malina 1946: 72].
DS 1969: 244. The term masˈɔɫ {масол} ~ masʸlʸ-ˈak {масʼлʼак} is used in the meaning 'bone' as well [DS 1969: 297], but it probably has a pejorative shade, as in Standard Russian.
Kalsbeek 1998: 531. Another possible candidate, sas-ˈac {sasȁc}, glossed as 'breast; nipple' in the dictionary [Kalsbeek 1998: 542], unfortunately does not occur in the texts, so we cannot specify its semantics more exactly and can only suppose that it probably means 'nipple' as do its cognates in other Slavic languages.
Vážný 1927: 178. Plural forms. There is also another term, ɲǎːdr-a {ňádra} (plural) [Vážný 1927: 169], of Slovak origin. Vážný does not specify its meaning, but it is probably 'female breast'.
Čujec Stres 2: 215. Plurale tantum. Distinct from cisc {ˈcisc} 'nipple / female breast (in plural)' [Čujec Stres 1: 106] and mˈyɛðr-a {ˈmieđra} '(female) breast / bossom' [Čujec Stres 1: 342].
Resian Slovenian:pʊš{pṳ́š}4
Steenwijk 1992: 301. Polysemy: 'breast / tit of udder'. Most probably, the semantic shift 'box' > 'breast' happened under Romance influence. Cf. literary Slovene {puša}, {pušica}, {puščica} 'pencil', which goes back to Old Bavarian {puhsa} (Modern Literary German {Büchse}) [Bezlaj 1995: 138] (it seems strange, but Snoj, who wrote the entry for Bezlaj's dictionary, later changed his mind and in his own dictionary suggested that {puščica} goes back directly to Latin {pyxis}) [Snoj 2016: 618].
Occurs in contexts: {chrčí mu na prsách} "he has a cracking sound in his breast" [Malina 1946: 38]; {Odlehu̯o mu na prsách} "his breast is relieved" [Malina 1946: 71]. Distinct from cɛc-iːk-ɪ {cecíki} (pl.) 'female breast' [Malina 1946: 14].
The terms {hruď} and {hrudník} are not attested
The word ɲadr-a {ňadra} is attested only in such collocations as {za ňadrama} (place) and {za ňadra} (direction) "in one's bossom" [Malina 1946: 133, 38, 62, 104].
Gregor 1975: 262. Neuter plural form. Glossed as 'female breast / animal breast' by Gregor, but the following example makes us think that it designates the male breast as well: {zásťera xlapska s prsámi} "a men's apron with the breast [part]" [Gregor 1975: 289].
TS 1: 229. Plural form. Distinct from ʒʸˈiʒʸ-a {дзі́дзя} 'female breast' [TS 2: 18] and pʸˈɛrscʸ-i {пе́рсці} ~ pʸɛrscʸ {пе́рсць} 'horse chest' (feminine in singular, masculine in plural), cf. {персць у коня, дзе роздзеляецца грудзь} "persts is a place on a horse body, where the chest is divided" [TS 4: 24].
Groen 1977: 125, 255. Labile verb with polysemy: 'to burn [trans.] / to burn [intrans.]'. Distinct from transitive imperf. paʎ-i, glossed as 'to burn, light' [Groen 1977: 271], perf. za=paʎ-i 'to light, set afire' [Groen 1977: 294]. It seems that the basic meaning of transitive paʎ-i, za=paʎ-i is 'to light', cf. the example for paʎ-i: "to light a candle" [Groen 1977: 228].
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: gor-it [Hendriks 1976: 260]. Labile verb with polysemy: 'to burn [trans.] / to burn [intrans.]'. Distinct from pal-it [imperf.] / za=pal-it [perf.], glossed as 'to light, burn' [Hendriks 1976: 276].
Skopje Macedonian: gor-i {гори} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 75]. Labile verb with polysemy: 'to burn [trans.] / to burn [intrans.]'. A second candidate is pal-i {пали} 'to burn [trans.]' [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 351]. Both sources treat gor-i and pal-i as synonyms for 'to burn [trans.]', although according to [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963], the main meaning is pal-i is 'to light'.
Kalsbeek 1998: 513. Glossed in the dictionary as 'light, set fire to' [Kalsbeek 1998: 513], but means 'to burn (transitive)' as well, cf.: {Da so tȍ nȅke vještice krȋve, pak so pālȉli žĩveh, ti ljȗdi} "There were some guilty witches, and they were burnt alive, by those men" [Kalsbeek 1998: 380].
Distinct from gor-ˈe-t {gorȅt} 'to burn (intransitive)' [Kalsbeek 1998: 447-448].
Houtzagers 1985: 246. Houtzagers glosses this verb simply as 'burn' without clarifying if it can be used as a transitive verb as well. The following context shows that {gorȅt} is used as a transitive verb: {Ma vȉte, vȍ su van te sȕknji […] a brȋžnji mȋ…a togȁ ȉmamo te rõbi, vȉte, a tȍ već e…to ćeju svȅ zgorȅt, nȉki nẽće već nosȉt} "But you see, here are these skirts […] and poor us… and we have the clothes, you see, and now… they will burn everything, no one wants to wear them anymore" [Houtzagers 1985: 191].
Distinct from žg-a-t {žgȁt} 'to brand' [Houtzagers 1985: 404] and from pal-ˈi-t {palȉt} 'to bake / to light / to pinch (steal)' [Houtzagers 1985: 315].
Houtzagers 1999: 340. The following forms are attested: {žgȃli} (l-participle, masc. pl.); {pȍžgali} (l-participle, masc. pl.), {pȍžgȩ} (present, 3rd sg.) 'burn, scorch'; {vȕžgat} (inf.), {vȕžgȩš} (present, 2nd sg.), {vȕžgal} (l-participle, masc. sg.), {vȕžgaj} (imperative) 'burn, set fire to' [Houtzagers 1999: 340]. Another word translated by Houtzagers as 'burn' is gˈwor-i-t {gȍrit} ~ z=gˈwor-i-t {zgȍrit} [Houtzagers 1999: 250-251] Unfortunately, we did not find any contexts for it; most likely, it is used only as an intransitive verb, like in literary Serbo-Croatian and Slovene.
Steenwijk 1992: 337. The 3 sg. form {žṳ́ga} and perfective form {šažgɐt} are attested [Steenwijk 1992: 337, 314]. The form gɔr-ˈǝ-t {goré̤t} is glossed by Steenwijk as 'to burn' as well [Steenwijk 1992: 258], and it is probably an intransitive verb, cf. {ki je̤ goré̤la polvarjéra} "because the powder-magazine was burning" [Steenwijk 1992: 193].
Distinct from tič-ˈɐ-t {tičɐt} 'to burn wood' [Steenwijk 1992: 319].
Pronk 2009: 295. Written down as l-participle žg-áː-w {žgȃw} in the dictionary, but the infinitive can be easily extracted from the derivate pr=žg-àː-ti {pržgáti} 'to kindle, lit; burn in' [Pronk 2009: 258]. Distinct from gǝr-èː-ti {gǝrẹ+ti} 'to burn (intransitive)' [Pronk 2009: 215].
Glossed by Malina in the meanings 'to fire bricks / to distil slivovitz / to make court to a woman' [Malina 1946: 80], but there are examples confirming that it is used directly in the meaning 'to burn': {Na Bíu̯ú sobotu sa pálí Idáš} "Judas is burnt on Holy Saturday" [Malina 1946: 39], {Cigán potpálíu̯ Hromečkom šopku} "the Gipsy set Hromešeks' shed on fire" [Malina 1946: 92].
Distinct from ɦɔr̝-a-t {hořat} 'to burn (intransitive) / to tear (about clothes)' [Malina 1946: 33].
Occurs only in two examples: {ve vápeníx pecáx pála vápno} "lime is burnt in lime kilns"; {páli ma žalúdek} "my stomach burns" [Gregor 1975: 140], but there are also perfective and prefixed forms: {a xlapca milého spálili} "and they burnt the sweet boy" [Gregor 1975: 191]; {popálila sa pri kaše} "she burnt herself while eating porridge" [Gregor 1975: 108].
Distinct from ɦɔr-ɛ-t {horet} 'to burn (intransitive)' [Gregor 1975: 225].
TS 4: 9-10. Polysemy: 'to burn (transitive) / to burn down / to light a fire / to thirst (for something) / to clang / to shoot'. Unfortunately, TS does not provide the meaning 'to burn' in the entry itself, but we can easily find it in some contexts in other entries: {палілі ворох лапцей} "(we) were burning a heap of bast shoes" [TS 1: 108]; {Жукоў колорадскіх у газу кідаём да палімо} "We throw potato beetles into kerosene and burn them" [TS 1: 190].
Distinct from ɣɔr-ˈe-cʸ {горэ́ць} 'to burn (intransitive) / to get warm while rotting / to rot / to get warm from heat / to burn from bites or burns / to decay from heat / to flower (about cucumbers) / to have a very bright colour' [TS 1: 224].
DS 1969: 167. Polysemy: 'to burn (transitive) / to cause smarting pain / to flash (about lightning)'. Distinct from ɣarʸ-ˈɛ-tʸ {γарʼетʼ} 'to burn (intransitive)': {Зʼимой па фсʼей ночʼи аγонʼ γарʼитʼ, а шʼшʼас нʼет} "In winter fire burns all night long, but now it does not" [DS 1969: 157].
According to the most widespread hypothesis, the forms {*pazurъ} and {*pazorъ} are considered expressive shortenings of {*paznogъtь} 'part of limb with claws / nails' [Vasmer 3: 186; SP 2: 26; Boryś 2005: 419]. Another example for the rare prefix {*paz-} is {*pazderьje} 'hurds, shives'. The prefix is also connected with the Lithuanian preposition {pàs} 'by' [Vasmer 3: 185-186; Boryś 2005: 419-420]. Another, rather doubtful, hypothesis was proposed by Václav Machek, who posits for the form {*paznogъtь} the prefixes {*pa-} and s-mobile, which he also sees in the Hittite {šankuwai-} 'nail' [Machek 1968: 439].
DS 1969: 229. Polysemy: 'claw / nail'. The term {ноγатʼ} is perceived as literary: {Нохтʼи надатʼ зватʼ, а мы - кохтʼи} "They should be called "nogti", but we call them "kogti"" [DS 1969: 229]. The other examples are: {Йа пашла - сʼидʼатʼ бабы - кудрʼи наводʼутʼ дъ кохтʼи красʼутʼ} "When I went [to the hairdresser's], there were women sitting, curling their hair and doing their nails"; {А вот палʼьц, коγатʼ выпадывъйитʼ, етъ нъзывайиццъ въласʼенʼ} "Here is a finger, the nail falls out, it is called whitlow" [DS 1969: 229]; {Дʼвʼерʼ нъчʼала мытʼ дъ зъсадʼила сайе стопку пат коγатʼ - и нъхтайеткъ} "[I] was washing the door and got a splinter under a nail and then [I got] a whitlow" [DS 1969: 94]; {У нʼей нъ абоих вʼитʼ руках… И на йетай кохтʼи какʼии-та изʼвʼилʼатыи} "She has on both hands... And on this hand her nails are kind of crooked" [DS 1969: 207].
Difficult case. The term mrač-n-ɔ {mračno} is attested once, but it occurs in a context which does not make it clear if it is used in the meaning 'cloud' or only 'rainy cloud': {Vivalujú sa mračna, bude pršat} "Clouds are thronging, it will be raining" [Malina 1946: 144]. There is also an expression {zmračené nebe} 'cloudy sky'. Unfortunately, it is not sufficient for our purposes.
Distinct from xuːl-av-a {chúlava} 'snowstorm / rainy cloud' [Malina 1946: 38]; from pɔd=vaw-a {podvau̯a} 'black cloud' [Malina 1946: 87] and from ɦrat {hrat} 'hail / big cloud' [Malina 1946: 34].
There are two terms for 'clouds' in the dictionary: ɔb=lak-i {oblaki} (pl.) 'Bewölkerung' [Gregor 1975: 249] and zɔr-ɛ {zore} (pl.) 'Wolke, Bewölkerung' [Gregor 1975: 290]. Unfortunately, the material is very scarce, which is why we cannot distinguish between these terms and have to include both in the list. Distinct from ml-a {mla} 'fog' [Gregor 1975: 244].
TS 4: 156. There are two terms for 'cloud': pɔ=mʸˈaɣ {помя́г} ~ pɔ=myˈaɣ {пом'я́г} [TS 4: 156] and pˈɔ=xmar-ɔk {по́хмарок} [TS 4: 204]. Unfortunately, available contexts do not allow us to differentiate between them, so we can only make a suggestion that the difference lies in the sphere of geography, since the first term is attested in Siamihoscičy and Mačuе, while the second one in Aеhomieе and Turov. In this situation we have to include both terms in the list.
The contexts for pɔmʸˈaɣ {помя́г} ~ pɔmyˈaɣ {пом'я́г} are: {Хмар не було, а так помяг выйшоў, да блі́снуло і забіло чоловека} "There were no storm clouds, but then there appeared a cloud, lightning struck and killed a man"; {На небі красные пом'егі́, то на негоду} "There are red clouds in the sky, it is likely the weather will get worse"; {Пом'ягі поцегло́ по чыстому небу} "clouds are going to be blown away with the wind in the clean sky"; {Пом'яжкі́ на небі — будуць гарбузы́ добрые або гуркі́} "There are clouds in the sky, there will be good pumpkins or cucumbers" [TS 4: 156].
The contexts for pˈɔ=xmar-ɔk {по́хмарок} are: {Як даў дождж з-под похмарка!} "The rain has poured from the cloud" [TS 2: 166]; {Кажуць, ек похмаркі, трэба посаджаць гарбу́зы} "They say that when there are clouds in the sky, you should plant pumpkins" [TS 4: 187]; {Похмаркі ідуць по небе} "Clouds are floating in the sky" [TS 4: 204]; {От велікі похмарок, і с такого похмарка пойдзе дождж} "There is a big cloud, it will rain from this cloud" [TS 4: 204].
Distinct from tˈuc̢-a {ту́ча} 'pouring rain / black rainy cloud' [TS 5: 167], from xmˈar-a {хма́ра} 'rainy cloud / swarm of midges' [TS 5: 245] and from pˈa=xmur-ɔk {па́хмурок} 'a cloud in good summer weather' [TS 4: 18]. See also the map 313 in [DABM 1963] for use of {ту́ча} and {хма́ра} in the meaning 'rainy cloud'.
Distinct from tˈučʸ-a {тучʼа} 'rainy cloud', cf. {Дъ йетъ нʼи тучʼа, а тучʼа прʼидʼотʼ, γром как ударʼитʼ, значʼитʼ тучʼа γрознайъ} "It is not a rainy cloud; when a rainy cloud comes, it will thunder, it means that it is a stormcloud' [DS 1969: 127].
Groen 1977: 284. Final -en is an adjectival suffix. Two adjectives for 'cold' are documented in Dihovo: stud-en [Groen 1977: 284] and lad-en [Groen 1977: 262]. Both are only attested in application to weather. Cf. the examples for stud-en: "cold autumn" [Groen 1977: 48], "It is cold (weather)" [Groen 1977: 223, 229]. The examples for lad-en: "We used to go even if it was cold" [Groen 1977: 203], "To-day is colder (po=lad-n-o) than yesterday" [Groen 1977: 205], "Even if it were cold" [Groen 1977: 220]. We follow the Vevchani-Radozhda and Skopje evidence and suppose that the main Dihovo adjective for 'cold', applicable to objects, is stud-en.
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: stud-en [Hendriks 1976: 289]. Two adjectives for 'cold' are documented: stud-en and lad-en. Both are only attested in application to objects. Out of these, stud-en is apparently the basic one, since it is normally opposed to 'hot'. Cf. the examples for stud-en: "cold water" [Hendriks 1976: 98] (opposed to "hot water"), "cold sweat" [Hendriks 1976: 244] (opposed to "hot power"). Cf. the only example for lad-en: "It (a bottle of soft-drink taken out of the refrigerator) is cold" [Hendriks 1976: 224].
Skopje Macedonian: stud-en {студен} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 488]. The second candidate is literary lad-en {ладен} [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 236]. The exact difference between two adjectives in the literary language is unclear, but Evdokimova's data only contain stud-en.
Uhlik 2016. Distinct from xlˈaːd-ɛn {hladen} 'cold', which is more restricted in use and is often used in the figurative meaning ({hladen človek} 'cold man') [Uhlik 2016].
Standard Slovene: {mrzel}, {hladen} [Pretnar 1964: 931].
Groen 1977: 106, 132, 251, 256. Paradigm: id-i- [imperf.] / do=y- [perf.]. Both stems contain the same root. The root variant =y- (do=y-) gradually supplants the more archaic variant =yd- (do=yd-) across the perfective paradigm. Initial do= is the directional prefix 'to'.
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: id-e- [imperf.] / do=yd- [perf.], both stems contain the same root [Hendriks 1976: 158, 182, 255, 261].
Skopje Macedonian: do=aȡ-a {доаѓа} [imperf.] / do=yd-e {дойде} [perf.], the stems contain two different roots [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 91, 95].
Hill 1991: 188, 84. Imperfective stem. The perfective stem is suppletive: dˈɔ-yd-ɛ {dojde}. The Greek borrowing is used as imperative ɛɫa {eɫa} (plural: ˈɛɫtɛ {eɫte}). Aorist participle is ˈdɔ=šɔ-ɫ {došoɫ} [Hill 1991: 88].
Steenwijk 1992: 265. L-participle is {paršǝ́l} (masc., sg.). Imperfective form is {parájat} 'to come / to become / to grow / to ripen' [Steenwijk 1992: 253].
Kalsbeek 1998: 495. Distinct from cˈr̩k-nu-t {cȑknut} 'to die (miserably)' [Kalsbeek 1998: 426] and from krep-ˈa-t {krepȁt} (imperfective form krep-yev-ˈa-t {krepievȁt}) 'to die (of animals)' of Romance origin [Kalsbeek 1998: 472].
Houtzagers 1985: 301. Distinct from cˈɛrk-nu-t {cȅrknut} 'to die (miserably)' [Houtzagers 1985: 220] and from krɛp-ˈa-t {krepȁt} 'to die (of animals)' of Romance origin [Houtzagers 1985: 277].
Houtzagers 1999: 280. The unprefixed stem is probably used in the infinitive and in the l-participles. In the present and in the l-participles prefixed stems are used as well: ˈu=mrɛ-l-ɔ {ȕmrelo} and zˈa=mrɛ-l-ɔ {zȁmrelo} etc. [Houtzagers 1999: 151, 280]. Distinct from cˈɛrk-nɔ-t {cȑknot} 'to die (of animal)' [Houtzagers 1999: 236].
Gregorič 2014: 474. For the isogloss of the phonetic change um- > xm- see SLA map 1/72.
Distinct from cˈr̩k-e̝n-t {ˈcr̥kėnt} [Gregorič 2014: 59] and krˈɛːp-e̝n-t {kˈreːpėnt} [Gregorič 2014: 158], both meaning 'to die (of animals) / to die (miserably)'.
Steenwijk 1992: 283. Distinct from krap-ˈɐ-t {krapɐt} 'to die (of animals)' of Romance origin [Steenwijk 1992: 271]. The verbs {jtǝ́t} ~ {tit} 'to go / to become' and na=tˈɛg-nu-t-sɛ {natɛgnut se} 'to lie down' can be sometimes used in the meaning 'to die' as well [Steenwijk 1992: 264-265, 319].
Occurs in contexts: {Tá ďefčička sa smutno ďívá, ja dibi uš chťeu̯a umřít} "This girl is looking so sorrowful, as if she wants to die" [Malina 1946: 19]; {Ten chce umřít} "He is going to die" [Malina 1946: 38].
Unprefixed form is also possible: {Ludé hoďňe mřú na lunzocht} "A lot of people die of tuberculosis" [Malina 1946: 54].
Distinct from z=dɛx-nuː-t {zdechnút} 'to die (of animals) / to die [miserably] / to die out (of fire)' [Malina 1946: 157]; z=gr̩g-nuː-t {zgrgnút} 'to die (jokingly)' [Malina 1946: 159]; from dɔ=ȡɛw-a-t {doďeu̯at} 'to finish / to die' [Malina 1946: 20]; from dɔ=kr̩pač-a-t {dokrpačit} 'to die (pejorative)' [Malina 1946: 21]; and from skap-a-t {skapat} 'to die (pejorative)' [Malina 1946: 108].
The word z=mɪ-nuː-t-sa {zminút sa} is also glossed as 'to die' by Malina [Malina 1946: 160], but there is no reason to suggest that it is the basic term.
Gregor 1975: 281. Imperfective form is ʔu=miːr-a-t {umírat}. Distinct from z=gr̩g-nu-t {zgrgnut} 'to die (about animals or [miserably] about people)' [Gregor 1975: 289].
Kucaɫa 1957: 165. SidG., Fac.: u=mʸˈɨr-a-ɕ {umyrać}. Perfective form: wˈu=mʐɨ-ɕ {u̯umžyć}. Less frequent is the unprefixed form written down by Kucaɫa in the Standard orthography as {mrzeć} [Kucaɫa 1957: 165].
TS 4: 152; TS 5: 197. In the meaning 'to die' the same root is used with different prefixes.
Distinct from z=mʸˈɛr-cʸi {зме́рці} 'to die out' [TS 2: 158], from s=kan-ˈa-cʸ {скана́ць} 'to pass away' [TS 5: 39].
Distinct from a number of expressive verbs used in the meaning 'to die': z=ɣʸˈirʒʸ-i-cːa {згі́рдзіцца} [TS 2: 143], pɔ=ɣʸˈirʒʸ-i-cːa {погі́рдзіцца} [TS 4: 89], zɫˈoxn-nu-cʸ ~ zɫɔxn-nˈu-cʸ {зло́хну́ць} [TS 2: 156], kʸˈɛk-nu-cʸ {ке́кнуць} [TS 2: 189], pɔ=ɔ=prˈuc̢-va-cːa {поопру́чвацца} [TS: 4: 164], s=kɔpucʸ-ˈi-cːa {скопуці́цца} [TS 5: 46]; and from vˈu=sn-u-cʸ {ву́снуць}, which is probably applied to mass deaths (pejoratively), cf.: {Тые немцы од морозу вуснулі, не прывуклі воны} "Those Germans died of the cold, they aren't used to it"; {Мой купіў таку пляшэчку, попрыскала, то ўсе мухі вуснулі} "My husband bought a bottle of it, I sprinkled [it], and all the flies died" [TS 1: 175-176].
Some examples are: {Када сʼвʼакры умʼарла, ана ской вʼилʼика была?} "When her step-mother died, how old was she [a girl]?" [DS 1969: 518]; {Знатʼ йаму бох сулʼил такой сʼмʼерʼтʼйу пъмʼирʼетʼ} "Evidently such death was predestined for him by God" [DS 1969: 492]. Imperfective forms are pǝ=mʸir-ˈa-tʸ {пъмʼиратʼ} [DS 1969: 436] and u=mʸir-ˈa-tʸ {пъмʼиратʼ}.
Distinct from ǝta=ydʸ-ˈi-tʸ {ътайдʼитʼ} ~ ata=ydʸ-ˈi-tʸ {атайтʼитʼ} 'to move away, to leave / to end (intransitive) / to die (probably about an extended process)' [DS 1969: 379], rʸaʂ-ˈɨ-cːa {рʼашыццъ} 'to decide / to lose / to pass away' [DS 1969: 489] and u=pˈas-tʸ {упасʼтʼ} 'to fall / to die (of animals) / to flow into (of river)' [DS 1969: 576].
Number:18
Word:dog
Dihovo Macedonian:kuč-e-1
Groen 1977: 262. A wandering Balkan word of unclear origin.
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: kuč-e [Hendriks 1976: 268]. Distinct from the inherited term pes 'sheep-dog' [Hendriks 1976: 277].
Skopje Macedonian: kuč-e [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 236]. Distinct from the more rare inherited term pes 'dog' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 356].
Hill 1991: 197. Most probably of onomatopoeic origin, cf. such Bulgarian appellative interjections as {куч}, {куч-куч}, {кут-кут} and the wide range of similar interjections in European languages and names for 'dog' based on them [BER 3: 167-170].
Distinct from kutˈal-ɛ {kutale} 'pup'.
Orbanici Chakavian:brɛk {brȅk}-1
Kalsbeek 1998: 422. A Romance borrowing. The term {pas} is not attested.
Appears in examples: {Súsedovi majú velice kúsavého psa} "The neighbours have a dog that bites a lot" [Malina 1946: 50]; {vzáu̯ sa tu přede mnú najednú velikí pes} "a big dog suddenly appeared in front of me" [Malina 1946: 147].
TS 5: 67. Distinct from cʸˈucʸ-a {цю́ця} ~ cʸˈucʸ-k-a {цю́цька} ~ cʸˈucʸ-ik {цю́цік} used in baby talk or as an expressive word [TS 5: 284]. The term {пёс} is not attested.
Does not have a separate entry, but frequently occurs in examples: {ана зрʼа нʼи брʼахала нʼи нъ каво, нʼикаво, нʼи троγъла, сабака харошъйъ} "it did not bark at anyone for nothing, it did not attack anyone, it was a good dog" [DS 1969: 66]; {Сабака хужы кошкʼи, сʼтʼерʼву фсʼу йисʼтʼ, акълʼаватʼину} "Dog is worse than cat, it eats all carrion" [DS 1969: 366]. The term {пёс} is not attested.
Some examples are: {Jedli a pili v rospust} "They ate and drunk their fill" [Malina 1946: 102]; {S téj sklénki nepij} "Do not drink from this glass" [Malina 1946: 50]. Distinct from br̩mb-a-t {brmbat} ~ bumb-a-t {bumbat} 'to drink' (in baby talk) [Malina 1946: 12].
Some examples are: {ležáčki sa ňedá pit} "it is not possible to drink while lying" [Gregor 1975: 145]; {pijeme teju vínovú} "we drink tea with wine" [Gregor 1975: 278].
Occurs in examples: {Чʼем вʼино пʼитʼ, лучʼчʼи паслажы паисʼ} "It is better to eat something sweet than to drink wine" [DS 1969: 445]; {Што-тъ нʼа хочʼиццъ пʼитʼ} "I am not really thirsty" [DS 1969: 514].
Occurs in examples: {ze suxím drevom kúri} "[he or she] is stoking with dry wood" [Gregor 1975: 238]; {dom pokrívali ze suxú trsťinu} "the houses were covered with dry reed" [Gregor 1975: 119].
Kucaɫa provides only the meaning 'lean' [Kucaɫa 1957: 164], but in some contexts we can find it in the meaning 'dry': {suχe gau̯ǫski} 'dry branches' (Więciórka) [Kucaɫa 1957: 89]; {śano ńesuχe} 'non-dry hay' (Więciórka) [Kucaɫa 1957: 114]; {ńesuχe zarno} 'non-dry grain' (SidG.) [Kucaɫa 1957: 146]; {suχy lont} 'dry land' (SidG.) [Kucaɫa 1957: 215].
Occurs in examples: {Tŕku̯a ho kráva a rozvaliu̯a mu škraň od nosa aš po ucho} "Cow butted him and tore his temple from nose to ear" [Malina 1946: 104]; {Má ku̯apaté uši} "He is lop-eared" [Malina 1946: 42].
Groen 1977: 131, 257. Apparently the root variant yay- gradually supplants the more archaic variant yad- across the paradigm.
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: yai-t [Hendriks 1976: 181, 263]. Apparently the root variant yai- gradually supplants the more archaic variant yad- across the paradigm.
Kalsbeek 1998: 458. Distinct from pap-ˈa-t {papȁt} 'to eat', used in baby talk [Kalsbeek 1998: 513] and from žer-ˈa-t {žerȁt} (less common is the form žryě-t {žriẽt}) 'to gulp, to bolt (food), to devour, to eat in an improper way / to eat (of animals)' [Kalsbeek 1998: 595].
Houtzagers 1999: 258-259. Perfective: pˈwo=yäs {pȍjȩs}. Distinct from žˈär-ɒ-t {žȩ̏rat} 'to eat (of animals or, rude, of people) / to drink (alcohol, rude)' [Houtzagers 1999: 339].
Houtzagers also provides the term kˈuš-a-t {kȕšat}, which he translates as 'eat; taste' [Houtzagers 1999: 269], but only two contexts for this word can be found in his book and they are not sufficient to define its meaning with greater precision. However, we suppose that it has some additional connotations.
Čujec Stres 1: 234-235. The term ðuβs-t {ˈđuƀst} 'to gouge, to chisel' can be used in the meaning 'to eat' as well [Čujec Stres 1: 140], probably with a pejorative shade.
Some examples are: {Jan nechťéu̯ jest} "Jan did not want to eat" [Malina 1946: 76]; {Jedli a pili v rospust} "They ate and drank their fill" [Malina 1946: 102]. Distinct from pap-a-t {papat} 'to eat' (in baby talk) [Malina 1946: 80] and žɦr-a-t {žhrat} 'to eat' (pejorative) [Malina 1946: 164-165].
Kucaɫa 1957: 191. SidG., Fac.: yɛ {i̯eś}. Habitual form: yˈɒd-a-ɕ {i̯ådać} [Kucaɫa 1957: 191]. Distinct from xˈɒrk-a-ɕ {χårkać} 'to eat (about animals or about people pejoratively)', which means 'to choke (intransitive)' and rarely 'to eat' in Fac. [Kucaɫa 1957: 81].
Occurs in examples: {Rosšvŕlau̯a sem vajco a dau̯a sem ho do poléfki} "I shook up the egg and poured it into the soup" [Malina 1946: 102]; {Stŕžiu̯a sem za vajca padesát korun} "I earned 50 crowns for eggs" [Malina 1946: 116].
Some examples are: {Йайцо нонʼи сʼнʼасла курʼица, йа слыхала - кутакчʼила} "A hen laid an egg today, I heard it cackling" [DS 1969: 264]; {Йетъ γусʼина, а йетъ γусак, γусʼина, йайца нʼисʼетʼ, а γусак топчʼитʼ} "This is a she-goose, and this is a he-goose, she-goose lays eggs, and he-goose covers her" [DS 1969: 133].
Groen 1977: 55, 264. Polysemy: 'fat / butter'. Apparently this is the most generic term. Distinct from loy 'fat of cow/sheep, tallow' [Groen 1977: 15, 263] and salo 'fat of pig' [Groen 1977: 280].
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: mast [Hendriks 1976: 270]. Polysemy: 'fat / oil'. Apparently this is the most generic term. Distinct from salo 'lard of pig' [Hendriks 1976: 285].
Not attested. The most probable candidate, mas {mas}, is glossed as 'butter' [Hill 1991: 204]. Though the example {masɫoto pliska} is translated as "the fat is spattering" [Hill 1991: 216], in the dictionary entry mˈasɫ-ɔ {masɫo} is glossed only as 'oil' [Hill 1991: 204].
Kalsbeek 1998: 575. There are two possible candidates: tûːk {tȗk}, glossed as 'fat', and mâːs {mȃs} 'fat, grease' [Kalsbeek 1998: 488] with its derivate mas-n-ˈoȶ-a {masnȍća} 'fat' [Kalsbeek 1998: 488]. Since they are almost completely absent from texts, we cannot differentiate between them.
Distinct from lwôy {luȏj} 'tallow, fat' [Kalsbeek 1998: 483].
Three probable candidates occur: mâːst {mȃst} 'fat, esp. of pigs and people' [Houtzagers 1985: 292], sǎːl-ɔ {sãlo} 'fat' [Houtzagers 1985: 347] and smɔ̂ːk {smȏk} 'fat' [Houtzagers 1985: 353]. Unfortunately, none of them can be found in the texts. We include only mâːst {mȃst} in the list, as a term that is widespread in the Slavic languages in the meaning 'fat'.
Distinct from lɔ̂ːy {lȏj} 'suet, mutton fat' [Houtzagers 1985: 287] and from tûːk {tȗk} 'sheep suet which has been melted, purified and congealed' [Houtzagers 1985: 383].
The word does not have a separate entry, but occurs in the following examples: {ˈriːƀa ˈmuorǝ tˈrikǝrt pˈlaːwat u ˈwađ, na mašˈčaƀ m pa u ˈƀiːnu} "a fish should swim three times: in water, on fat and in wine" [Čujec Stres 2: 222]; {ˈkejk sǝ ˈtustǝ paˈciːǝra u đwaˈnaːjstǝχ ˈuːraχ, đǝ sǝ sˈcaːjta, đǝ pˈriːđǝ mašˈčoƀa ˈwǝn} (-o- instead of -a- is etymologically non-expected, so we suspect it might be a misprint) "you have to leave fat [meat] for 12 hours to make fat come out" [Čujec Stres 2: 53].
Resian Slovenian:grɐs {gräs}-1
Steenwijk 1992: 2005: 45. In this dictionary Steenwijk uses ä both for ɐ and ɘ, but since this word is of Friulian origin ({gras}), we suppose that ɐ is the right transcription.
Does not appear in [Steenwijk 1992], where we find twice the Italianism {grasso}: {ni díjo nútur ne grasse, da an bódi míjak} "they put fats in it to make it soft" [Steenwijk 1992: 176], {to saparáwa wod mlíka anu il grasso wostáje̤ na din kǀ, sám, mást} "it separates [that] from milk and fat remains on a…, only, butter" [Steenwijk 1992: 220].
The Germanism špǝh {špé̤h} means 'lard' [Steenwijk 1992: 316].
TS 2: 71. Polysemy: 'nutrition / fat'. Generic term for 'fat', used in a wide range of contexts, and applied not only to animal fat, but also to human fat: {Поўзе штандарына, жыр еле цягне} "A fat woman is dragging her feet, she could hardly move her fat" [TS 5: 337]; {Ежову і собачы жыр от сухот пілі} "People used to drink hedgehog and dog fat as a remedy for tuberculosis" [TS 2: 51]; {Рыб'ячы жыр піла} "She drank fish oil" [TS 4: 340]; {Ек заб'еш свінча́, то коло жэлудка такой сеткой жыр, чэпец; его перэтапліваюць і п'юць от сухот} "When you kill a pig, there is a net of fat near the stomach, it is called chepets, you can melt it and drink it as a remedy for tuberculosis" [TS 5: 310]; {оточыны – жыр на кішках} "otochyny is fat on guts" [TS 3: 85]; {Шмалец, то чысты жыр} "Lard is pure fat" [TS 5: 330]; {От жырное сало, натекло много жыру} "This pig's fat is so greasy, so much grease poured out" [TS 2: 72]; {Як пеку млінцы, то мажу ско́вороду жыром, шоб воны отсталі} "When I fry pancakes, I spread some fat over the pan, so that they won't stick to it" [TS 3: 289]; {Жыром у дно заўсегда ўпаде хлеб} "Buttered bread always falls on the fat side" [2: 22].
There are also two terms denoting animal fat, especially the one used in cooking. The first one is sˈaɫ-ɔ {са́ло} [TS 5: 10], applied to fat of pig, chicken, goose, fish and badger, cf. the following contexts: {Сало ў куры, сало і ў гусе, а ў козы, корову і овечкі — лой} "A chicken has salo, a goose has salo too, and a she-goat, cow and sheep have loy [TS 5: 10]; {Гусінэ сало не порціцца} "Goose fat never goes bad" [TS 1: 238]; {Сало було на долоню на ём, на кабану} "That boar had palm-thick fat [TS 5: 10]; {Борсуковое сало пілі от сухот} "Badger fat was drunk as remedy for tuberculosis" [TS 1: 75]; {Сом, у ём толькі хвост жырны, розрэж, то сало й польецца} "With the catfish, only the tail is fat; if you cut it, its fat will pour out" [TS 4: 144].
The term ɫoy {лой} [TS 3: 40] is applied to goat, cow, sheep and bear fat. Cf. {От сы́тое целя — лою багато!} "What a thick calf! It has a lot of fat!" [TS 3: 40]; {Як хто де́ржыть овечкі, то й лой е} "If you have sheep, you have fat" [TS 3: 40]; {А медзвёдзіца шчэ не набрала лою, шчэ ходзіць — осцерэгайса} "The bear has not yet accumulated fat, it is still awake – beware!" [TS 3: 40]; {На сенцэ — гной, то на короўку — лой} "With good manure in your hayfield, your cow will be fat" [TS 3: 40]; {Овечы лой под не́бом у роце закожавеў} "Sheep fat became hard under the palate in the mouth" [TS 2: 100]. However, in one case this word is also applied to human fat (possibly pejoratively): {У ёго лой скуру под'еў} "His fat eroded his skin" (about a fat man) [TS 5: 52]. Etymologically *lojь meant 'rendered fat', since it is derived from the verb *liti 'to pour', and in one collocation we can observe conservation of this meaning: {Заліць лою за шку́ру} 'to punish, to beat up', literally 'to pour fat under skin' [TS 3: 40].
We consider the distinction between sˈaɫ-ɔ {са́ло} and ɫoy {лой} as a distinction between the slow hardening and the fast hardening types of fat.
Distinct from ɔ=tˈɔc̢-ɨn-ɨ {ото́чыны} (plural) 'visceral fat' ({оточыны – жыр на кішках} "otochyny is fat on guts" [TS 3: 85]) and from ʂmˈalʸ-ec {шма́лец} 'lard, rendered fat / nicotine tar' [TS 5: 330].
Does not have a separate entry, but occurs in examples: {В γълавʼе у нʼей адʼнʼи косʼтʼи и жыру балʼшоʼвъ нʼет} "In its head there is nothing but bones, and not much fat (about a pike)" [DS 1969: 63]; {Хто жырнай – у таво падбруткʼи, а у каво жыръ нʼет, у таво падбруткъф нʼет} "A fat man has a double chin, but the one who has no fat has no double chin" [DS 1969: 418]. Distinct from bʸɛlʸ {бʼелʼ} 'pork fat' [DS 1969: 53].
Not attested itself, but we have encountered the collective noun pɛːr̝-iː {péří}: {Slépka traťí péří} "The hen lost its feathers" [Malina 1946: 128]; {U Vašíčků dŕhávajú péří každí deň} "At Vašíček's place they pluck [hens] every day" [Malina 1946: 22]. In addition, in Polešovice the form {péro} was attested [OLA Ph6, map 29].
TS 4: 275. The Turov dictionary provides two terms for 'feather': puʂ-ˈɨn-a {пушы́на} [TS 4: 275] and pʸɛr-ˈɨn-a {перы́на} [TS 4: 25]. Dictionary contexts are not numerous, but puʂ-ˈɨn-a {пушы́на} seems to be prefered, since it was used in the following sentences: {От пушына веліка ў того пеўня!} " That cock’s feathers are so big!"; {Поплавок з пушыны зробіў дзед} "Grandfather made a float from a feather"; {Лёгкэ, ек пушынка} "Light as a plume let"; {Пушынкі ў пеўня махінные} "The cock has huge feathers" [TS 4: 275], while pʸɛr-ˈɨn-a {перы́на} is attested only in one context where it means 'leaf of onion': {дае ему перынку цыбулі} "(he) gives him a leaf of onion" [TS 4: 25]. With nothing but these data at our disposal, we include only puʂ-ˈɨn-a {пушы́на} in the list.
The term pʸɛr-ˈɔ {перо́} means 'blade of an oar / pinnate grass / fin (in plural)' [TS 4: 23].
Some examples are: {Была курʼица харошъйа, а тʼипʼерʼ фсʼо блʼезʼнʼитʼ, блʼезʼнʼитʼ, пʼерʼйа лʼезутʼ} "It was a good hen, but now it gets bald, its feathers fall out" [DS 1969: 57]; {Как варона - такʼии-та ростам, тока пʼерʼйа у них бʼелаи} "It (seagull) is of the same size as crow, only its feathers are white" [DS 1969: 204].
Number:27
Word:feather
Dihovo Macedonian:
Gorno Kalenik Macedonian:
Orbanici Chakavian:
Orlec Chakavian:
Vrgada Chakavian:
Devinska Nova Ves Chakavian:
Burgenland Kajkavian:
Ljubljana Slovenian:
Kostel Slovenian:
Zatolmin Slovenian:
Resian Slovenian:plˈʊm-a {plṳ́ma}-1
Steenwijk 1992: 295. Of Italian origin. The difference between {péna} and {plṳ́ma} probably corresponds to the same difference in Italian.
Jurišić 1973: 139. Polysemy: 'fire / hearth'. There is also a less frequent term vâtr-a {vȁtra} [Jurišić 1973: 229], probably introduced under the influence of the Standard language.
Some examples are: {oheň plápolá} "the fire flames" [Malina 1946: 84]; {Ten oheň brzo zadusili} "They quickly extinguished a fire" [Malina 1946: 149].
Occurs in examples: {hibaj naklást na oheň} "make a fire!" [Gregor 1975: 247]; {mrxa drevo si položil na oheň} "you have put bad wood into the fire" [Gregor 1975: 245].
Occurs in numerous examples, cf. {Зʼимой па фсʼей ночʼи аγонʼ γарʼитʼ, а шʼшʼас нʼет} "In winter fire burns all night long, but now it does not" [DS 1969: 157]; {абажγла там къпʼатком илʼ у аγнʼа – вот ы абжыγа} "if your skin is burnt by boiled water or fire, you get a burn wound" [DS 1969: 352].
Does not occur as a separate entry, but is attested in the example "zdràv kak rìba" [Rajh 2010: 278] (cf. Standard Slovene "zdrav kot riba (v vodi)" < German "gesund wie ein Fisch im Wasser").
Occurs in examples: {leku̯á riba} "dead fish" [Malina 1946: 52]; {Riba sebú špŕňá ve voďe} "The fish thrashes around in water" [Malina 1946: 124].
Does not have a separate entry, but occurs in examples: {карасʼ жырнай, скусʼнʼей йей рыбы нʼет} "crucian carp is fat, it is the tastiest fish" [DS 1969: 63]; {брʼедʼинʼ - рыбу лавʼитʼ} "dragnet is for fishing" [DS 1969: 65]; {Када лʼот зъстываитʼ, чʼистай, бʼисʼ сʼнʼеγу, рыбъ плавъитʼ па крайу – ийо вʼидатʼ} "When ice is frozen, when it is pure, without snow, fish is swimming near the edge, and it is seen" [DS 1969: 231].
Čujec Stres 1: 313. Polysemy: 'to fly / to run'. Distinct from fǝrl-ˈiːǝ-t {fǝrˈliːǝt} 'to flit' which can be sometimes used in the meaning 'to fly' as well [Čujec Stres 1: 170].
Pronk 2009: 214. A German loanword, which is probably replacing the older term lt-èː-ti {ltẹ+ti} glossed as 'run; fly (not of birds)' in the dictionary [Pronk 2009: 233]. Distinct from fŕk-a-ti {fȑkati} 'to fly (of birds), to flit' [Pronk 2009: 214].
Malina 1946: 52. Malina glosses this word only as 'to run / to fall', but we have no reason to doubt that it also means 'to fly', as in almost all Slavic languages.
TS 3: 26-27. Polysemy: 'to fly / to move fast'. Durative / habitual form is lʸˈɛt-a-cʸ {ле́таць} ~ lʸɛt-ˈa-cʸ {лета́ць} ~ lʸat-ˈa-cʸ {лята́ць} ~ lʸˈɔt-a-cʸ {лётаць} [TS 3: 24-25]. The form lʸat-ˈa-cʸ {лята́ць} came from Polish or the literary Belarusian language.
Houtzagers 1985: 307. Distinct from stup-ǎːl-ɔ {stupãlo}, glossed as 'foot' in the dictionary [Houtzagers 1985: 359]; this is probably a specialized anatomic term, as is common in Slavic languages.
Does not occur as a separate entry, but is attested in some examples: {nọ́ga me àsa} "my leg hurts" [Rajh 2010: 12]; {zvínti si nogọ́} "to sprain one's ankle" [Rajh 2010: 285]. Distinct from the expressive terms cˈiːpo̞t-ɛ {ˈciːpọte} (f. pl.) [Rajh 2010: 28] and co̞kˈo̝ːt-i {cọˈkọ̇ːti} (f. pl.) [Rajh 2010: 29].
Polysemy: 'full / corpulent'. Occurs in examples, cf. {У мʼинʼа набʼилъсʼ полнъ снасʼтʼ} "I had a tackle full of fish" [DS 1969: 603]; {нъблʼавал полнай тас} "he threw up a full basin of vomit" [DS 1969: 306]; {Матʼ у нʼей харошъйа, полнъйа, взрослайа} "Her mother is good, corpulent and tall" [DS 1969: 83].
Groen 1977: 131, 251. Paradigm: dav-a [imperf.] / day [perf.]. The root variant day- has already supplanted the more archaic variant dad- in all perfective forms except for the aorist.
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: dav-a-t [imperf.] / dai-t [perf.] [Hendriks 1976: 157, 181, 254]. The root variant dai- has already supplanted the more archaic variant dad- in all perfective forms except for the aorist.
Steenwijk 1992: 251-252. Polysemy: 'good / tasty'. Distinct from lˈǝp-u {lé̤pu} 'beautiful / good' [Steenwijk 1992: 275] (the contexts seem to indicate that the distinction resembles the one in literary Slovene).
Occurs in examples: {to je dobra novina} "it is good news" [Gregor 1975: 249]; {dobrí gazda má dobré sersámi} "the good master of the house has good tools" [Gregor 1975: 267].
Kucaɫa 1957: 212. SidG., Fac.: dˈɔbr-ɨ {dobry}. Comparative form: lˈɛp-sʸ-i {leps'i} [Kucaɫa 1957: 212]. There is also a term fˈayn-ɨ {fai̯ny}, colloquial in Standard Polish. Kucaɫa provides the following contexts for it: {fai̯ny χu̯op ś͜ ńegu̯o} "he is a nice guy", {fai̯ny klȯski} "nice kluski" (W.), {to i̯es fai̯nå χåla} "it is a fine meadow" (SidG.) [Kucaɫa 1957: 212]. We assume that in the Więciórka dialect it is not a basic word as well, but has an additional shade of meaning.
TS 2: 23. Distinct from ɣˈarn-ɨ {га́рны} 'good / pleasant / beautiful' [TS 1: 196]. The comparative forms, mentioned in the TS, are {лепшы} lʸˈɛpʂ-ɨ [TS 3: 23] and ɫˈuc̢ː-ɨ {лу́ччы} [TS 3: 51].
DS 1969: 587-588. Polysemy: 'good / healthy / beautiful'. Some examples are: {Са взγлʼадʼа чʼилавʼека узнаиш, какой харошай, какой плахой… Фсʼе лʼудʼи разнаи} "Upon first sight you can understand if a person is good or bad… All people are different" [DS 1969: 82]; {Матʼ у нʼей харошъйа, полнъйа, взрослайа} "Her mother is good, corpulent and tall" [DS 1969: 83]; {Была курʼица харошъйа, а тʼипʼерʼ фсʼо блʼезʼнʼитʼ, блʼезʼнʼитʼ, пʼерʼйа лʼезутʼ} "It was a good hen, but now it gets bald, its feathers fall out" [DS 1969: 57]; {Сʼемʼа канопнъйа сʼеили… ды какайа сʼемʼа была харошъйа} "We sowed hemp seeds... and that seed was so good" [DS 1969: 237].
The comparative form is ɫˈučʸː-i {лучʼчʼи}: {Чʼем вʼино пʼитʼ, лучʼчʼи паслажы паисʼ} "It is better to eat something sweet than to drink wine" [DS 1969: 445].
The term dˈɔbr-ay {добрай} 'kind / festive / having good qualities, respectable (of person) / of full value / healthy' can be used in the meaning 'good' as well: {Какʼии тʼипʼерʼ картошкʼи, нʼи адной картошкʼи добрай нʼету: то чʼорнайъ, то нʼикакайъ} "There are no good potatoes now: some are black, some are bad"; {Съпаγʼи нʼа добрыи, свалʼал плоха… плахʼии, нʼа добрыи} "The boots are not good, he made them bad… bad, not good" [DS 1969: 144].
Number:34
Word:good
Dihovo Macedonian:
Gorno Kalenik Macedonian:ˈar-ɛn {aren}-1
Hill 1991: 171. Probably derived with the Slavic suffix {*-ьnъ} from Greek {χαρά} 'joy'.
The most common form, according to available contexts. It might seem strange that only the forms zʸɛlʸ-ˈɛn-ɨ {зеле́ны} and zʸalʸ-ˈɔn-ɨ {зялёны} are listed in the dictionary entry [TS 2: 150]. Absence of the shift e > o in stressed position in the first form is the reason why we consider it a borrowing, probably from Ukrainian. The second form in its turn reflects "yakanye", which is not typical of the Turov dialect.
Occurs in numerous examples, cf.: {трава зʼилʼонъйъ, а папалъ пат сонышкъ и заγълубʼилъсʼ} "Grass had been green, but it became bluish under sun rays" [DS 1969: 179]; {кузʼнʼаца зʼилʼонава паймала} "(My cat) caught a green grasshopper" [DS 1969: 262].
Groen 1977: 261. Glossed as 'hair', apparently meaning 'hair (collective), head hair'. Distinct from vlak-n-o, glossed as 'hair' in [Groen 1977: 292], apparently meaning 'a single hair'.
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: kos-a 'hair (collective), head hair' [Hendriks 1976: 97, 266]. Distinct from vlak-n-o, glossed as 'hair' in [Hendriks 1976: 298], apparently meaning 'a single hair'.
Skopje Macedonian: kos-a {коса} 'hair (collective), head hair' [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 226]. Distinct from vlas {влас} with polysemy: 'a single hair / combed wool' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 56], vlak-n-o {косма} 'a single hair / fibre' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 56], kosm-a {косма} 'wool' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 226].
Kalsbeek 1998: 584. Another term, dlˈak-a {dlȁka}, glossed as 'hair' in the dictionary, does not occur in the texts, but in a different part of the source it is translated as 'body hair' [Kalsbeek 1998: 435], which seems to be a more exact translation of dlˈak-a {dlȁka}.
Rajh 2010: 112-113. Plural form is las-yˈe̞ː {lasˈjẹː}. Distinct from dlˈak-a {dˈlaka} [Rajh 2010: 41] and ko̞sm-ˈin-a {kọsˈmina} [Rajh 2010: 98], both meaning 'body hair'.
Plural form. Some examples are: {Má vu̯asi v jednej gaguli} "She has her hair in a tuft" [Malina 1946: 27]; {Nosiu̯a vu̯asi do vrkoča} "She wore her hair plaited" [Malina 1946: 147].
DS 1969: 86. There are two terms: vʸisk-ˈi {вʼискʼи} and vˈoɫas-ɨ {воласы} ~ vˈɔɫǝs-ɨ {волъсы} ~ vǝɫas-ˈa {въласа}. As the following context shows us, the first term replaced the second in the meaning 'hair', but then vˈɔɫas-ɨ {воласы} ~ vˈɔɫǝs-ɨ {волъсы} ~ vǝɫas-ˈa {въласа} was probably reintroduced from the literary language: {Ранʼшъ былʼи вʼискʼи: - Што ръскудʼелʼилъ вʼискʼи! А шʼшʼас: Пъдбʼирʼитʼа въласа} "Earlier there was "viski": "Why did you tousle your hair (viski)!" And now: "Tuck your hair (volosa)"" [DS 1969: 86]. Both terms are relatively frequent, so we include them in the list, marking the second one as borrowing.
Some further examples for vʸisk-ˈi {вʼискʼи} are: {Бʼелыйь вʼискʼи-тъ, как снʼиγавыйъ лʼажатʼ} "White hair is of snow colour (about dead man's hair)" [DS 1969: 457]; {Вада мʼахкъйъ, вʼискʼи мʼахкʼийъ, ф калоццъ вада γрубъйъ, вʼискʼи нʼь рашʼшʼешыш} "If water is soft, hair is soft too, but if water in a well is hard, it is difficult to comb hair" [DS 1969: 128].
Some examples are: {Въласа дъ калʼен} "Hair down to one's knees" [DS 1969: 133]; {Мой дʼет жыл сто γадоф, воласы былʼи долγаи, курчʼи} "My husband lived for a hundred years, he had long hair, with curls" [DS 1969: 263].
Steenwijk 1992: 257. Distinct from krˈep-a {krépa} 'head (pejorative)' [Steenwijk 1992: 271]. The term kɔgˈoč-a {kogóča} 'pumpkin' can be used as a pejorative designation of the head as well [Steenwijk 1992: 268].
Kucaɫa 1957: 165. SidG., Fac.: gˈwɔv-a {gu̯ova} [Kucaɫa 1957: 165]. Polysemy: 'head / wheel hub' [Kucaɫa 1957: 97]. The form wɛp {u̯ep} probably has a pejorative shade, as in Standard Polish, cf. {gu̯ova; to ta u gåvedńika u̯ep} "head, that of a vermin [like a weasel] is called u̯ep" (Fac.) [Kucaɫa 1957: 165].
DS 1969: 118. Polysemy: 'head / (mushroom) cap / the highest sheaf in a sheaf pile'. Distinct from baʂk-ˈa {башка} 'head' [DS 1969: 50], which probably has a pejorative shade of meaning.
Gregorič 2014: 65. First person sg. form is čˈüːy-ɛn {ˈčüːjen}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to obey'. Distinct from slˈiːš-e̝-t {sˈliːšėt} 'to belong' [Gregorič 2014: 407] and from po̝=slˈüːš-a-t {pȯsˈlüːšat} 'to listen / to overhear / to obey' [Gregorič 2014: 313].
TS 5: 303-304. The term {слышаць} is not attested. Distinct from sɫˈux-a-cʸ {слу́хаць} 'to listen' [TS 5: 58].
Deulino Russian:sɫˈɨʂ-a-tʸ {слы́шатʼ}3
Occurs in examples, cf.: {Вот уж на етъ ухъ лʼаγу, тада стучʼи, бунʼи йа нʼичʼаво нʼа слышу} "When I lie on this ear, you can knock [at the door], but I will hear nothing" [DS 1969: 69]; {Йа слышала вʼиск, сʼвʼинʼйа вʼишʼшʼела} "I heard a squeal, a pig was squealing" [DS 1969: 86]. The term čʸuy-a-tʸ {чʼуйатʼ} 'to feel / to catch the smell' can be sometimes used in the meaning 'to hear' as well [DS 1969: 601-602].
Distinct from sɫˈux-ǝ-tʸ {слухътʼ} 'to listen / to obey' [DS 1969: 525] and from sɫˈuʂ-ǝ-tʸ {слушътʼ} 'to listen' ({Йесʼтʼ чʼилавʼек γалдлʼивай, балтайитʼ, а йийо нʼихто нʼь слушайитʼ} "There is a talkative woman here, she chatters, but nobody listens to her" [DS 1969: 106]).
TS 4: 290-291. Polysemy: 'horn / narrow end of field, meadow or village / corner of a building / corner of a roof or haystack / corner of a sack / pitchfork nozzle / awn / shepherd's horn / ergot'.
Paradigm: yaː {já} [nom.] / mɲ-ɛ {mňe} ~ ɲ-ɛ {ňe} [gen.] / mɲ-ɛ {mňe} ~ ɲ-ɛ {ňe} [dat.] / mɲ-ɛ {mňe} ~ ɲ-ɛ {ňe} [acc.] / mn-uː {mnú} [ins]. Examples are: {já to nepotřebuju, abi siz ze mňe ďeu̯au̯a bu̯ázni} "I do not need you to make fun of me" [Malina 1946: 11]; {jag ňe nedáš kopu vajec, viženu ťi muža na pec'} "if you do not give me 60 eggs, I will put your husband on the stove" (from an Easter rhyme) [Malina 1946: 135]; {jet toho na mňe trochu moc} "I have had enough of it" [Malina 1946: 41]; {vzáu̯ sa tu přede mnú najednú velikí pes} "a big dog suddenly appeared in front of me" [Malina 1946: 147].
TS 5: 358. Paradigm: ya {я} [nom.] / mʸɛnʸ-ˈɛ {мене} [gen]. / mnʸ-e {мне} [dat.] / mʸɛnʸ-ˈɛ {мене} [acc.] / mn-ˈɔyu {мною} ~ mn-ˈɔy {мной} [ins.] / mnʸ-e {мне} [loc.]. Examples are: {Не стой коло мене, не гледзі на мене} "Don't stand near me, don't look at me" [TS 1: 202]; {Баценько, дай мне на чо́боты гро́шэй} "Daddy, give me money to buy shoes" [TS 1: 45]; {Вон бежыць поза́ду зо мною} "He’s running after me" [TS 4: 120]; {Там доярка дзеўка бегла зо мной поруч} "A milker ran beside me" [TS 4: 186]; {Усе бачаць, шо на мне, а не бачаць, шо во мне} "All of them can see what is on me, but they cannot see what is inside of me" [TS 1: 45].
Some examples are: {Анʼи лʼажатʼ, и йа лʼажу, анʼи зъвʼишʼшʼатʼ, йа фстайу} "They (piglets) lie, and I lie too, they start to squeal and I get up" [DS 1969: 176]; {Мам, у мʼинʼа мʼаса фсʼа даходʼитʼ} "Mom, I'm running out of meat" [DS 1969: 151]; {прʼишла дамой – у мʼинʼе и рукʼи, и ноγʼи, и йазык – фсʼо уш у мʼинʼе атʼнʼалосʼ} "I came home and my arms, legs and tongue, all grew numb" [DS 1969: 165]; {У мʼанʼа γлʼадʼи-ка какой сʼинʼак, фчʼара дохнуласʼ} "Look, such a bruise I have, I fell down yesterday" [DS 1969: 151]; {У нʼао свайа усадʼба, у йетъвъ вот у сасʼеда, а у мʼнʼе свайа усадʼба} "She has her strip of earth, my neighbour has his own, and I have mine" [DS 1969: 578]; {Дʼевка, ты мнʼе нʼа чʼиста вымыла рубаху-то, зала, там пʼирʼаисʼтʼ} "Girl, you have washed my shirt badly, ashes will eat it away" [DS 1969: 102]; {Рашшыблʼи ноγу-та мʼинʼе} "They hurt my leg" [DS 1969: 48]; {ты мʼинʼа уγадала алʼ нʼет?} "Did you recognize me?" [DS 1969: 46]; {Уш болнъ анʼи мʼинʼе растроивайутʼ} "They upset me so much" [DS 1969: 62]; {Пусʼтʼ анʼи мʼанʼа руγайутʼ, а мнʼе их жалка…} "Though they outrage me, I pity them" [DS 1969: 165]; {Жывʼотʼ вот сын са мной, а патом женʼицца} "My son lives with me, but later he will marry" [DS 1969: 398]; {ва мнʼе адʼин пакор, йа γлухой} "I have one defect: I am deaf" [DS 1969: 429].
Hendriks 1976: 296. This is actually a form from the Vevchani-Radozhda dialect, since Dihovo expressions for 'to kill' are not documented in [Groen 1977]. Initial u= is the resultative prefix.
Kalsbeek 1998: 418. Imperfective form is u=biːy-ˈa-t {ubījȁt}. Another possible candidate is kla-t {klȁt}, glossed as 'kill, slaughter' in the dictionary [Kalsbeek 1998: 466]. However, kla-t {klȁt} does not occur in the texts, while u=bˈi-t {ubȉt} is very frequent.
Houtzagers 1999: 230. Distinct from {umȍrit} ~ {zmorȉt}, which Houtzagers translates as 'kill, liquidate' [Houtzagers 1999: 279]. Unfortunately, there are no contexts for these forms, so we cannot verify this translation, but we can suppose that it rather means 'to murder', as in literary Serbo-Croatian and Slovene.
Čujec Stres 1: 367. For the non-reflexive form the dictionary entry only lists the meaning 'to brake', but examples clearly demonstrate that it means 'to kill' as well: {jǝ uˈƀiwau̯ ˈkaːča, ǝnˈkumi jǝ jǝ uˈƀu} "he had been trying to kill a snake and killed it in the end" [Čujec Stres 2: 367]; {s pišˈtola jǝ uˈƀu kˈraːwa} "he killed a cow with a pistol" [Čujec Stres 2: 37].
Steenwijk 1992: 241. There are two terms for 'to kill': {wbǝ́t} glossed as 'to slaughter, to kill' [Steenwijk 1992: 241] and {ćofojɐt} glossed as 'to strangle; to kill' [Steenwijk 1992: 248]. Both can be used when speaking of animals: {Đó̤, mísu, ći somo̤ ćofojáli káko kó̤kuš libo̤j kákaga pitilí̤na, jzdé̤ ni so dǝ́ržali dú kákaga prásca. Jté, ki fǝ́s té̤l, an wbǝ́l kákaga kuzlí̤ća, ma ta-w močelerí̤jo} "[Did you eat meat?] Yes, meat, if we killed some chickens or some roosters [we had meat], [and] here they kept a pig. [Pig.] Those, who really wanted [meat], killed some goats" [Steenwijk 1992: 223]. Both can be also applied to people: {jtó̤, ki ćofojáwa jṳ́di} "that which kills people" [Steenwijk 1992: 123] and {ja ni grén se wbǝ́t} "I am not going to kill myself" [Steenwijk 1992: 197]. We include both terms as synonyms.
Some examples are: {Oňi sa potom pozhovárali, že dobre bi bolo tú ženu zabit a peňáze jej zabrat} "After that they conspired to kill this woman and take her money" [Gregor 1975: 194]; {a teho xlapca mam a tato sa zhovárali, že bolo bi ho dobre zabit to starého báčiho} "And this boy's mom and dad conspired to kill the old uncle" [Gregor 1975: 190-191]. The imperfective form za=biːy-a-t {zabíjat} can be used without an object in the meaning 'to slaughter a pig' [Gregor 1975: 287].
TS 2: 80; TS 5: 172-173. In the meaning 'to kill' the same root is used with different prefixes. The first form has the following polysemy: 'to kill / to mutilate / to wedge / to board up / to find a person during hide-and-seek' [TS 2: 80]. The second form's polysemy is: 'to kill / to trample down / to stick' [TS 5: 172-173].
Distinct from u=kˈɔx-a-cʸ {уко́хаць} [TS 5: 191] and u=xɔrm-ˈic̢-ɨ-cʸ {ухормі́чыць} [TS 5: 221], which have expressive shades, and from u=ɫˈaʒʸ-i-cʸ {ула́дзіць}, which is a euphemism [TS 5: 193-194].
Steenwijk 1992: 248. Corresponds to the Standard Slovene {čofotati} 'to beat on the water' with the expressive shift p > f [Snoj 2016: 119].
Gailtal Slovenian:mǝdr-àː {mǝdrá}-1
Pronk 2009: 235. Third person sg. Of German origin. The second candidate for 'to kill'. Since we have no contexts which allow to differentiate between {bwíti} and {mǝdrá}, we include both terms in the list.
Does not have a separate entry, but occurs in some examples: {pađˈƀiezǝnca jǝ ˈƀu traːk pađ kaˈliːǝnam za kalˈcietǝ đa kaˈliːǝn} "gater is a band under a knee for stocking" [Čujec Stres 2: 67]; {kǝr jǝ ˈsieđla, jǝ pakaˈzːala kaˈliːǝna} "when she sat down, she showed her knees" [Čujec Stres 2: 80].
Some examples are: {uder Frantu pot koleno} "kick Franta under the knee" [Malina 1946: 7]; {Je tustí, jak švedz na koleňe} "He is as fat as a tailor's knee" [Malina 1946: 130].
Occurs in examples, cf.: {Йа ат калʼенкʼи прʼама крʼичʼу} "I really cry from [pain in my] knee" [DS 1969: 228]; {Фсʼе калʼенкʼи пъмарозʼила} "I've got both knees frostbitten" [DS 1969: 223]. The old form kalʸˈɛn-a {калʼена} remains in combinations with prepositions ({дъ калʼен}, {ф калʼена}, {пъ калʼена}) as a measure of height, cf. {Въласа дъ калʼен} "Hair down to one's knees" [DS 1969: 133].
Gregorič 2014: 482. First person sg. form is ve̝ː-n {ˈvėːn}. Distinct from pˈɔː=zna-t {ˈpoːznat} 'to know (a person) / to be acquainted' [Gregorič 2014: 323].
Occurs in examples: {Na mú dušu hříšnú sem o tom nevjeďéu̯} "I swear on my sinful soul, I did not know this" [Malina 1946: 24]; {Vím to enom z dosu̯echu} "I know it only by hearsay" [Malina 1946: 21].
Distinct from zna-t {znat} 'to know (a person) / to be acquainted / to be able' [Malina 1946: 161].
Kucaɫa 1957: 209. The transcription is not provided by Kucaɫa; he wrote this term down only in the Standard orthography: {wiedzieć}, but for the sake of uniformity we write it in Kucaɫa's transcription as well. SidG., Fac.: {wiedzieć} [Kucaɫa 1957: 209]. Distinct from zna-ɕ {znać) 'to know (a person) / to be acquainted / to be able' [Kucaɫa 1957: 209].
TS 1: 108. Both basic Proto-Slavic terms for 'to know' are reflected in the Turov dialect as vʸˈed-a-cʸ {ве́даць} [TS 1: 108] and zna-cʸ {знаць} [TS 2: 160]. According to the inherited distribution preserved in the West Slavic languages, *znati is used with the accusative case (except for some words, such as 'all', 'this', 'many', 'something', 'nothing'), *věděti is used for all other cases. In the Turov dialect this distribution has changed in favour of zna-cʸ {знаць}, which can be used when it is not in the accusative case: {Балдэшка стара́, памеці нема, не знаеш, шо гэто!} "Old blockhead, you have a poor memory, you don't know what it is" [TS 1: 40]; {Коліся чоловек знаў, шчо говораць куры, пташкі} "Man used to understand what hens and birds were talking about" [TS 1: 208]. However, it can also work in the opposite direction: {Ну, ведаеце ву копіцель?} "So, do you know harvester-stacker?" [TS 1: 254]. Quite a typical context is the following: {Не ведаю і не знаю, як гэто ў іх получылоса} "I don't know how they managed to do it" [TS 1: 108], in which both verbs are used as synonyms. In this situation we think that the most plausible decision is to include both terms in the list.
DS 1969: 200. Polysemy: 'to know / to be conscious of / to have an idea about / to be able to / to occupy oneself with / to practice sorcery / to feel / it is noticeable (when used in the infinitive)'. The term {вʼедатʼ} is not attested.
Houtzagers 1999: 271. Collective form. Unfortunately, only the collective form is attested; however, we have no reason to doubt that the singulative is derived from the same root.
Čujec Stres 2: 23. Polysemy: 'feather / pen / leaf'. The respective collective nouns are lˈiːst-y-ǝ {ˈliːstjǝ} 'leaves' [Čujec Stres 1: 319] and pˈyɛr-y-ǝ {ˈpierjǝ} 'feathers / leaves' [Čujec Stres 2: 23]. The term liːst {ˈliːst} means 'document / sheet of paper (seldom)' [Čujec Stres 1: 318].
Resian Slovenian:vˈiy-ǝ {víje̤}3
Steenwijk 1992: 324. There are two possible candidates: par-ˈɵ {paró̤} ~ pˈir-u {píru} glossed by Steenwijk as 'big leaf' [Steenwijk 1992: 291] and {víje̤} glossed as '(little) leaf' [Steenwijk 1992: 324]. The first term occurs in the texts only once ({dví pirǝ́ bérǯe} 'two leaves of savoy cabbage' [Steenwijk 1992: 163]), while the second one is not attested in the texts. However, according to the Common Slavic Linguistic Atlas, in Stolvizza, which is located about 6,5 km away from San Giorgio, the word denoting 'leaves' (collective) is {ˈvijǝ} [OLA, lex. 3, map 367]. Taking this fact into account, we have decided to include {víje̤} in the list.
Distinct from lˈɪst-y-ǝ {lí̤stje̤} 'dry leaves' [Steenwijk 1992: 277].
Pronk 2009: 232. According to Pronk, in the singular the form {plátl} is used more frequently. It should probably be interpreted as a recent phase of replacement of the older word with a borrowing, but since we have no sufficient dating information about the chronology of this replacement, we include both terms in the list.
Malina glosses it as "uschlé spadalé listí" ("dry dead leaves"), but there is an example showing that it designates green leaves as well: {Nau̯úpali zme zeleného listu a fčil idem dóm} "We tore green leaves and now we are going home" [Malina 1946: 63].
Glossed only as 'letter' in the dictionary [Gregor 1975: 240], but examples and texts show that it also means 'leaf': {špenótové listi} 'spinach leaves' [Gregor 1975: 275]; {Kapusta mosí sa opucovat z ňečistíx listof} "Cabbage should be peeled from dirty leaves" [Gregor 1975: 197].
Some examples are: {Ис-пат корʼнʼа расʼтот былачʼка, а на нʼих лʼист} "From under the root grows a blade of grass, on which there is a leaf" [DS 1969: 71]; {мъкрʼада-та вон какайъ, нʼа дʼержытʼ лʼист} "The weather is damp, [trees] do not hold leaves" [DS 1969: 294].
Not attested in the dictionary, but occurs in the text: {Pȃk vìdi, da prìnc lèži mtāv} "Then she sees that the prince is lying dead" [Vážný 1927: 105]. Distinct from lɛȶ-si {lèť si} 'to lie down' [Vážný 1927: 161].
Some examples are: {Na hodi sa každí nacúchá, že nemože aňi seďet, aňi ležat} "At the parish fair everyone eats and drinks their fill, and then cannot sit or lie" [Malina 1946: 42]; {Pez ležáu̯ stočení f chumíči} "The lying dog rolled into a ball" [Malina 1946: 38]. Distinct from lɛɦ-nuː-t ~ lɛɦ-nuː-t-sɪ {lehnút (si)} 'to lie down' [Malina 1946: 52].
Occurs in examples: {leží na diváňi} "[he or she] lies on the sofa" [Gregor 1975: 214]; {tam leží, je velice naťáhnutí} "there he lies, he is very drunk" [Gregor 1975: 277]. Distinct from lɛɦ-nu-t-si {lehnut si} 'to lie down' [Gregor 1975: 240].
Occurs in examples, cf.: {Анʼи лʼажатʼ, и йа лʼажу, анʼи зъвʼишʼшʼатʼ, йа фстайу} "They (piglets) lie, and I lie too, they start to squeal and I get up" [DS 1969: 176]; {То врʼемʼам нʼичʼаво, а то ръзбалʼиццъ… йесʼлʼи йа нʼи сʼтʼану γолъву, то нʼи маγу нʼи сʼидʼетʼ, нʼи лʼажатʼ} "Sometimes it is all right, but sometimes it starts hurting... if I do not tighten my head, I cannot sit or lie" [DS 1969: 96]. Distinct from lʸa-čʸ {лʼачʼ} 'to lie down' [DS 1969: 286].
Number:48
Word:liver
Dihovo Macedonian:cr̩n ǯiger-1
Groen 1977: 253. Literary 'black ǯiger', cf. bel ǯiger 'lungs', literary 'white ǯiger'. The noun ǯiger as well as the semantic pattern are borrowed from Turkic.
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: not documented.
Skopje Macedonian: two expressions for 'liver' are quoted in [Evdokimova 2009], ǯiger and cr̩n drop {џигер, црн дроб}, the latter literarily means 'black entrails'. Similarly in the literary language, for which two expressions with the meaning 'liver' are documented in [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 102, 532]: cr̩n-i-ot drop {црниот дроб} 'black entrails' and cr̩n ǯiger {црн џигер} 'black ǯiger'. The noun drop 'entrails' is inherited.
Not attested in the dictionary, but almost all Czech dialects retain continuants of Proto-Slavic {*jętra}. In Polešovice as well as in the majority of adjacent villages we find the form {jaːtra} [OLA L9: 145-147, maps 54a and 54b]. It is safe to say that the Mistřice term for 'liver' is most probably {játra}.
Kucaɫa 1957: 168, 76. Polysemy: 'liver / animal lungs'. Plural form. In the meaning 'liver' Kucaɫa gives this form with a question mark, but proof can be found in the Masovian dialect: {dudy} 'lungs', {dudy ciężkie} (literary 'heavy lungs') 'liver' [Siatkowski 2012: 240].
TS 4: 50. Masculine. At least in Zapiasočča the term vaɣk-ˈuʂ-a {вагку́ша} [TS 1: 102] or vˈaʐk-oyɛ {ва́жкое} (literary 'heavy') [TS 1: 103] can be used to denote animal liver, cf. {У кобана печэнь – важкое} "boar's liver is vazhkoye" [TS 1: 103].
DS 1969: 147. Polysemy: 'long (in space) / long (in time)'. The term {дʼлʼиннай} occurs only three times, including two times in the meaning 'tall': {У нас адна длʼиннъйа, красʼивъйа, а нʼичʼо йей ладʼитʼ} "We have one (woman), tall, beautiful, but nothing becomes her" [DS 1969: 267]; {Хто дʼлʼиннай, а хто чʼупʼитъшнай, каравай} "Some people are tall and some are tiny, short" [DS 1969: 239]; {Йесʼ зʼмʼийа - удаф, он дʼлʼиннай-прʼидʼлʼиннай} "There is a snake called the boa; it is long, very long" [DS 1969: 228].
Jurišić 1973: 212. There is also a less frequent term ûːš {ȗš} [Jurišić 1973: 226], probably introduced under the influence of the standard language. Distinct from kr̩pɛ̌ːʎ {krpẽļ} 'sheep louse' [Jurišić 1973: 99].
Gregorič 2014: 477. Genitive form is vˈiš-iː {ˈvišiː}. Apart from this inherited term there is also an innovative stem lˈaz-e̝c-a {ˈlazėca} [Gregorič 2014: 169], but the limited number of contexts does not allow us to differentiate between them; consequently, we include both terms in the list.
Čujec Stres 2: 383. Distinct from ɣalˈaːz-ǝn {ɣaˈlaːzǝn} 'small domestic animal' which can be used in the meaning 'louse' as well [Čujec Stres 1: 188].
Malina 1946: 137. There is also a term brɛbɛr-uš-a {breberuša}, glossed as 'louse' (the context is {Má v hu̯avje plno breberuší} "[He or she] has a lot of lice on [his or her] head") [Malina 1946: 12], but there is not enough information to determine the difference between {veš} and {breberuša}.
Some examples are: {Тады клапы былʼи, търаканʼйа, фшы вʼалʼисʼа, а шʼшʼас нʼи вʼадуцца, фшей нʼа вʼидʼима} "Earlier there were bugs, cockroaches, lice, and now there are none of them, lice do not appear" [DS 1969: 80]; {Што, фшы зъвʼалʼисʼ?} "Did you become infested with lice?" [DS 1969: 141]. The collective noun fʂ-a {фша} is used as well [DS 1969: 98].
Number:50
Word:louse
Dihovo Macedonian:
Gorno Kalenik Macedonian:
Orbanici Chakavian:
Orlec Chakavian:
Vrgada Chakavian:
Devinska Nova Ves Chakavian:
Burgenland Kajkavian:
Ljubljana Slovenian:
Kostel Slovenian:lˈaz-e̝c-a {ˈlazėca}2
Gregorič 2014: 169. Probably derived from the verb lˈaːz-e̝-t {ˈlaːzėt} 'to walk slowly or with complications'. For the etymology see also [Trubachev 14: 62].
Houtzagers 1985: 302. The term {mȗš} is attested with polysemy: 'husband / man'. The adjective {mũški} ~ {mȕški} 'male, men's' can be used substantively.
Jurišić 1973: 125. Occurs only as an adjective in the dictionary, but the following context confirms that it also means 'man', as it does in Standard Croatian: {a vĩ muškȋ pod kopȕs} "and you, men, hold your tongues" (literally: "throw yourselves under cabbage") [Jurišić 1973: 125].
Distinct from mûːž {mȗž} 'husband' [Jurišić 1973: 126].
Vážný 1927: 167. In addition to the inherited mûːž {mȗž}, the Slovakism {hlȃp} is also used. Unfortunately, available data do not allow us to find any difference between them.
Houtzagers 1999: 279-280. The term {mȏž} has polysemy: 'man / husband'. The term {moškȋ} is the adjective 'masculine', which can be used as substantive in the meaning 'man'.
Steenwijk 1992: 284. Polysemy: 'man / husband'. Genitive form: mˈuž-a {múža} [Steenwijk 1992: 284]. The most common term for 'man'. The adjective mˈɵšk-u {mó̤šku} 'male' can be sometimes used in this meaning as well, cf. {to je̤ mó̤šku anu žé̤šku} "it is a boy and a girl", {na se wobláčala w mó̤šku} "she dressed as a man" [Steenwijk 1992: 283].
Distinct from dǝt {dé̤t} 'grandfather / man (pejorative)' [Steenwijk 1992: 257].
Malina 1946: 37. Malina glosses this word as 'strong, well-built man', but no other term for 'man' occurs in the texts. ČJA confirms that {chu̯ap} is the main term for 'man' on this territory [ČJA 1: 70, map 3].
Distinct from muš {muš} 'husband': {jag ňe nedáš kopu vajec, viženu ťi muža na pec'} "if you do not give me 60 eggs, I will put your husband on the stove" (from the Easter rhyme) [Malina 1946: 135]; {Takového záhončlivého muža bich chťeu̯a, jag máš ti} "I want to have such a diligent husband as you have" [Malina 1946: 150].
Gregor 1975: 228, Can be used in the meaning 'person' as well. Distinct from vayč-aːk {vajčák} 'stallion / man (pejorative)' [Gregor 1975: 282]. Distinct from muš {muš} 'husband' [Gregor 1975: 246].
For some unknown reason, TS does not provide a separate entry for this word, in spite of its high frequency. TS mentions the meaning 'man' only in the entry of the related word muʐ-ˈɨk {мужы́к} 'peasant / man' [TS 3: 97-98]. We suppose that the last word belongs to the low style lexicon, as it does in literary Russian and Belorusian. In addition, muʐ-ˈɨk {мужы́к} occurs in the meaning 'man' much less frequently than muʂ-c̢-ˈɨn-a {мужчына}. Anyway, the following contexts clearly show that muʂ-c̢-ˈɨn-a {мужчына} is the most plausible candidate for our list: {Жонкі зовуць ветка, а мужчыны — рамённік тэ зелье} "Women call it vetka, and men call this plant ramyonnik (water avens) [TS 1: 120]; {Жонкі поюць, а мужчыны седзяць нішком, не болбо́чуць} "Women are singing, and men are sitting still, they aren’t talking" [TS 1: 69]; {За гэтым буськовым молоком до нас прыежджаў одзін урач, воно мужчынам помогае} "A doctor visited us to collect cypress spurge, it helps men" [TS 1: 98].
Kalsbeek 1998: 430. There are two possible candidates: c̢ˈud-a {čȕda} and pˈun-o {pȕno}; both are very frequent in the texts, and we did not manage to find any difference. The comparative form is veȶ {vȅć} [Kalsbeek 1998: 152; 581].
Distinct from vˈr̩lex {vȑleh} 'many, much', which is much more restricted in use [Kalsbeek 1998: 586].
Orlec Chakavian:blâːg-ɔ {blȃgo}4
Houtzagers 1985: 212. Comparative form is vˈiš-ɛ {vȉše}. The form sˈil-a {sȉla} 'many / very' is less frequent [Houtzagers 1985: 350].
Vrgada Chakavian:čûd-ɔ {čȕdo}2
Jurišić 1973: 39. Glossed as 'neobično mnogo' ("unusually many"), but probably means just 'many', as in other Chakavian dialects, especially if we take into account that no other candidate occurs in the dictionary.
The comparative form is vîš-ɛː {vȉšē} 'more / already' [Jurišić 1973: 232].
Devinska Nova Ves Chakavian:čˈuda {čùda}2
Vážný 1927: 140. Comparative form: vɛȶ {vèť}.
Burgenland Kajkavian:čˈud-ɒ {čȕda}2
Houtzagers 1999: 239.
Ljubljana Slovenian:vɛl-ˈiːk-ɔ {veliko}5
Ogrinc 2014; Uhlik 2016. The term {mnogo} is not used [Uhlik 2016].
There are two terms that can be formally considered as the equivalents of Standard Slovene {veliko}: ʎˈuc-k-e̝ {ˈľuckė} and na=o̝b=ˈiː-l-o̝ {naȯˈbiːlȯ} [Gregorič 2014: 483]. However, throughout the entire corpus of contexts the first term occurs only once and the second one just twice: {ˈľuckė smȯ ˈdėːlalė i ˈpiːlė} "we worked and drank a lot" [Gregorič 2014: 175]; {naȯˈbiːlȯ ˈjėst} 'to eat a lot' [Gregorič 2014: 210]; {na ȯˈbiːlȯ ˈmajȯ ˈsėga} "they have a lot (of things)" [Gregorič 2014: 233].
A much more plausible candidate is {ˈdoːstė} 'enough / many' [Gregorič 2014: 76], which often occurs in the meaning 'many' in Slovene dialects and in colloquial Standard Slovene as well. According to the contexts, {ˈdoːstė} is the most frequent word in this meaning. It is particularly important that {ˈdoːstė} is opposed to {ˈmaːlȯ} 'a little': {ˈdoːstė gȯˈvȯriː, a ˈmaːlȯ sˈtȯriː} "(he / she) talks a lot, but does little"; {ˈni ˈmaːlȯ ˈni ˈdoːstė ne pȯˈmaːga} "(he / she) helps neither a little nor a lot" [Gregorič 2014: 76].
Another possibility is pˈuːn-o̝ {ˈpuːnȯ} [Gregorič 2014: 304], cf. some examples: {ˈkȯlė ˈxiːše je ˈpuːnȯ sˈmetjaː} "there is a lot of garbage around the house" [Gregorič 2014: 409]; {na ˈcėːstė je ˈpuːnȯ sȯˈdaːtȯf} "there are a lot of soldiers on the road" [Gregorič 2014: 412], but {ˈpuːnȯ} is definitely much more rare than {ˈdoːstė}.
Distinct from čˈud-a {ˈčuda} 'very / very many' [Gregorič 2014: 65].
Comparative form is vɛč {ˈveč} [Gregorič 2014: 481].
Čujec Stres 2: 463-464. Polysemy: 'many / very'. The comparative form is βǝč {ˈƀǝč} [Čujec Stres 2: 392]. There are also other but much less frequent (and probably less expressive) words used in this meaning: βǝrmˈaːyǝ {ƀǝrˈmaːjǝ} 'many' [Čujec Stres 1: 73], ða=st {ˈđast} 'enough / many' [Čujec Stres 1: 143]; kar=sǝ=ðˈaː {ˈkarsǝˈđaː} 'very / many' [Čujec Stres 1: 252]; aβ=ˈiː-w-n-a {aˈƀiːu̯na} 'many' [Čujec Stres 1: 469].
Resian Slovenian:kˈar-yǝ {kárje̤}8
Steenwijk 1992: 266. Comparative form: viȶ {víć}. Goes back to the collocation '(all) that is (available)'.
Gailtal Slovenian:βlìːk-u {blíku}5
Pronk 2009: 202. Along with this term Pronk also provides an older one, núːǝg-a {nȗǝga} [Pronk 2009: 243]. However, in the texts we find only {blíku}; consequently, we do not include {nȗǝga} into the list.
Rajh 2010: 43. Glossed as 'enough, many'; contexts from other entries confirm the meaning 'many'.
Mistrice Moravian:ɦɔȡɲɛ {hoďňe}9
Some examples are: {Biu̯o tam hoďňe jeziva} "There was a lot of food" [Malina 1946: 40]; {V zahrátce zme mňeli letoz hoďňe střapců} "In the garden we had a lot of grape tassels" [Malina 1946: 116].
Occurs in examples: {mnoho peňes som zmárňil} "I wasted a lot of money" [Gregor 1975: 255]; {mnoho máž na rováši} "You have a lot on your conscience" [Gregor 1975: 266].
Wieciorka Lesser Polish:dˈuz-ɔ {duzo}10
Kucaɫa 1957: 227. SidG., Fac.: dˈuz-ɔ {duzo}. Comparative form: vʸˈä̃cʸ-i {vęc'i}. There are also a lot of peripheral forms meaning 'many': spˈwɔr-ɔ {spu̯oro}; dˈɔbʐ-ɛ {dobže}; vˈalɲ-ɛ {valńe} (SidG.; Więciórka - rarely); pwɔ=ʐˈɔm-ɲ-ɛ {pu̯ožǫmńe}; kˈup-ä̃ {kupę}; kˈup-a {kupa}; sˈɛtɲ-ɛ {setńe} [Kucaɫa 1957: 227].
TS 3: 84. There are two main terms for 'many': mnˈɔɣ-ɔ {мно́го} [TS 3: 84] and baɣˈat-ɔ {бага́то} [TS 1: 34]. We did not find any difference in semantics or geography. As for frequency, in available contexts mnˈɔɣ-ɔ {мно́го} occurs 62 times, while baɣˈat-ɔ {бага́то} is only slightly more frequent: 84 times. In this situation we include both terms in the list.
A third possible candidate, ʂmat {шмат} [TS 5: 330-331], does not occur anywhere except for the dictionary entry, so it cannot be regarded as typical for the Turov dialect.
There is also a wide range of terms that can, to some extent, occasionally be used in the meaning 'many': vˈalʸ-ɛv-ɔ {ва́лево} ~ vˈalʸ-iv-ɔ {ва́ліво} ~ valʸ-ɛv-ˈa {валева́} [TS 1: 104], vˈaɫ-ɔm ~ vaɫ-ˈɔm {ва́ло́м} [TS 1: 105], na=vˈaɫ-ɔm {нава́лом} [TS 3: 111], ɣʸˈibʸɛlʸ {гі́бель} [TS 1: 199], za=vˈoz-n-ɔ {заво́зно} [TS 2: 86-87], mˈas-a {ма́са} [TS 3: 66], prax {прах} [TS 4: 215], sad {сад} [TS 5: 8], saran-ˈa {сарана́} [TS 5: 14], svʸet {свет} [TS 5: 18], sʸˈiɫ-a {сі́ла} [TS 5: 33-34].
Occurs in examples, cf.: {Шʼшʼас мноγа бойных дарох} "Now there is a lot of beaten tracks" [DS 1969: 61]; {Мноγъ лʼудʼей помʼарлъ нъ майих γадах} "A lot of people died within my lifetime" [DS 1969: 117].
Some examples are: {Мам, у мʼинʼа мʼаса фсʼа даходʼитʼ} "Mom, I'm running out of meat" [DS 1969: 151]; {Карову зарʼежыш, пъсалʼиш – вот ана къравʼатʼина, мʼаса} "You slaughter a cow, then you salt it - that is beef, meat" [DS 1969: 241].
Ogrinc 2014; Uhlik 2016. The term mˈeːsɛc {mesec} in the meaning 'moon' corresponds to high literary style [Uhlik 2016]. Distinct from mˈeːsɛc {mesec} 'month' [Uhlik 2016].
Standard Slovene: {luna}, {mesec} [Pretnar 1964: 351].
Čujec Stres 1: 329. Distinct from mˈiːǝsc {ˈmiːǝsc} 'month', which does not have the meaning 'moon', cf. {za ˈluːna pa ˈniːǝsa ˈđiel ˈmiːǝsc} "the moon was not called ˈmiːǝsc" [Čujec Stres 1: 347]. It seems quite incongruous that the author used that very example to assign the meaning 'moon' to the word {ˈmiːǝsc}!
Rajh 2010: 119. There are two terms: {ˈluːna} 'moon' [Rajh 2010: 119] and mˈe̝ːsɛc {ˈmẹ̇ːsec} 'moon / month' [Rajh 2010: 126]. Since the dictionary provides only a small corpus of examples, we cannot differentiate between them and include both terms in the list.
Malina 1946: 59. Distinct from mɲɛsiːc {mňesíc} 'month', cf. {Biu̯ háreštovaní ale dva mňesíce} "He was arrested for two months" [Malina 1946: 30].
Polysemy: 'moon / month'. Some examples for the first meaning are: {Мʼесʼиц исходʼитʼ: то сʼвʼетʼитʼ, а то сʼвʼатʼитʼ нʼа будʼитʼ} "The moon wanes, now it shines, then it will not shine" [DS 1969: 209]; {Ана инаγда мʼесʼишнъйъ ночʼ, мʼесʼиц сʼвʼетʼитʼ - вʼидна, фскочʼим и пайдʼом} "Sometimes on a moonlit night the moon is shining, everything is seen clearly, we wake up and go [pick up mushrooms]" [DS 1969: 293].
The term ɫun-ˈa {луна} occurs only twice, once in the meaning 'heat lightning': {Ночʼ нʼанаснъйъ, томнъйа, ана адна луна истухаитʼ, друγайъ зъγараитʼ} "The night is foul, dark, one heat lightning dies out, another one lights up" [DS 1969: 213] and once as a synonym of {мʼесʼиц}, probably intended as an explanation for Standard Russian speakers: {Шʼшʼас мʼесʼиц фстанʼитʼ, он прʼимʼаркаитʼ, а вʼидна, шʼшʼас тʼомна, а то пъвʼиднʼеитʼ… Луна прʼимʼаркаитʼ} "Soon the moon will come out, it grows dim, but one could still see, now it is dark, but then it will become light… The moon will come out" [DS 1969: 457].
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: plan-in-a [Hendriks 1976: 278]. Attested in a number of examples: "He came down from the mountain" [Hendriks 1976: 201], "Vevčani lies at the foot of the mountain" [Hendriks 1976: 203], "Over the mountain" [Hendriks 1976: 204], "There is a cabin on the mountain" [Hendriks 1976: 205]. Distinct from the more marginal Turkish loanword orman 'mountain' [Hendriks 1976: 275] (this word actually looks like an erroneous gloss for the expected 'forest, grove').
Kalsbeek 1998: 447. There are two possible candidates: gor-ˈa {gorȁ} 'mountain' [Kalsbeek 1998: 447] and vr̩x {vȑh} 'top, tip, point / mountain' [Kalsbeek 1998: 586]. Since none of these terms occur in texts, we cannot differentiate between them and have to include both terms in the list.
Not attested. The term ɦɔr-a {hora} is glossed as "les se silnými stromy" ("forest with thick trees") by Malina [Malina 1946: 33]. However, the context {Pojedu do hor až napřezrok} "I will go to the hori in two years" [Malina 1946: 65] makes us think that this term might have both meanings.
TS 1: 218. It should be noted that there are no mountains in the neighborhood of Turov (and the highest mountain of the Gomel region is 220 meters above sea level). This is probably the reason why the authors of TS translated this word as 'гарышча / узвышша, пагорак' ('attic / hill') [TS 1: 218].
However, there is a context which allows us to assert that the Turov dialect distinguishes between two height levels of relief, higher and lower, and ɣɔr-ˈa {гора́} is used to denote higher forms: {От этое горы́ да́лей пагурок, урочышчы Лімпкі} "Farther from this mountain there is a hill, a place called Lipki" [TS 4: 6]. Cf. also {Вусока гора, шо му попобраліса на ту го́ру} "A high mountain which we were climbing" [TS 4: 170] and {Не зроўняй, божэ, гору́ з доліно́ю} "Do not compare mountain with valley" (a proverb) [2: 167]. The term ɣɔr-ˈa {гора́} is relatively frequent: it is used in the meaning 'mountain / hill' almost 30 times in the TS, very often in riddles or proverbs. Since the difference between mountains and hill is relative, we regard ɣɔr-ˈa {гора́} as the main designation for 'mountain' in the Turov dialect, despite the fact that it is usually applied to objects considered as 'hills' by the native speakers of some other lects.
Although there are no mountains near Deulino, we believe that we can include the term {γара} in the list; it is probably used to denote relatively higher uplands: {Вот рʼака старайа, а пъд γарой ана прабʼила новуйу} "Here is an old river, and under the mountain it has carved a new one [riverbed]" [DS 1969: 464]; {А мы стаймок и сʼижмок катаимсʼи прʼам з γары} "We toboggan from the mountain upright and while sitting"; {Йа з γары каталсʼи стаймок} "I tobogganed from the mountain upright" [DS 1969: 542]. Lower uplands are designated as buɣˈɔr {буγор} [DS 1969: 67].
Vážný 1927: 195. Along with this inherited term, the Slovakisms ɦˈub-a {hùba} and gǔːb-a {gúba} are also used in the meaning 'mouth'. The shift in their meaning is a result of Slovak influence.
Malina 1946: 35. Distinct from gamb-a {gamba} ~ gɛmb-a {gemba} (of Polish origin) and klap-ač-k-a {klapačka} ~ klap-ayzɲ-a {klapajzňa} both meaning 'mouth (pejorative)' [Malina 1946: 27, 42]. The term {ústa} is not attested.
Kucaɫa 1957: 166. SidG., Fac.: gˈarw-ɔ {garu̯o}. The form {usta} is not attested in Więciórka, but Kucaɫa notes that it exists in Facimiech [Kucaɫa 1957: 305].
TS 4: 329-330. Polysemy: 'mouth / slot in the short logs, used for making of piers / gap between upper and lower warp threads'. The term {уста} is not attested.
Occurs in numerous examples, cf. {Зъсʼвʼитʼот рʼибʼонак, рот у нʼаво бʼелай бываитʼ, γрудʼи сасать нʼизʼлʼа} "When a kid's mouth comes out in a rash, turns white, he must not suck the breast" [DS 1969: 192]; {Йаму калʼнула зʼмʼайа балʼшой палʼац, а он йаво – в рот} "The snake bit his thumb, and he put it in his mouth" [DS 1969: 235].
Some examples are: {Анʼи нъ адно вродʼи имʼа} "They seem to have the same name" [DS 1969: 293]; {Йей два имʼа – исака и рʼазʼика} "It (Carex acutiformis) has two names: "isaka" and "rezika"" [DS 1969: 488].
Groen 1977: 285. The word vrat is not documented in [Groen 1977].
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: šiy-a [Hendriks 1976: 290] and vrat [Hendriks 1976: 299], both forms are glossed as 'neck' without further specifications.
Skopje Macedonian: vrat {врат} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 63]. In literary language, the word šiy-a {шија} is also present [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 534].
Hill 1991: 242. Another possible candidate is gˈuš-a {guša}, a term of Romance origin, also glossed as 'neck' [Hill 1991: 189]. Absence of contexts for {guša} does not allow to find the difference, but in the Standard Macedonian it means 'throat / neck / goitre' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 82]. In other dialects we find 'throat' [Groen 1977: 256; Hendriks 1976: 261] and 'gill (under a chin) / goitre' [Maɫecki 2: 34]. These data and absence of {guša} on the OLA map 9/27 make us think that the meaning of {guša} is probably restricted to the front part of the neck. However, in Aromanian and Megleno Romanian this term becomes the main designation of the neck; see the Romance database.
Distinct from tiɫ {tiɫ} 'nape, back of neck' [Hill 1991: 236].
Steenwijk 1992: 315. In the dictionary, the term tˈul-ac {túlac} is glossed as 'neck' as well [Steenwijk 1992: 321], but it never occurs in the texts. However, there are indications to suppose that, in fact, {túlac} means 'nape' in Resian [Furlan 2005: 115-124].
Gailtal Slovenian:kràgn {kràgn}-1
Pronk 2009: 227. Pronk provides two terms glossed as 'neck', both of German origin: kràgn {kràgn} [Pronk 2009: 227] and gǝnáːk {gǝnȃk} [Pronk 2009: 215]. The OLA map includes only the first term – {kráːgǝn} (Potschach, written down at 1966) [OLA 9, map 27] (it is extremely interesting that SLA provides another term - {ǥǝ̀ru̯ȍ̦} (Egg, written down at 1958) [SLA 1, map 26]). Another indication is that German {Genick} means 'nape of the neck', and it is possible that {gǝnȃk} has the same meaning.
Rajh 2010: 228. Distinct from the expressive term gut-ˈan-i {guˈtani} (masc. pl.) [Rajh 2010: 70].
Mistrice Moravian:kr̩k {krk}4
Malina 1946: 48. Distinct from šɪy-a {šija} 'nape / žudro (traditional decoration of the entrance)' [Malina 1946: 120]. Distinct from gaːg-ɔr {gágor} 'neck (mostly speaking of geese)' [Malina 1946: 27].
Pilisszanto Slovak:kr̩k {krk}4
Can be used in plural. Occurs in examples: {pátrički na krki su s kameňa} "beads on the neck are made of stone" [Gregor 1975: 255]; {reťáska na krki} "neck chain" [Gregor 1975: 264].
TS 5: 353. Polysemy: 'neck / space between the chimney and the wall / a narrow gap on a hayfield'. The term stowp {стоўп} ~ stowb {стоўб} 'post, pole' can be sometimes used in the meaning 'neck' as well [TS 5: 102].
Some examples are: {Má novú jupku} "She has a new blouse" [Malina 1946: 13]; {Chválíu̯ sa, že dostáu̯ noví šiřák} "He boasted of a new [traditional] hat" [Malina 1946: 39].
Some examples are: {to su šátore nové} "these are new tents" [Gregor 1975: 273]; {máme noví čillár} "we have a new chandelier" [Gregor 1975: 211].
Occurs in examples, cf. {дом был старай, лахмотай, а тапʼерʼ новай пастънавʼилʼи} "The house was old, ramshackle, and now a new one was built" [DS 1969: 447]; {Вот рʼака старайа, а пъд γарой ана прабʼила новуйу} "Here is an old river, and under the mountain it has carved a new one [riverbed]" [DS 1969: 464].
Occurs in examples: {Psiska v ďeďiňe blavúzňali ceu̯ú noc} "Dogs in the village were barking all night long" [Malina 1946: 11]; {Ostali u ňih na noc} "They stayed at their place for a night" [Malina 1946: 76].
Occurs in examples: {košár na noc} "night corral" [Gregor 1975: 236]; {v noci, ked buďe xlapec spat} "in the night, when the boy will be sleeping" [Gregor 1975: 191].
Does not occur as a separate entry, but is attested in some examples: {dǘnti po nọ́si} "to hit somebody's nose" [Rajh 2010: 47]; {podržàti pod nọ́s} "thrust something under somebody's nose" [Rajh 2010: 46].
Some examples are: {Tŕku̯a ho kráva a rozvaliu̯a mu škraň od nosa aš po ucho} "The cow butted him and tore his temple from nose to ear" [Malina 1946: 104]; {Že ťi trošku teče z nosa kréf, neškoďí; to teče tá nedobrá} "Do not worry if your nose bleeds a little; it's the bad blood bleeding" [Malina 1946: 67].
Distinct from fɪf-aːk {fifák} 'swine snout / nose (rudely)' [Malina 1946: 25]; from fr̩gul-a {frgula} 'big nose' [Malina 1946: 26]; from fr̩ɲ-aːk {frňák} 'swine snout / nose (rudely)' [Malina 1946: 26]; from raȶaf-aːk {raťafák} 'big nose' (rare) [Malina 1946: 100]; and from šɲup-aːk {šňupák} 'nose (pejorative)' [Malina 1946: 123].
Some examples are: {svrbí ma nos} "my nose is itching" [Gregor 1975: 272]; {má kriví nos jag oharek} "[his or her] nose is as curved as a cucumber" [Gregor 1975: 250]. Distinct from the pejorative terms fr̩ɲ-aːk {frňák} [Gregor 1975: 220] and nɔs-aːɲ {nosáň} [Gregor 1975: 249].
Polysemy: 'nose / beak / bow (of a boat)'. Some examples are: {Вʼесʼ нос ф кравʼе} "His nose is fully covered with blood" [DS 1969: 549]; {У нʼаво нос зъварносай квʼерʼху} "He has a turned-up nose" [DS 1969: 177].
Does not occur as a separate entry, but is attested in examples: {nìč ne čǜjen} "I don't hear anything" [Rajh 2010: 38]; {mašína ne dèla} "the machine doesn't work" [Rajh 2010: 40].
Occurs in examples: {To je ostatňí ču̯ovjek, kerí sa o ďecka nestará} "It is the worst man, who does not care about his children" [Malina 1946: 76]; {Má opuchu̯í jazik, nemože aňi hubu rozďávit} "[He or she] has a swollen tongue, [he or she] cannot even open [his or her] mouth" [Malina 1946: 103].
Occurs in examples, cf. {мъкрʼада-та вон какайъ, нʼа дʼержытʼ лʼист} "There is damp weather, [trees] do not hold leaves" [DS 1969: 294]; {Дʼевка, ты мнʼе нʼа чʼиста вымыла рубаху-то, зала, там пʼирʼаисʼтʼ} "Girl, you have washed my shirt badly, ashes will eat it away" [DS 1969: 102].
Used in the prohibitive function as well: {Нʼи хадʼи късмаком, а то в ушы надуитʼ} "Do not walk bareheaded, or you will get inflammation of the ear" [DS 1969: 243].
Kalsbeek 1998: 429. A less common form is c̢ovˈik {čovȉk}. The form šlovˈek {šlovȅk} is obsolescent [Kalsbeek 1998: 429]. The dictionary also contains the form peršwôn-i {peršuȏni} (G. sg.) 'person' of Romance origin [Kalsbeek 1998: 516], which does not occur elsewhere.
Plural form is ʎûːd-i {ljȗdi} [Kalsbeek 1998: 484].
Steenwijk 1992: 316. Plural form: yˈʊd-i {jṳ́di} [Steenwijk 1992: 265]. According to the dictionary, a singulative, derived from the latter form: yˈʊd-u {jṳ́du}, can be used in the meaning 'person' [Steenwijk 1992: 265], but there are no contexts which could confirm it.
Some examples are: {To je ostatňí ču̯ovjek, kerí sa o ďecka nestará} "It is the worst man, who does not care about his children" [Malina 1946: 76]; {Náš pán rechtor <…> bili hodní ču̯ovjek} "Our school manager <…> was a kind man" [Malina 1946: 100].
Plural form is lud-ɛː {ludé}: {Ludé hoďňe mřú na lunzocht} "A lot of people die of tuberculosis" [Malina 1946: 54].
Kucaɫa 1957: 162. SidG., Fac.: cˈɔvʸɛk {covek}. A less frequent form is cwɛk {cu̯ek} (often used jokingly). Plural form is lˈuʓ-ɛ {luʒ́e} ~ lˈuʓ-ˈisk-a {luʒ́iska} [Kucaɫa 1957: 162].
The plural form is lʸˈudʸ-i {лʼудʼи}: {Иной рас сълавʼей пайот – скажыш чʼилавʼек γутарʼитʼ} "Sometimes when a nightingale is singing, you might think it's a person speaking" [DS 1969: 133]; {Са взγлʼадʼа чʼилавʼека узнаиш, какой харошай, какой плахой… Фсʼе лʼудʼи разнаи} "At first sight you can understand if a person is good or bad… All people are different" [DS 1969: 82]; {Мноγъ лʼудʼей помʼарлъ нъ майих γадах} "I saw a lot of people die" [DS 1969: 117].
Jurišić 1973: 42. There is also a separate term kîš-a {kȉša} 'rain' [Jurišić 1973: 89], probably introduced under the influence of the Standard language.
Devinska Nova Ves Chakavian:gwd-in-a {gu̯òdina}2
Vážný 1927: 149. Described by Vážný as 'velký dešť, bouře' ('big rain, storm'). However, there is no other word for rain and the expression {vèlika gu̯òdina} is used for the designation of heavy rain, which makes us conclude that most probably {gu̯òdina} is the basic term for 'rain'.
Occurs in examples: {Déšč sa zakrádáu̯, ale přeca nepšau̯o} "Rain was coming, but it was not raining" [Malina 1946: 151]; {Diš je na nebi zápala, přinde déšč' lebo vjetr} "When the sky is red, there will be rain or it will be windy" [Malina 1946: 152]. Distinct from pr̩ːš-k-a {pŕška} 'little rain' [Malina 1946: 95].
DS 1969: 145. The form dɔʂtʸ {доштʼ}, of Standard Russian origin, is attested as well: {Фпʼирʼот вʼетʼир был, ураγан, а патом доштʼ} "First there was wind, a hurricane, then it rained" [DS 1969: 96].
Some examples are: {Je červení jak kokeš} "He is red as a rooster" [Malina 1946: 44]; {Jak sem mu jednu ulízu̯, hneď mu červená viskočiu̯a} "Just as I punched him, the blood flowed" [Malina 1946: 132].
TS 2: 234. Polysemy: 'red / beautiful'. We did not find any difference between the inherited term krˈas-n-ɨ {кра́сны} and the Polonism c̢ˈɨrv-ɔn-ɨ ~ c̢ɨrv-ˈɔn-ɨ {чы́рво́ны}, so we include both terms in the list.
DS 1969: 249. Polysemy: 'red / too bright (colour) / sunny (day) / beautiful (rare)'. Cited in the dictionary entry as {красный}, but in the examples it occurs in a more natural form {краснай}.
Hill 1991: 214. Polysemy: 'road, way / journey'. Apart from this term, there is also an old borrowing from Greek: {drum} 'road' [Hill 1991: 183], also present in Bulgarian, Serbo-Croatian and Romanian. Unfortunately, absence of contexts does not allow us to differentiate between these terms, so we include both of them in the list.
A third probable candidate is a younger Turkic loanword ǯˈad-ɛ {ǯade}, also glossed as 'road' [Hill 1991: 184]. But since {cadde} means 'avenue, street' in the Turkic, its Macedonian counterpart probably preserves this meaning. Cf. the situation in a Bulgarian dialect [BER 1: 353].
Orbanici Chakavian:čˈɛst-a {čȅsta}2
Kalsbeek 1998: 428. Distinct from pwǒt {puõt} 'road, way, path (narrower than čȅsta; lined by low walls (zidići)' [Kalsbeek 1998: 526]. Distinct from švǎːlt {švãlt} 'paved road, asphalt road' [Kalsbeek 1998: 565].
Jurišić 1973: 176. Polysemy: 'road / time (used with numbers and express multiplication) / towards'. There is also a less frequent term cɛ̂st-a {cȅsta} [Jurišić 1973: 33], probably introduced under the influence of the Standard language.
Uhlik 2016. This is the term with the broadest meaning. Distinct from cˈeːst-a {cesta}, usually restricted to asphalted roads [Uhlik 2016].
Standard Slovene: {cesta}, {pot} [Pretnar 1964: 162].
Kostel Slovenian:po̞ːt {ˈpọːt}1
Gregorič 2014: 317. Polysemy: 'road / time (used with numbers and express multiplication)'. The term cˈe̝ːst-a {ˈcėːsta} designates a broader road made in accordance with a plan [Gregorič 2014: 57].
Čujec Stres 2: 122. Distinct from cˈiːǝst-a {ˈciːǝsta} 'wide road' [Čujec Stres 1: 102-103]. The difference probably corresponds to the one in Standard Slovene.
Steenwijk 1992: 296. There are two terms glossed as 'road' by Steenwijk: cˈǝst-ɔ {cé̤sto} [Steenwijk 1992: 245] and pot {pót} [Steenwijk 1992: 296]. The first term occurs only twice in the dictionary, once as a synonym of {pót}: {Ví̤din, da ni téžajo noga bɐbaca jɐ dólu po cé̤sti, né̤?} "I see that they are pulliing a straw puppet (made for Carnival) down the road, aren't they?" [Steenwijk 1992: 191]; {Ko somo̤ vilé̤zli tu-w Domárja wṳ́n na pót ta-na cé̤sto, ki je̤ bila sa jí̤ša, na bila ta-pod pótjo} "when we went out on the pót, on the cé̤sto into Amaro, where there was a house, it was down the road" [Steenwijk 1992: 193]. In the 2005 dictionary Steenwijk glosses {cé̤sto} as 'striscia di terreno pavimentato' [Steenwijk 2005: 22] and {pót} as 'strada (via di comunicazione); strada (percorso per andare da un luogo a un altro); maniera, modo' [Steenwijk 2005: 107]. This seems to correspond to the difference in the Standard Slovene, so we include only {pót} in the list.
Occurs in examples: {Tá cesta ide hodňe do čupka} "This road goes uphill" [Malina 1946: 18]; {cesta v Ďíu̯ovém poli je ceu̯á rozbrambořená, koňe bi tam utunúli} "The road in the Ďíu̯ovo pole is all slush, horses would drown there" [Malina 1946: 103].
Pilisszanto Slovak:cɛst-a {cesta}2
Occurs in examples: "The council president ordered to repair the road within four years" [Gregor 1975: 196]; {na kraj cesti postáli a ďíváli sa} "they were standing at the edge of the road and watching" [Gregor 1975: 214]. Distinct from draɦ-a {draha} 'mountain road, mountain path' [Gregor 1975: 215].
Houtzagers 1985: 275. There are also such terms as žˈic-a {žȉca} 'string, cord / root / vein, nerve' and žˈil-a {žȉla} 'root / vein' [Houtzagers 1985: 405], but since they do not occur in the texts, we cannot specify the difference between them and {kõren}.
The example is: {virúbňi ten kořeň} "cut out this root" [Malina 1946: 142].
Pilisszanto Slovak:
Not attested. Probably should be {koreň}, because there is a derivative kɔrɛɲ-iː {koreňí} 'spice' [Gregor 1975: 235], but this is only a supposition.
TS 2: 222. Polysemy: 'root (of a tree, tooth or a fungus) / seedling'. Distinct from bur-ˈak {бура́к} 'beet / main root of a tree' [TS 1: 94] and ɫˈap-a {ла́па} 'paw / lateral root of a tree' [TS 3: 11].
Hendriks 1976: 292. Apparently with polysemy 'round 3D / round 2D'. This is actually a form from the Vevchani-Radozhda dialect, since no Dihovo expressions for 'round' are quoted in [Groen 1977]. Derived from a noun, documented as Dihovo & Literary Macedonian tr̩kalo 'wheel, circle' [Groen 1977: 287; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 501].
Skopje Macedonian: kruž-en {кружен} and za=obl-en {заоблен} are quoted in [Evdokimova 2009] as synonyms, both with polysemy: 'round 3D / round 2D'. The latter is the passive participle from the verb za=obl-i 'to make round'. For the literary language, several terms with the meaning 'round' are documented: trkal-est, trkal-ez-en {тркалест, тркалезен} [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 501], krug-ol, kruž-en {кругол, кружен} [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 233], za=obl-en {заоблен} [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 137].
Kalsbeek 1998: 509. There is no inherited term for 'round'. Instead, we find two borrowings: o=krǔːg-al {okrũgal} (the masculine form is not attested, but based on analogy with byêl {biȇl} 'white' we think that it ends in -l) from Standard Croatian {okrugao} and twǒnt {tuõnt}, of Romance origin. One would think that the context {"tuõndo" rečȅmo onȅmu, ča je "okruglo"} "what is round we call tuõndo" [Kalsbeek 1998: 171] should mean that twǒnt {tuõnt} is a more common term; however, in texts o=krǔːg-al {okrũgal} occurs 4 times, while twǒnt {tuõnt} occurs only 3 times. Under these circumstances we have to include both terms in the list.
Steenwijk 1992: 268. There are two terms for 'round' in the dictionary: indigenous {kogolé̤jast} and a Romanism {rotɔ́nt}. The first one does not occur in the texts at all, and {rotɔ́nt} occurs only once, so, as in the previous case, we include both words in the list.
Not attested in the dictionary, but according to the OLA map, the territory of Czech republic is almost exclusively occupied by derivatives of the word 'sphere' (Standard Czech {koule} < Middle High German {kūle}). In Polešovice we come across the form {kulatej} [OLA L10: 165-167, map 37], and we include the term {kulatí} in the list.
Kucaɫa 1957: 43. Kucaɫa provides this term as {u̯okrǫgu̯yk}, but this is probably a misprint, because in the next line it is already given as {u̯okrǫgu̯y}.
Polysemy: 'round 2D / round 3D': {Кукушкъ, етъ, пахош, γлаза у нʼей круγлыи} "It seems to be a cuckoo, it has round eyes" [DS 1969: 451]; {Лʼицо-та круγлайа, а то пъдлʼинʼнʼей} "She has a round face, and that one is oblong" [DS 1969: 422].
Kalsbeek 1998: 541. Borrowed from some Romance source. This term is applied to fine sand. A later borrowing from Italian, šâːbiy-a {šȃbija}, is used for the designation of sea sand [Kalsbeek 1998: 557].
Jurišić 1973: 185. Because of the limited number of available contexts we do not find it possible to distinguish between two candidates: sabǔːn {sabũn} and yarîːn-a {jarȋna}, both of Romance origin.
Some examples are: {Нъ рʼикʼе идʼош - пʼисок прʼама тута… йета касʼица} "When you go along the river, there is sand just here... it's a sand bank"; {Пʼасок касʼицы нъмываитʼ} "Sand deposits banks" [DS 1969: 243].
Hill 1991: 194. Suppletive verb. In the function of the perfective aorist stem, rˈɛč-ɛ {reče} is used. In the imperfective present there is a third stem: vˈɛl-ɛ {vele} (among kˈaž-v-a {kažva}) [Hill 1991: 194; 241], but as the texts show, it has a strong tendency to be used as a marker of direct speech.
Houtzagers 1999: 304. Present paradigm: {vȩjȋm} 'I say' / {vȩjȋš} 'you say' / {vȩjȋ} 'he says' / {vȩjȉmo} 'we say' / {vȩjȉtȩ} 'you say' / {vȩjȩ̂} (Hidegség and Fertőhomok) ~ {vȩjȉdu} (Hidegség) 'they say'. Forms with –lj- are less frequent than forms with -j-. Sometimes forms derived from {rȩ̏č}: {rȩ̏češ} 'you say', {rȩ̏čȩ} 'he says' are used. The first person forms {rȩ̏ko} (Fertőhomok) and {rȩ̏ku} (Hidegség) are used as historic present [Houtzagers 1999: 330, 151]. All the other forms are derived from {rȩ̏č}: l-participles {rȩ̏kel} (masc.), {rȩ̏kla} (fem.), {rȩ̏kli} (masc. pl.), past participle {rȩčȩ̏no} (neut.), imperative {rȩ̏či} ~ {rȩ̏ci} [Houtzagers 1999: 304].
Gregorič 2014: 377. There are two probable candidates: rɛ-č {rˈeč} [Gregorič 2014: 377] and pˈo̝=vɛ-t {ˈpȯvet} 'to say / to tell' [Gregorič 2014: 321]. According to the dictionary material, the first one seems to be more universal and frequent.
Distinct from de̝ː-n {ˈdėːn} (first person sg.) glossed as "[*deti], reči, dejati" [Gregorič 2014: 70] and seemingly obsolete.
Steenwijk 1992: 303. Distinct from ȡˈɐ-t {đɐt} 'to say, to call' [Steenwijk 1992: 255], which is used to denote speaking in general, not for a concrete act of speech, cf.: {po láškin ni díjo} "they do not speak Italian" [Steenwijk 1992: 193]; {ti súlbaški díjo, da "jít", invé̤ci mí̤ dímo̤, da "jé̤st"} "those from Stolvizza say jít, but we say jé̤st" [Steenwijk 1992: 174]; {ni díjo da to no̤ lé̤tu zgubjanó̤} "they say that it is a lost year (to serve in the army)" [Steenwijk 1992: 113-114].
Some examples are: {Prám sem to chťéu̯ řéct} "That is exactly what I wanted to say" [Malina 1946: 93]; {Řekne pravdu, enom diš sa přeřekne} "He tells the truth only when he has a slip of the tongue" [Malina 1946: 96].
Pilisszanto Slovak:pɔ=vɛd-a-t {povedat}4
Occurs in examples: {do ťi to povedal?} "who said this to you?" [Gregor 1975: 214]; {ňex poveďá} "let him say" [Gregor 1975: 248]. Distinct from {hovorit} 'to speak' [Gregor 1975: 225].
Wieciorka Lesser Polish:pˈɛʓ-ɛ-ɕ {peʒ́eć}4
Kucaɫa 1957: 284. Less frequent is pwɔ=vʸˈɛʓ-ɛ-ɕ {pu̯oveʒ́eć} [Kucaɫa 1957: 284] which came from Standard Polish. Kucaɫa also provides the term ʐɨ-c {žyc}, but, like the Standard {rzec}, it is rather rare and probably archaic. We have found it only in three contexts, whilst {peʒ́eć} is very frequent. The contexts are: {mǫm žyc Franeg͜ ńe I̯ȯzek} "I wanted to say Franek, not Józek"; {kupę ći, žekę, u̯oʒ́ęńe pu̯oχau̯upne} "I will buy you, I said, a house dress" (W.); {žekne coś} (Fac.) [Kucaɫa 1957: 284].
TS 1: 45-46. A Polonism. Apart from this term, there is also the inherited item vʸˈiʒʸ-ɛ-cʸ {ві́дзець} ~ vʸˈiʒʸ-i-cʸ {ві́дзіць} [TS 1: 125], but it seems to be very rare, as we found only four occurrences (excluding predicative {відно}): {Я відзела, ек жабу шлі з одное болоцвіны ў другую} "I saw frogs going from one bog to another" [TS 1: 71]; {Што відзіў, то й брыдзіў} "what he saw, he spoiled" (proverb) [TS 1: 125]; {Тумно, тумно, только відзен зелёны дубочок} "It is dark, it is dark, only a green oak can be seen" (from a song) [TS 5: 164]; {Я не віджу, шо ўжэ рэхта} "I can't see if it is done" [TS 4: 349].
Distinct from vu=zʸir-ˈa-cʸ {вузіра́ць} 'to look out / to look' [TS 1: 161], ɣlʸɛʒʸ-ˈe-cʸ {гледзе́ць} 'to look / to take care of' [TS 1: 202] and ʒʸivʸ-ˈi-cːa {дзіві́цца} 'to look' [TS 2: 18].
Occurs in examples: {Хто йаво вʼидʼал, съмалʼот?} "Who saw it, that airplane?" [DS 1969: 116]; {А вы йаво нʼа вʼидʼилʼи?} "Have you seen him?" [DS 1969: 108]. Distinct from ɣlʸˈad-a-tʸ {γлʼадатʼ} and ɣlʸidʸ-ˈɛ-tʸ {γлʼидʼетʼ} ~ ɣlʸadʸ-ˈɛ-tʸ {γлʼадʼетʼ} 'to look' [DS 1969: 114] and from smatrʸ-ˈɛ-tʸ {сматрʼетʼ} 'to look' ({Сматрʼи в акно} "Look out of the window" [DS 1969: 89]).
Malina 1946: 107. Malina glosses this word as {řepné semeno} ("beet seed"), but the following example shows that it possibly has a wider meaning: {Čišci zelné seménko vipili} "Siskins pecked out all the cabbage seeds" [Malina 1946: 141].
Gregor 1975: 267. Polysemy: 'kernel, seed / maize panicle'.
Wieciorka Lesser Polish:na=ˈä̃ɲ-ɛ {naśęńe}2
Kucaɫa 1957: 232. Does not have a separate entry, but occurs in the following context: {ńevelgå i s͜ tegu̯o z'ićǫtka pu̯oćeχa - mu̯oze śe ledve naśęńe vrȯći} "one gets little joy from this rye, perhaps we will get only seeds back" (probably speaking about harvest perspectives). Distinct from ˈɛmʸä̃ {śemę} 'flax seed' [Kucaɫa 1957: 60].
TS 5: 28. Apart from the inherited term sʸˈemy-ɛ {се́м'е}, there is also the Polonism na=sʸˈɛn-y-ɛ {насе́нье} 'seed / eggs (of insects)' [TS 3: 159-160]. Since we did not manage to find any difference between these terms, we include both in the list.
Some examples are: {Бʼирʼош доску балʼшуйа и бʼирʼош - такʼии валʼкʼи былʼи - зачʼнʼеш йаво кълатʼитʼ… и йета сʼемʼа-та, ана фсʼа аткалачʼиваъицца ат нʼаво, ат етъва лʼна-тъ} "You take a big board and a beetle (hammer) which we used to have and then you start to batter it [flax], and this seed, it is all knocked out from flax" [DS 1969: 196]; {Сʼемʼа канопнъйа сʼеили… ды какайа сʼемʼа была харошъйа} "We sowed hemp seeds... and that seed was so good" [DS 1969: 237].
Gregorič 2014: 395. Distinct from čˈič-a-t {ˈčičat} 'to sit' used in baby-talk [Gregorič 2014: 62] and from sɛs-t {ˈsest} 'to sit down' [Gregorič 2014: 398].
Rajh 2010: 209. Distinct from čˈič-a-ti {ˈčičati} 'to sit (expressive)' [Rajh 2010: 34] and from sˈɛs-ti-si {ˈsesti si} 'to sit down' [Rajh 2010: 210].
Does not occur in the dictionary, but is cited in the grammar part of the book [Gregor 1975: 141]. Distinct from sɛnː-u-t-si {sennut si} 'to sit down' [Gregor 1975: 267].
Kucaɫa 1957: 174. Distinct from ˈad-a-ɕ {śadać} ~ ˈad-nɔ̃-ɕ {śadnǫć} 'to sit down'. Kucaɫa writes these words in the Standard orthography, but for the purpose of uniformity we transcribe them in his transliteration.
DS 1969: 512-513. Polysemy: 'to sit / to be situated / to grow somewhere (about plants) / not to grow up (about plants) / to be employed / to look after / to live somewhere'. Distinct from sʸɛs-tʸ {сʼестʼ} 'to sit down' [DS 1969: 511].
Does not occur in the dictionary as a separate entry, but is attested in the text: {ˈkožata na ˈgredata a ˈkɫava} "and he fixes her skin on the woodwork" [Hill 1991: 150].
Occurs in examples: {Pořáď babúňá a neide spat} "All the time [he or she] is hanging about and is not going to sleep" [Malina 1946: 8]; {Ďecka sa ubjehali a spali jag zabité} "Chlidren were tired of running and were sleeping as a log" [Malina 1946: 131]. Distinct from buːc-a-t {búcat} ~ buc-ɪŋk-a-t {bucinkat} [Malina 1946: 13] and ɦay-a-t {hajat} ~ ɦal-a-t {halat} [Malina 1946: 29] used in baby talk. Distinct from fr̩č-a-t {frčat} [Malina 1946: 26] and kɪs-a-t {kisat} [Malina 1946: 42] which mean 'to sleep', but belong to the lower style.
Some examples are: {v noci, ked buďe xlapec spat} "in the night, when the boy will be sleeping" [Gregor 1975: 191]; {ďeťi uš spá} "the children are already sleeping" [Gregor 1975: 141].
Kalsbeek 1998: 486. Comparative form is mˈaɲ-i {mȁnji}. Distinct from mîːȶ-i {mȋći} '(very) small, tiny' [Kalsbeek 1998: 490].
There is also the term mˈiɲ-i {mȉnji} which is glossed as 'small, little' in the dictionary [Kalsbeek 1998: 491]. There are examples of such use ({ovȍ je je prĩšlo mȉnjo} "this [piece of clothing] has become too small for her" [Kalsbeek 1998: 491]), but in most cases it means 'small' while speaking of age. Typical examples are: {dȍkle je mȉnji je pȉplić, pȍkle je pulȁštar} "as long as it is small it is a chick, after that it is a pullet" [Kalsbeek 1998: 436]; {kat so bȋli dȉca mȉnji} "when they were little children" [Kalsbeek 1998: 372].
Occurs in examples and texts: {malí stolík} 'little stool' [Gregor 1975: 271]; {tam mali jenného malého xlapca} "there was a little boy" [Gregor 1975: 190].
Kucaɫa 1957: 230. Comparative form: mɲˈɨy-sʸ-i {mńyi̯s'i} ~ mɲˈɛy-sʸ-i {mńei̯s'i} (rare). Diminutive forms mayˈikʸ-i {mai̯iki} ~ mayˈitkʸ-i {mai̯itki} and maɕˈikʸ-i {maćiki} are used as well [Kucaɫa 1957: 230].
Occurs in examples: {Балʼшайъ балота, а то малʼинʼкʼийъ бълатʼинъчʼкъ} "'Boloto' is a big bog, while 'bolotinochka' is a little bog" [DS 1969: 62]; {Надъ думатʼ а балʼшой вадʼе, а нʼи малʼинʼкʼай} "One should think of big water, not of small water (when a bridge is built)" [DS 1969: 64]. The form {манʼинʼкай} is used as well [DS 1969: 289]. The comparative form is mʸˈɛnʸ-ɪ {мʼенʼь} ~ mʸˈɛnʸ-ay {мʼенʼай} [DS 1969: 292].
Groen 1977: 288. The word dim is not quoted in [Groen 1977].
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: čat [Hendriks 1976: 294]. The word dim is not quoted in [Hendriks 1976].
Skopje Macedonian: dim {дим} [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 89]. For the literary language, the synonym čat {чад} 'smoke' is also documented [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 525].
Malina 1946: 19. Another candidate {kúř} does not have a separate entry, but occurs in the following examples: {Tu je kúřu, že bi tu mohu̯ pantoki vješat} "Here there is so much smoke, one can hardly breathe" [Malina 1946: 80]; {Kúř sa valí do zemňe, bude pršat} "Smoke is hanging low, it will be raining" [Malina 1946: 136]. It is possible that we observe here the process of lexical replacement. In any case, there is not enough material to find any difference between these words, so we include both terms in the list.
Kalsbeek 1998: 552. Polysemy: 'to stand / to be located / to be / to live, dwell / to suit, to fit'. Distinct from se=stˈa-t {se stȁt} 'to stand up' [Kalsbeek 1998: 552].
Houtzagers 1985: 357. Polysemy: 'to stand, remain standing / to stay, remain; stick (e.g. in the mud) / to stay up (at night) / to live, reside / to find oneself, be situated / to fit (into something)'. Distinct from stǎː-nu-t {stãnut} 'to stand up / to (go and) stand / to step on' [Houtzagers 1985: 356].
Houtzagers 1999: 315. Polysemy: 'to stand / to live'. Distinct from stˈɒ-t-sä {stȁt sȩ} ~ stˈaː-t-sä {stȃt sȩ} 'to rise / to stand up / to go and stand somewhere'. The particle {sȩ} can be elided [Houtzagers 1999: 314].
Ogrinc 2014; Uhlik 2016. Distinct from w=stˈaː-ti {vstati} 'to stand up' [Uhlik 2016].
Standard Slovene: {stati} 'to stand' [Pretnar 1964: 839], {vstati} 'to stand up' [Pretnar 1964: 93].
Kostel Slovenian:staː-t {sˈtaːt}1
Gregorič 2014: 423. First person sg. form is stˈo̝y-i-n {sˈtȯjin}. Distinct from sta-t {sˈtat} 'to stand (on something) / to stand up' [Gregorič 2014: 423-424].
DS 1969: 543-544. Polysemy: 'to stand / to be situated / to hold on (about weather) / to stay invariable / to hold office / to rent a flat'. Distinct from f=sta-tʸ {фстатʼ} 'to stand up / to take up (a position) / to make a decision' [DS 1969: 97].
Kalsbeek 1998: 450-451. There are two terms glossed as 'stone' in the dictionary: grˈot-a {grȍta} of Romance origin and kˈam-ik {kȁmik} [Kalsbeek 1998: 461]. In the texts only the first term occurs, but we cannot be sure that it has already replaced the inherited kˈam-ik {kȁmik}, since the text corpus is too small. Thus we have to include both terms in the list.
Distinct from kˈam-en {kȁmen} 'rock' [Kalsbeek 1998: 461], krûːx {krȗh} 'big stone, rock (in a field) / circle' [Kalsbeek 1998: 474] and u=plˈas {uplȁs} 'stone, rock in a ploughing field' [Kalsbeek 1998: 578].
Occurs in examples: {pátrički na krki su s kameňa} "beads on the neck are made of stone" [Gregor 1975: 255]; {ďesat kiloví kameň} "ten kilogram stone" [Gregor 1975: 204].
We found only three contexts: {йета исподнʼик, камʼинʼ такой-тъ} "It is a nether millstone, a kind of stone" [DS 1969: 78]. In plural the form {камʼенʼйа} is used: {шʼшʼалкал па крышы, йа думъла - камʼенʼйа} "Hail snaped on the roof, I thought that it was stones" [DS 1969: 608]; {Лук пъсадʼила, анʼи палак, камʼенʼйав нъбрасалʼи, вʼесʼ прʼикаталʼи лук} "I planted onions, they threw some sticks and stones about and pressed down all the onions" [DS 1969: 457].
Some examples are: {Глаза ат сонʼцъ γадʼуццъ} "Eyes begin to ache from the sun" [DS 1969: 105]; {Када сонʼца-та прʼипʼикʼетʼ} "When the sun is rather hot" [DS 1969: 481]. Diminutives like {солнышкъ}, {солнушкъ}, {сонышкъ} are common as well: {трава зʼилʼонъйъ, а папалъ пат сонышкъ и заγълубʼилъсʼ} "Grass had been green, but it became bluish under sun rays" [DS 1969: 179].
Gregor 1975: 258. Used by older generations, while young people prefer the Hungarism uːs-uv-a-t {úsuvat} [Gregor 1975: 281]. There is also another term, vɛksl-uv-a-t {veksluvat}, also glossed as 'schwimmen' [Gregor 1975: 283], but it never occurs in contexts or texts, so we cannot specify the difference.
Distinct from plaːv-a-t {plávat} 'to float', cf.: {Jaŋko, hibaj zát tíx jabúček, jako pekňe plávaju po tej voďe} "Janko, go and take some apples which are floating in the water so nicely" [Gregor 1975: 191].
DS 1969: 405. Durative / habitual form is pɫˈav-a-tʸ {плаватʼ}, cf. {Када лʼот зъстываитʼ, чʼистай, бʼисʼ сʼнʼеγу, рыбъ плавъитʼ па крайу – ийо вʼидатʼ} "When ice is frozen, when it is pure, without snow, fish is swimming on the verge, and it is seen" [DS 1969: 231]; {Йа фсʼаγда зъ рʼаку взат-назат плавъйу} "I always swim across the river back and forth" [DS 1969: 171].
Occurs in examples: {Думъл наступʼитʼ на γълъву, а нъступʼил на хвост} "He thought that he would tread on [the snake's] head, but he trod on its tail" [DS 1969: 235]; {Нʼиткʼи, кък канʼинай хвост вʼисʼитʼ} "Threads are hanging like a horse tail" [DS 1969: 236].
Groen 1977: 84. As described in [Groen 1977], the Dihovo system of demonstrative attributive pronouns is ternary: ov-ay ~ ov-oy 'this (near the speaker)' / on-ay ~ on-oy 'that (far from the speaker)' / t-oy 'this, that (neutral)'.
The status of the third member, t-, is not entirely clear from [Groen 1977: 51-52, 84]; t- may be used in place of both ov- 'this' and on- 'that', but it is unknown which way is more common. Provisionally we treat ov- & t- as synonyms for 'this' and on- & t- as synonyms for 'that'.
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: ov-oy 'this (near the speaker)' / on-oy 'that (far from the speaker)' / t-oy 'this, that (neutral)', i.e., the same system as in Dihovo [Hendriks 1976: 142-144].
Skopje Macedonian: In [Evdokimova 2009], the slots for 'this' and 'that' are both filled with the pronoun t-oy, which might be an inaccuracy. For the literary language, the ternary system is described in [Lunt 1952: 40-41; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 559]: ov-oy 'this (near the speaker)' / on-oy 'that (far from the speaker)' / t-oy 'this, that (farther than ov-, closer than on-)'.
DS 1969: 609. Some examples are: {Вы какой будʼитʼа суп хлʼабатʼ, етат илʼи ентат?} "Which soup do you want to eat: this one or that one?"; {Ентʼи послʼи акатʼилʼисʼ йаγнаты, и то вон какʼии, а етʼи хужы} "Those lambs were born later, and they are better, and these are worse"; {Сто трʼиццатʼ шесʼтʼ енʼтʼимʼи дʼанγамʼи пълучʼила, а етʼимʼи трʼинаццатʼ} "I received 136 roubles in that currency, and 13 in this one" [DS 1969: 609].
Occurs in contexts: {Co céňíte ti prasata?} "How much do you ask for these piglets?" [Malina 1946: 14]; {S téj sklénki nepij} "Do not drink from this glass" [Malina 1946: 50].
Pilisszanto Slovak:tɛn-tɔ {tento}2
Gregor 1975: 123-124.
Wieciorka Lesser Polish:xˈaf-tä̃n {hawten}1
Kucaɫa 1957: 219. Kucaɫa glosses it as 'ten tutaj' ('this here') and provides no information that could help to distinguish between {hawten} and {ten} 'this'. However, in Anna Kuziorowa's article we find the context which shows that in the Więciórka dialect {hawten} and {χai̯tęn} are used in contrastive contexts: {hafta kura beʒ́e vękså u̯ot χai̯te} "this hen is bigger than that one" [Kuziorowa 1992: 106]. Since such contexts are the most important ones for detection of demonstratives according to the GLD semantic specifications, we include {hawten} in the list.
Paradigm: tɪ {ti} [nom.] / tɛb-ɛ {tebe} ~ ȶa {ťa} [gen.] / tɔb-yɛ {tobje} ~ ȶɪ {ťi} (clitic) [dat.] / tɛb-ɛ {tebe} ~ ȶa {ťa} (clitic) [acc.] / tɛb-uː {tebú} [ins] / tɔb-yɛ {tobje} [loc.]. Examples are: {Takového záhončlivého muža bich chťeu̯a, jag máš ti} "I want to have such a diligent husband as you have" [Malina 1946: 150]; {Jak ťa lisknu, toš s tebe neostane, enom masní flek} "If I slap you, there won't remain anything but a greasy stain" [Malina 1946: 53]; {Hrom do ťa bije} "Lightning strikes you" [Malina 1946: 34]; {Tobje sa řekne "semenec", ale zobad ho s flaški} "You can easily say "hemp seed", but it should be pecked from a bottle" (= It is easier said than done) [Malina 1946: 107]; {γdo ťi to uďeu̯áu̯?} "Who did this to you?" [Malina 1946: 93]; {Velice san a tebe mrzím, žes fčéra nepřišéu̯} "I am cross with you, because you did not come yesterday" [Malina 1946: 60]; {Otec si nat tebú mislí} "[Your] father thinks of you" [Malina 1946: 57]; {Stařenka počúvali za dveřma, co o tobje, co o tobje v izbje viku̯ádali} "The old woman overheard, what they were saying about you in the room" [Malina 1946: 86].
Kucaɫa 1957: 246. SidG., Fac.: {ty} [Kucaɫa 1957: 246]. Paradigm: tɨ {ty} [nom.] / ɕˈɛbʸɛ {ćebe} [gen.] / tˈɔbʸɛ {tobe} ~ ɕi {ći} [dat.] / ɕˈɛbʸɛ {ćebe} ~ ɕɛ {će} [acc.] / tˈɔbɔ̃m {tobǫm} [ins.] / tˈɔbʸɛ {tobe} [loc.]. Kucaɫa does not provide the accusative forms in the entry, but they occur in some examples.
TS 5: 168. Paradigm: tɨ {ты} [nom.] / cʸɛbʸ-ˈɛ {цебе} [gen.] / tɔbʸ-ˈe {тобе} [dat.] / cʸɛbʸ-ˈɛ {цебе} [acc.] / tɔb-ˈɔyu {тобою} ~ tɔb-ˈɔy {тобой} [ins.] / tɔbʸ-ˈe {тобе} [loc.]. Examples: {У цебе тухлі ўсе ў гразе} "Your shoes are all covered with dirt" [TS 5: 167]; {Хто тобе даў этых зернет?} "Who gave you these sunflower seeds?" [TS 5: 168]; {я цебе не знаю} "I don't know you" [TS 5: 294]; {Нашые мацерэ́ ро́дные, а мы с тобою ужэ стрэднякі́} "Our mothers are siblings and we are cousins" [TS 5: 109]; {Піліп с тобой одногодок?} "Is Pilip of the same age as you?" [TS 3: 247]; {твое дзеточкі по тобе плачуць} "your kids are crying for you" [TS 5: 416].
Some examples are: {Дʼевка, ты мнʼе нʼа чʼиста вымыла рубаху-то, зала, там пʼирʼаисʼтʼ} "Girl, you have washed my shirt badly, ashes will eat it away" [DS 1969: 102]; {У тʼибʼе кваску нʼету?} "Do you have kvass?" [DS 1969: 135]; {у тʼибʼа γолас харошай} "you have a good voice" [DS 1969: 182]; {Ох, ноγʼи какʼии у тʼабʼа шълудʼивыйи} "Oh, your legs are so scabby" [DS 1969: 603]; {Спрашывай, йа буду тʼибʼе выказыватʼ} "Ask, I will tell you" [DS 1969: 101]; {Чʼо йа табʼе сказал?} "What did I say to you?" [DS 1969: 484]; {А тʼибʼе, дʼеўк, в лʼес атправʼитʼ} "[speaking to cat] And you, girl, should be driven out to the forest" [DS 1969: 138]; {йелʼи он тʼибʼа укусʼитʼ, шышкъ вздуиццъ как твайа кнʼишкъ} "if it [mosquito] bites you, there will appear a lump as big as a book" [DS 1969: 156]; {Йа тʼабʼа кажный дʼенʼ вʼижу} "I see you every day" [DS 1969: 111]; {Ана нʼи уважытʼ тʼабʼе} "She will appease you" [DS 1969: 571]; {Вот тах-тъ пъруγалʼисʼ мы с табой} "That's the way I broke off with you" [DS 1969: 373].
Houtzagers 1999: 259. Houtzagers translates this term only as 'language', but we suppose that it means both 'language' and 'tongue', as is usually the case in Slavic languages.
Occurs in examples: {Jag budež u̯hat, toš ťi dám žižu̯avého uhlí na jazik} "If you lie, I will put embers on your tongue" [Malina 1946: 164]; {Má opuchu̯í jazik, nemože aňi hubu rozďávit} "[He or she] has a swollen tongue, [he or she] cannot even open [his or her] mouth" [Malina 1946: 103].
Unfortunately, it does not occur in the text or in the dictionary. The only attestation is {psí jazik} 'plantain' (literary: 'dog's tongue') [Gregor 1975: 262], but it seems that there is no reason to doubt that this word retains its older meaning.
Occurs in examples: {прʼишла дамой – у мʼинʼе и рукʼи, и ноγʼи, и йазык – фсʼо уш у мʼинʼе атʼнʼалосʼ} "I came home and my arms, legs and tongue, all grew numb" [DS 1969: 165]; {вʼитʼ ана йазыком йисʼ} "it eats with its tongue (about a tongue)" [DS 1969: 267].
Some examples are: {Zubi mu strachi klepotali} "His teeth were chattering with fear" [Malina 1946: 43]; {Fšecki zaďňí zubi mám ďuravé} "All my back teeth are full of holes" [Malina 1946: 23].
Skopje Macedonian: dr̩v-o {дрво} with polysemy: 'tree / log' (the two meanings are morphologically discriminated in plural) [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 101].
Kalsbeek 1998: 438. Polysemy: 'wood, lumber / tree'. Other terms, glossed as 'tree' in the dictionary, seem to have a slightly different meaning: dûː {dȗ} 'tree; oak' [Kalsbeek 1998: 440], pîːn {pȋn} 'tree' [Kalsbeek 1998: 519], stabl-ˈo {stablȍ} 'tree, tree trunk' [Kalsbeek 1998: 551].
Houtzagers 1985: 235. Polysemy: 'tree / (piece of) wood'. There are two terms for 'tree': drɛ̂ːv-ɔ {drȇvo} and stabl-ˈɔ {stablȍ}. Unfortunately, there is not enough information to distinguish between them, so we include both terms in the list.
There is also another term, stûːp {stȗp} 'high step (in a flight of stairs) / pole / tree' [Houtzagers 1985: 359].
Vážný 1927: 187. Of Slovak origin. Distinct from drîːv-ɔ {drȋvo} 'wood' [Vážný 1927: 143] (with the meaning shift 'tree' > 'wood' under Slovak influence).
Occurs in examples: {Kůra na stromňe zgléjovaťeu̯a} "Tree bark has been covered by glue" [Malina 1946: 159]; {Stromi uš sú okvetené} "The trees are already out of bloom" [Malina 1946: 73]. Distinct from dr̝ɛv-ɔ {dřevo} 'wood / trunk' [Malina 1946: 23].
Pilisszanto Slovak:strɔm {strom}5
Occurs in examples: {tag som spadel ze stroma} "so I fell off a tree" [Gregor 1975: 243]; {jeden strom som viťal} "I cut down a tree" [Gregor 1975: 286]. Distinct from drɛv-ɔ {drevo} 'wood' [Gregor 1975: 215].
Kucaɫa 1957: 62. Mostly about forest trees. SidG., Fac.: ᶚˈɛv-ɔ {ǯževo}. Distinct from gɒy {gåi̯} 'a tree (not in a forest)' (Więciórka, SidG.) [Kucaɫa 1957: 62].
Does not occur as a separate entry, but is attested in some examples: {dvá cola debéli lẹ́s} "two inches thick wood" [Rajh 2010: 29]; {dvá sta bla hín} "two were dead" [Rajh 2010: 74].
Some examples are: {Biu̯ háreštovaní ale dva mňesíce} "He was arrested for two months" [Malina 1946: 30]; {Kúpiu̯a funt soli a dva funti massa} "She bought a pound of salt and two pounds of meat" [Malina 1946: 27].
Occurs in examples: {Йей два имʼа – исака и рʼазʼика} "It (Carex acutiformis) has two names: "isaka" and "rezika"" [DS 1969: 488]; {Двʼе ночʼи нʼи спала} "I have not slept for two nights" [DS 1969: 461].
Groen 1977: 132, 270. The root variant oy- gradually supplants the more archaic variant od- across the paradigm. Distinct from vr̩v-i 'to go, walk' [Groen 1977: 293].
No word for 'warm' in our main source, but there is a word glossed as 'hot' by Houtzagers: tɛ̌ːpɛl {tẽpel} [Houtzagers 1985: 377]. Probably, {tẽpel} denotes both 'warm' and 'hot', so we include it in the list.
Not attested. In the dictionary, there are only such items as gˈɵr-ak {gó̤rak} 'hot' [Steenwijk 1992: 259] and mlˈač-an {mláčan} 'lukewarm' [Steenwijk 1992: 281].
Not attested by itself, but there is an adverb tɛpw-ɔ {tepu̯o} 'warm' [Malina 1946: 127], so we have no reason not to include the form {teplí} in the list.
Some examples are: {Чʼашку-тъ нʼи атмоиш, ана фсʼа салʼнъйъ, надъ къпʼаток, а тʼоплай вадой нʼи атмоиш} "This cup is hard to wash, it is greasy, it should be washed in boiled water, warm water is not enough" [DS 1969: 593]; {Зʼима нынʼи тʼоплъйа} "The winter is warm this year" [DS 1969: 349]. Distinct from ɣarʸˈačʸ-ay {γарʼачʼай} 'hot / hot-tempered' and aɣnʸ-ˈan-ay {аγнʼанай} ~ aɣnʸ-ˈanː-ay {аγнʼаннай} 'of fire / very hot / having fever / of fire colour / agile in work / intensive' [DS 1969: 361].
Some examples are: {Voda nám vumleu̯a na poli brázdu} "Water hollowed out a furrow on the field" [Malina 1946: 140]; {Voda teče ražno} "Water flows quickly" [Malina 1946: 100].
Occurs in examples: {svaťená voda} 'holy water' [Gregor 1975: 272]; {Jaŋko, hibaj zát tíx jabúček, jako pekňe plávaju po tej voďe} "Janko, go and take some apples which are floating in the water so nicely" [Gregor 1975: 191].
Paradigm: mɪ {mi} [nom.] / naː-s {nás} [gen.] / naː-m {nám} [dat.] / naː-s {nás} [acc.] / na-ma {nama} [ins]. Locative form is not attested. Examples are: {Now we sweeten only with honey} [Malina 1946: 110]; {U nás sa nosíja rukáfce s krátkím stánkem} "We wear rukávce [traditional women's clothes] with short stánek [girdle with the part of chemise sewn in]" [Malina 1946: 114]; {Poť k nám} "Come to us" [Malina 1946: 7]; {nás přestanú nohi bolet} "Our feet will stop hurting" [Malina 1946: 103]; {Poťte s nama} "Come with us" [Malina 1946: 67].
TS 3: 97. Paradigm: mu {му} [nom.] / na-s {нас} [gen.] / na-m {нам} [dat.] / na-s {нас} [acc.] / nˈa-mʸi {намі} [ins.]. The locative form is not attested. Examples: {Захворэла ў нас кобула} "Our mare fell ill" [TS 3: 56]; {Не мешай нам говорыць} "Do not disturb us when we're talking" [TS 3: 79]; {Воны обогналі нас на дорозі} "They overtook us on the road" [TS 3: 231]; {Вон з намі за стол не сядзе} "He will not sit with us at the table" [TS 1: 229].
In fact both pronunciations, mɨ {мы} and mu {му}, are attested in the Turov area [DABM 1963, map 37]; it is also mentioned in the dictionary, but for reasons of uniformity we include in the list only the form with the shift ɨ > u after labials.
Some examples are: {Нохтʼи надатʼ зватʼ, а мы - кохтʼи} "They should be called "nogti", but we call them "kogti"" [DS 1969: 229]; {У нас адна длʼиннъйа, красʼивъйа, а нʼичʼо йей ладʼитʼ} "We have one [woman], tall, beautiful, but nothing becomes her" [DS 1969: 267]; {Он к нам нʼи хадʼил} "He did not visit us" [DS 1969: 148]; {Адʼин рас нас зъхватʼила баба, стъражова жана} "Once a woman, the watchman's wife, caught us" [DS 1969: 195]; {Садʼисʼ с намʼи палуднаватʼ} "Sit down to lunch with us" [DS 1969: 434]; {А работалʼи в лаптʼах: сыра, зʼимой марос, фсʼо на нас зъдубʼела} "We worked in bast shoes, it was damp, in winter it was freezing, all our clothes became stiff" [DS 1969: 181].
Occurs in examples: {Co sa zu̯obíš, šak ťi ňiγdo neblíží} "Why are you so angry? no one hurt you" [Malina 1946: 11]; {Co céňíte ti prasata?} "How much do you ask for these piglets?" [Malina 1946: 14].
Occurs in examples: {Дъ што ты ишʼшʼиш на нʼом?} "What do you expect from him?" [DS 1969: 211]; {Ну, што дʼелътʼ?} "So, what shall I do?" [DS 1969: 216]; {Чʼо йа табʼе сказал?} "What did I say to you?" [DS 1969: 484].
Does not have a separate entry, but occurs in some examples: {ˈɣaːƀǝr jǝ ˈƀiːǝu̯ m pa ˈčǝrn} "hornbeam is of two kinds: white and black" [Čujec Stres 1: 173]; {jǝ ˈƀiːǝu̯ ađ ˈmuokǝ} "he is all white with flour" [Čujec Stres 1: 370].
Some examples are: {Буравыйь γрыбы - анʼи бʼелыйь, толʼкʼъ шлʼапкъ чʼорнъйъ} "Pine forest mushrooms are white, only their cap is black" [DS 1969: 129]; {Вот лʼатаитʼ бʼелъйа – йетъ цыбʼик, пʼичʼушка, ноγʼи долγъи, тонкʼийи, носʼик тонкай} "There flies a lapwing, a small bird, it has long thin legs, a thin little nose" [DS 1969: 591].
Occurs in the examples: {Skoč sa poďívat, γdo to tam babúzňá po dvoře!} "Go see who is there roaming about outside!" [Malina 1946: 8]; {γdo ťi to uďeu̯áu̯?} "who did this to you?" [Malina 1946: 93].
Occurs in examples: {А хто дома?} "Who is at home?" [DS 1969: 62]; {Хто йаво вʼидʼал, съмалʼот?} "Who saw it, that airplane?" [DS 1969: 116]. The form kto {кто}, probably influenced by Standard Russian, is much less frequent.
Houtzagers 1999: 339. The term {žȩ̏na} has polysemy: 'woman / wife'. The term {žȩ̏nska} is the adjective 'female', which can be used as a substantive in the meaning 'woman'.
Gregorič 2014: 537. Distinct from žˈɛːn-a {ˈžeːna} 'wife / woman (usually older)' [Gregorič 2014: 536]. Distinct from bˈaːb-a {ˈbaːba} 'old woman / cowardly man (expressive) / thick bridge footing / support of a wall / pile (of a maize straw or pegs used as bean trellis)' [Gregorič 2014: 40].
Malina 1946: 100. Distinct from žɛn-a {žena} 'wife', cf. {Dibi bíu̯ co zač, necháu̯ bi ženu aj z ďeckama kapad hu̯adi?} "If he was a good person, would he have left his wife and children dying of hunger?" [Malina 1946: 15]. Distinct from bab-a {baba} 'old woman (pejoratively)' [Malina 1946: 8].
Polysemy: 'woman / wife'. Some examples are: {Oňi sa potom pozhovárali, že dobre bi bolo tú ženu zabit a peňáze jej zabrat} "After that they conspired to kill this woman and take her money" [Gregor 1975: 194]; {Mnoho žén sa nám zéjďe} "Many women used to gather there" [Gregor 1975: 197]; {jágrová žena} 'forest ranger's wife' [Gregor 1975: 193].
The most plausible candidate for the list: {Басʼицца – ета лʼачʼицца ходʼутʼ у нас мъжукʼи илʼи женшʼшʼины} "To get under the spell [against illness] is when men and women go to be cured" [DS 1969: 49]; {Брʼиγадʼирка нарʼат дайотʼ и мужукам, и женшʼшʼинам} "Team leader gives orders to both men and women" [DS 1969: 66]. Almost synonymous in this meaning is the term {баба} [DS 1969: 47], cf. {Женшʼшʼинъ дадʼелʼистъйъ, фсʼо знайитʼ, работаитʼ сʼилʼно… дадʼелʼистъйъ баба} "She is an able woman, she knows everything, she works hard…An able woman" [DS 1969: 145], but we suppose that it has a slightly lowbrow shade of meaning, as in Standard Russian.
Distinct from ʐan-ˈa {жана} 'wife' [DS 1969: 166].
Steenwijk 1992: 248. Steenwijk glosses it as 'far away', but the examples show that it simply means 'far' (the translations are made by Steenwijk): {stát dalé̤č wod jí̤še} "to live far away from home" [Steenwijk 1992: 167]; {ni stríjajo z kanóni, da to se paráj, da to gré, da to pujdǝ́ na dalé̤č} "they shoot with canons, so that it will come, so that it will go, so that it will go far away" [Steenwijk 1992: 185].
The examples are: {Daleko neutéku̯, brzo ho u̯apli} "He did not flee far away, he was caught" [Malina 1946: 51]; {Daleko široko néňi takového chu̯apíka, jak si ti} "Far and wide there is no such a guy like you" [Malina 1946: 120].
TS 2: 7. The place of stress has changed; originally, the stress was on the flexion. See also map 33 in [DABM 1963] for the place of stress. Distinct from dalʸ-ˈɛzn-ɔ {дале́зно} 'very far' [TS 2: 7].
Some examples are: {Далʼокъ Лʼинʼинγрат, кабы Масква… ана вон прʼамъ нъ задах} "Leningrad is far [from here], but Moscow is just near" [DS 1969: 180]; {Пакос далʼока был, кʼиломʼитраф за дʼисʼатʼ лʼатаиш…} "The meadow was far, we had to go about ten kilometers" [DS 1969: 273].
The form dalʸ-ˈɛčʸ-ɪ {далʼечʼь} [DS 1969: 135], derived from the same root, is much less frequent.
Houtzagers 1985: 212. The preposition alǎːy {alãj} 'near' probably can be used as an adverb too, but Houtzagers confirms it only with one context: {je blĩzu, je alãj} 'it is very near' [Houtzagers 1985: 204].
Does not have a separate entry, but occurs in some examples: {čǝ ˈƀiđš mađˈraːsaƀɣa pasˈtiːǝrjǝ, jǝ ˈtuđ ˈmađras ƀˈliːzu} "if you see a dragonfly, there is also a viper somewhere near" [Čujec Stres 1: 368]; {ta đˈruːǝj ˈƀojaki, kǝr ˈsa ˈmiːel lǝ ˈpušǝ, sa ƀˈli pa ˈƀǝl ƀˈliːzu} "those soldiers, who had only rifles, were closer" [Čujec Stres 2: 500].
Pronk 2009: 202. Glossed as preposition by Pronk, but evidently is used as an adverb as well. This can be illustrated by the following example: {Pa čȉr je bwȍ bwǝ̏l blízu so rjǝ̀kli} "And where it [wood gathering] was closer, they say" [Pronk 2009: 164].
Occurs in examples: {Йа блʼиска йаво нʼи вʼидала, а так издалʼа йаво вʼидʼила} "I did not see him from near, only from afar" [DS 1969: 208]; {Рʼака блʼискъ, нʼисʼ, у нʼих аγурʼцы харошыи будутʼ} "The river is near, there is a low place, they will have good cucumbers" [DS 1969: 343]. The form v=blʸizʸ-ˈɛ {вблʼизʼе}, derived from the same root, is less frequent: 5 occurrences vs. 12 occurrences of {блʼиска}.
Occurs in examples: {bješ k Poláškom na sůl} "run to the Poles for salt" [Malina 1946: 124]; {Kúpiu̯a funt soli a dva funti massa} "She bought a pound of salt and two pounds of meat" [Malina 1946: 27].
The example is: {Potom zaz͜ nasipu kapusti, šlapu, potom zas soli, koreňá} "Then I put cabbage again, pat it down, then [I put] salt again, spices" [Gregor 1975: 197].
Some examples are: {У мʼинʼе солʼ йесʼтʼ ф платкʼе в узалкʼе завʼазъна} "I have salt in the kerchief tied in a knot" [DS 1969: 574]; {Зъсыпаим солʼ, прʼам салʼим йиха} "We put salt, we salt them [mushrooms]" [DS 1969: 225].
Number:105
Word:short
Dihovo Macedonian:kus1
Groen 1977: 262.
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: kus [Hendriks 1976: 267].
Skopje Macedonian: in both sources, kus {кус} and krat-ok {краток} are quoted as synonyms for 'short' [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 235].
Does not have a separate entry, but occurs in some examples: {raˈčie sa kˈraːtkǝ} "the arms are long" [Čujec Stres 2: 227]; {sˈraːjca s kˈraːtkmi raˈkaːƀmi} "a shirt with long sleeves" [Čujec Stres 2: 282].
The example is: {U nás sa nosíja rukáfce s krátkím stánkem} "We wear a rukávce [traditional women's clothes] with a short stánek [girdle with the part of chemise sewn in]" [Malina 1946: 114].
There are two terms glossed as 'snake': gat {gȁt} [Houtzagers 1985: 243] and smrad-ˈin-a {smradȉna} [Houtzagers 1985: 353]. Since none of them occur in the texts, we have to include both words in the list.
Jurišić 1973: 244. There are two terms glossed as 'snake': zmiy-â {zmijȁ} and guy-în-a {gujȉna} ~ gu-în-a {guȉna}. Since we cannot distinguish between them because of the limited corpus of contexts, we include both into the list.
Vážný 1927: 149. Of Slovak origin. The inherited term kâːč-in-a {kȃčina} means 'viper' [Vážný 1927: 153].
Burgenland Kajkavian:
Not attested.
Ljubljana Slovenian:kˈaːč-a {kača}6
Ogrinc 2014; Uhlik 2016.
Standard Slovene: {kača} [Pretnar 1964: 244].
Kostel Slovenian:kˈaːč-a {ˈkaːča}6
Gregorič 2014: 130. Distinct from gat {ˈgat} 'viper' [Gregorič 2014: 90].
Zatolmin Slovenian:kˈaːč-a {ˈkaːča}6
Čujec Stres 1: 240.
Resian Slovenian:kˈač-a {káča}6
Steenwijk 1992: 265. There are two terms for 'snake' in the dictionary: the indigenous {káča} and the Romanism {sarpǝ́nt}. Unfortunately, these terms do not occur in the texts, so we include both words in the list.
Occurs in examples: {Тока в лʼес взайдʼош, абуиша лаптʼи, кабы зʼмʼайа нʼи укусʼила} "As soon as you enter the forest, you usually put bast shoes on your feet, so that a snake don't bite you" [DS 1969: 82]; {Йаму калʼнула зʼмʼайа балʼшой палʼац, а он йаво – в рот} "The snake bit his thumb, and he put it in his mouth" [DS 1969: 235].
Hendriks 1976: 291. This is actually a form from the Vevchani-Radozhda dialect, since no Dihovo expressions for 'thin' are documented in [Groen 1977]. Distinct from Dihovo slap 'weak' [Groen 1977: 282], Vevchani-Radozhda slap, glossed with polysemy: 'weak / bad / thin' in [Hendriks 1976: 286] (apparently this is not the main word for 'thin' in Vevchani-Radozhda).
Skopje Macedonian: ten-ok {тенок} and slap {слаб} are quoted in [Evdokimova 2009] as synonyms, both with polysemy: 'thin 2D / thin 1D'. In the literary language, only ten-ok ~ tan-ok means 'thin (2D / 1D)' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 492, 495], whereas slap is glossed as 'weak / lean, skinny' in [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 466].
Hill 1991: 237. Another candidate is {sɫap} 'weak / thin'. Available contexts do not allow to differentiate between them, cf. {tonok siǯim} ~ {tonka vǝrfca} 'thin string'; {tonka plačka za letoto – debeɫa za zimata} "thin clothes for the summer – thick ones for the winter" [Hill 1991: 237]; {koneco je tonok} "the thread is thin" [Hill 1991: 181], but {sɫap čoek} 'thin / weak man'; {sɫaba raka} 'thin / weak hand / arm'; {sɫaba basma} 'thin cloth' [Hill 1991: 229].
Kalsbeek 1998: 567. The Romance borrowing fîːn {fȋn} is glossed as 'fine, thin / well-behaved / tasty, delicious' in the dictionary [Kalsbeek 1998: 442], but we did not find any good examples with the meaning 'thin' in the texts.
Distinct from mr̩š-af {mȑšaf}, glossed as 'thin' in the dictionary [Kalsbeek 1998: 495]; however, available examples clearly show that it means 'lean' (of both man and meat): {Pȍkle je ta vȍjska bȋla ne mȍren miȇso nikakȍvo. Ku ne sȁmo mȑšavo, ma mȁlo mȁlo i takȍ ot prāscȁ} "After the war I can't eat any meat. Only if it is not lean, but just a little and only pork" [Kalsbeek 1998: 401]; {i mršavȅji čȕda je bȋ} "and he was a lot thinner" [Kalsbeek 1998: 430]; {kat je onako mȑšaf bȋ} "when he was that thin" [Kalsbeek 1998: 51].
Steenwijk 1992: 319. As in the case of 'snake', there are two terms, the indigenous {ténak} and the Romanism {fí̤n}. The first one does not occur in the texts at all, and {fí̤n} occurs only once, so, as in the previous case, we include both words in the list.
Some examples are: {Вот лʼатаитʼ бʼелъйа – йетъ цыбʼик, пʼичʼушка, ноγʼи долγъи, тонкʼийи, носʼик тонкай} "There flies a lapwing, a small bird, it has long thin legs, a little thin nose" [DS 1969: 591]; {анʼи пад ыспът наклалʼи толстых, а наверʼх - тонкʼих} "they laid thick [firewood] down, and thin firewood up" [DS 1969: 212].
Does not have a separate entry, but occurs in some examples: {kˈriːǝu̯c jǝ ˈƀiːǝtǝr, kǝr ˈpiχa ˈsam ađ usˈχuođa} "krivec is a wind which blows only from the east" [Čujec Stres 1: 283]; {ˈjeːjđou̯nk jǝ ˈtaːk ˈƀiːǝtǝr u ˈjeːsǝn} "ajdovnik is such an autumn wind<...>" [Čujec Stres 1: 61].
Occurs in examples: {Йесʼтʼ зʼимнʼий вʼетʼар, йесʼтʼ асʼенʼнʼай вʼетʼир, а то вʼешнʼий вʼетʼир} "There is winter wind, autumn wind and spring wind" [DS 1969: 81]; {Фпʼирʼот вʼетʼир был, ураγан, а патом доштʼ} "First there was wind, a hurricane, then it rained" [DS 1969: 96].
Skopje Macedonian: cr̩f {црв} is a generic term for 'worm' including 'earthworm' [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 523]; the suffixed variant cr̩v-ec {црвец} is also used [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 524]. For the literary language, there is additionally glist-a {глиста} with polysemy: 'helminth / earthworm', as documented in [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 72].
Hill 1991: 178. Polysemy: 'worm/ maggot'. Occurs as {cervec} in the dictionary, but the plural form {cǝrvje} and reference {cǝrvec} in another entry indicate that the first vowel is the etymologically expected ǝ.
Unfortunately, absence of contexts does not allow us to differentiate between {cǝrvec} 'worm/ maggot' and {neraica} 'worm'.
Kalsbeek 1998: 429-430. There are two terms translated as 'worm' in the dictionary: c̢r̩̂f {čȓf} [Kalsbeek 1998: 429-430] and glîːs {glȋs} ~ glîːst-a {glȋsta} [Kalsbeek 1998: 446]. Unfortunately, we have not found any examples and cannot differentiate between them, so both have to be included in the list. Distinct from br̩̂š {bȓš} 'wood worm' Kalsbeek 1998: 423.
Jurišić 1973: 38. Polysemy: 'worm / dye made from pine bark'. Lack of čr > cr phonetic shift is notable. Distinct from gʎist-â {gļīstȁ} 'earthworm' [Jurišić 1973: 60] and bîš-a {bȉša} 'wood worm' [Jurišić 1973: 24] of Romance origin.
Not attested in the dictionary, but according to ČJA, near Uherské Hradiště the prevailing form is {červ}, as it is, however, in almost all of Czech Republic [ČJA 2: 170-172, map 63].
Distinct from ɦliːst-a {hlísta} 'earthworm' [Malina 1946: 31].
DS 1969: 594; 595. The collective form is čʸarʸv-ˈa {чʼарʼва} ~ čʸˈɛrʸv-a {чʼерʼва} [DS 1969: 594].
Number:109
Word:worm
Dihovo Macedonian:
Gorno Kalenik Macedonian:nɛra-ˈic-a {neraica}-1
Hill 1991: 209. From {*neravica} with loss of v typical of the Lerin subdialect, cf. brad-a-ˈic-a {bradaica} 'wart'. Probably derived with the Slavic suffixes {-av-} and {-ic-} from Greek {несό} 'water', which could indicate that {neraica} actually means 'earthworm'.
Occurs in examples: {dvacetštiri rokov mám} "I am 24 years old" [Gregor 1975: 132]; {Tak to bolo, tanáčelnök to tag ríďil, že za štiri roki spravá cestu} "The council president ordered to repair the road within four years" [Gregor 1975: 196].
DS 1969: 116-117. The genitive plural lʸɛt {лʼет} is used with numerals higher than 4, cf. {Чʼилавʼек да восʼимдʼисʼат лʼет жывʼот} "Man lives up to 80 years" [DS 1969: 130].
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