Kiggen 1948: 75. Quoted as kɛn=dial in [Bender 1971: 271], where kɛn = 'they' (so the form is actually 'they all').
Dinka:eben2
Nebel 1979: 29. Meaning glossed as 'all, every'. The Rueng variant is reduplicated: eban-eban 'all' [ibid.] or ebɐn-ebɐːn [Nebel 1979: 104]. Distinct from the bound morpheme =d̪ie, used in conjunction with pronominal stems: o=d̪ie 'we all', we=d̪ie 'you all', ke=d̪ie 'they all' etc. [Nebel 1979: 104]. In [Roettger 1989: 30], the forms ebɛn and kɛ=d̪ie ~ kɛ=d̪iɛ ~ kɛ=d̪ia are sometimes listed as alternate synonyms and sometimes are found in complementary distribution across dialects; however, it is not clear how accurate these records really are.
Reel:kan=dial1
Roettger 1989: 30.
Mabaan:waːk-id̪a ~ waːk-ɛnd̪a3
Miller 2006: 105. Derived from the noun waːk 'things', cf. also waːk-ɔ 'bodies' [ibid.]. According to the source, the variant waːk-id̪a is applied to 1st and 2nd persons ('we all', 'you all'); the variant waːk-ɛnd̪a is applicable to 3rd person ('they all'). Quoted as wɔk-ǝnda in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:mɔreːn #4
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:kuːd5
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:bɛn2
Heasty 1937: 14. Quoted as ben ~ bene 'all, every, entire, whole, complete, total' in [Kohnen 1994: 17].
Anywa:gī=bēːt6
Reh 1999: 27. The morpheme gī= is pronominal ('they').
Pari:beːt6
Andersen 1988b: 301. Quoted as bëːt in [Simeoni 1978: 95].
Number:2
Word:ashes
Nuer:ŋɛat̪ ~ ŋet̪1
Kiggen 1948: 221, 223. Plural: ŋɛd̪. Quoted as sg. ŋɛːʰt̪, pl. ŋɛt̪ 'ash (wood)' in [Frank 1999: 84]. Distinct from the more specialized term pou, pl. puːk 'burnt cowdung ashes' [Kiggen 1948: 259]. It is this latter term that is listed as pʰokʰ 'ashes' in [Bender 1971: 271] and sg. puɔʰk, pl. puːk 'ash (dung)' in [Frank 1999: 84].
Dinka:ŋet̪1
Nebel 1979: 63. Meaning glossed as 'wood-ashes'. Quoted as ŋêːʰt̪ 'ash' in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Distinct from arop 'dung-ashes' [Nebel 1979: 12]. Cf. also NE, SEb ɕol, pl. ɕoːl 'ash, charcoal' in [Duerksen 2005: 36]; this word is clearly derived from 'black' q.v. and corresponds to the compound form ɕol maɕ 'charcoal, soot' (lit. 'black of fire') in [Nebel 1979: 20], so the submeaning 'ash', listed in Duerksen's dictionary, seems suspicious. On the other hand, clearly the same word is also listed as ɕoóːʰl 'ash from grass' in [Andersen 1987: 12]. In [Roettger 1989: 84], the word is listed as ŋɛt̪ (very rarely ŋet̪) for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka.
Reel:a=ŋɛt̪1
Roettger 1989: 36.
Mabaan:t̪oll-o2
Miller 2006: 99. Plural form; the singulative is t̪oːl-d̪in. Quoted as tǝːllǝ in [Bender 1971: 269]. Distinct from ɕuːllo 'black ashes from burnt grass, soot' [Miller 2006: 27].
Jumjum:tàːt-áŋ3
Andersen 2004: 135. Quoted as tat-aŋ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:t̪aːð-ıɲ3
Andersen 1999c: 32. Quoted as t̪aːd̪-iŋ in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. táːd-ìn, pl. tód-ùɲ in [Storch 2005: 112].
Shilluk:bur4
Heasty 1937: 16. Quoted as burr in [Kohnen 1994: 23].
Anywa:būr4
Reh 1999: 12. Plural: bū-yí. Distinct from lìek 'ash of burnt land' [Reh 1999: 42].
Pari:búr4
Andersen 1989: 5. Quoted as bur ~ buːr in [Simeoni 1978: 96]. Distinct from lìek 'ash from grass' [Andersen 1988a: 76].
Number:3
Word:bark
Nuer:kom1
Kiggen 1948: 150. Polysemy: 'bark / pod / shell of egg, etc.'. Singular and plural forms are the same. Quoted as sg. kuʰm, pl. kʋːʰm in [Frank 1999: 84]; as kʰʋm in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:paːʰt2
Nebel 1979: 68, 108. Plural: pat. Quoted as sg. paâːʰt, pl. páʰt 'bark, shell' in [Andersen 2002: 20]. Phonetic variants of this root in [Roettger 1989: 32] include paʰt ~ paːʰt ~ pat.
Reel:kom1
Roettger 1989: 32.
Mabaan:ʓaŋ=poːʈ-ɛn2
Miller 2006: 49. Literally = 'the trees' wrapping', cf. poːʈ-i 'to wrap' [Miller 2006: 92]. Cf., however, also pottin 'bark (of tree)' in [Miller 2006: 92]; it is not clear if this is an incorrectly spelled variant of the same root or a completely different entry (it is also not confirmed in any of the text examples). In [Bender 1971: 269], the word for 'bark' is listed as ʓe-na, i.e. simply 'tree' q.v.; this is probably the result of incorrect glossing.
Jumjum:pʌ́t-ʌ̀káy2
Andersen 2004: 135. Plural: pʌ́t-ʌ̀ŋgʌ́. Quoted as pǝt-ǝkai in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:kʋ́ːbáɲ3
Andersen 2007b: 66. Plural: kʋ́ːbáɲ-áːk.
Mayak:pɔt-ɛka #2
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. Cf. sg. pıɗ-at̪, pl. pıʈ 'shell' in [Andersen 2000a: 34] (a different root).
Shilluk:pad-o2
Heasty 1937: 80. Polysemy: 'bark / skin / shell / a kind of grass'. Quoted as sg. pǝ̄d-ɔ́, pl. pǝ̄d in [Gilley 2000: 15]; as sg. pad̪-o, pl. pat̪ 'bark, shell, peel, husk' in [Kohnen 1994: 155].
Anywa:ā=pɔ̄g-ā4
Reh 1999: 7. Plural: ā=pɔ́g-ɛ́. Initial ā= is a fossilized nominal prefix.
Pari:pɔg-ɔ4
Andersen 1988b: 266.
Number:4
Word:belly
Nuer:ʓiɕ1
Kiggen 1948: 126. Plural: ʓiːɕ. Quoted as sg. ʓiɕ, pl. ʓiʰːɕ in [Frank 1999: 84]; as ʓıc̪ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:yaɕ1
Nebel 1979: 95. Locative: yiɕ. Plural: yɛɕ. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach / uterus / rumen'. Phonetic variants for this word in [Roettger 1989: 34] include yaɕ ~ yaʰɕ ~ yɛɕ ~ yeɕ (the latter only in the Aliab subdialect of Agar). Cf. also ʓuɲ 'lower belly' [Nebel 1979: 37].
Reel:ʓieɕ1
Roettger 1989: 34. Quoted as sg. ʓíɕ, pl. ʓît̪ in [Reid 2010: 29].
Mabaan:kon-ɛ2
Miller 2006: 57. Quoted as kʌ́n-ʌ́ 'stomach' in [Andersen 1999a: 100]; as kʋn-ǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ʓíɲ1
Andersen 2004: 137. Meaning glossed as 'stomach'. Quoted as ǯiɲ-ɛ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:bul3
Andersen 2000a: 37. Plural: bul-uk. Meaning glossed as 'stomach', but quoted as buli 'belly' in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:yiɕ1
Heasty 1937: 107. Plural: yɛt̪ ~ yɛt̪-i. The meaning 'belly' is found only in the English-Shilluk index; the Shilluk-English part of the dictionary glosses the word as 'intestines'. Quoted as yiɕ ~ yiʓ, pl. yɛt̪ 'belly, womb, interior (feeling); inside of anything; the contents of volume; extent, curve, winding; kind, species; in, into, therein, wherein, inside' in [Kohnen 1994: 219].
Andersen 2004: 138. Meaning glossed as 'stomach'. Semantic difference between ʓíɲ and kʌ̀n remains unclear (perhaps one of the two words is really 'abdomen', but there are no indications of that in Andersen's papers).
Kurmuk:
Mayak:
Shilluk:
Anywa:
Pari:
Number:5
Word:big
Nuer:diːd1
Kiggen 1948: 75. Quoted as mıː=diːtʰ in [Bender 1971: 75] (with the relativizer attached).
Dinka:dit1
Nebel 1979: 25. Polysemy: 'big / tall / old'. Quoted as dìʰt 'big' (modified to díːʰt in the construction kɔ̂ːʰɕ díːʰt-kùʰ 'your elders') in [Andersen 2002: 17]. Morphological variants in [Roettger 1989: 31] include dit ~ a=dit ~ kǝ=dit.
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:ɗɔ̌ːŋ2
Andersen 2007b: 76. Attested as part of the predicative form: ɗɔ̌ːŋ-kı́ 'it is big'. Cf. also the plural form ɗɔ̀ŋ-ɔ̀k 'big' (applied to young men, in the sense of 'strong') in [Andersen 2015: 545].
Mayak:ɗaːŋ-ke #2
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:dwɔŋ2
Heasty 1937: 29. Plural: dɔŋ. Polysemy: 'big / old / great / important'. Quoted as n. dɔŋ ~ dɔŋ-o 'greatness, largeness, height, size; old age; reputation, authority', v. dɔŋ-o 'to become great, large; to grow, to get big, old' in [Kohnen 1994: 45].
Anywa:dʋ̀ɔ́ŋ2
Reh 1999: 24. Plural stem: dɔ́ːŋŋ-ɔ́. Verbal stem with polysemy: 'to be big / to be old'.
Pari:dʋ̀ɔŋ2
Andersen 1988a: 94. Quoted as dwoŋ in [Simeoni 1978: 97]. The same source also adds dit as a synonym.
Number:5
Word:big
Nuer:
Dinka:
Reel:
Mabaan:t̪ol-3
Miller 2006: 99. The dictionary entries consist of complex (reduplicated) forms: t̪ol-t̪olo 'big' ~ t̪olla-t̪ollo 'great, very'; however, textual examples frequently show the adjective in the non-reduplicated form, cf. bwam ɛkɛ t̪ol t̪olo "his throwing stick is big", but ɛkɛ ɕoːɕɕin t̪ɛrin ɲin i ona t̪olan "he sat down opposite the big building". In [Bender 1971: 269], quoted as tǝl-ʓin 'big'. Textual examples in [Miller 2006] do not allow to determine whether ɖwaŋ- or tol- is the most suitable equivalent - they are encountered with approximately the same statistical frequency and in interchangeable contexts. We include both forms as technical synonyms.
Jumjum:
Kurmuk:
Mayak:
Shilluk:
Anywa:
Pari:
Number:6
Word:bird
Nuer:dit1
Kiggen 1948: 78. Plural: diːd. Quoted as sg. dit, pl. diːt in [Frank 1999: 84]; as ditʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:dit1
Nebel 1979: 25. Plural: diɛt. Quoted as absolutive dít, oblique dìt in [Andersen 2002: 9]; as dit ~ dıt in [Roettger 1989: 31] (same root in all subdialects of Dinka).
Reel:dit1
Roettger 1989: 31. Quoted as plural dîiːt 'birds' in [Reid 2010: 129].
Mabaan:ɖiː-no1
Miller 2006: 36. Plural: ɖiːr-go. Quoted as sg. ɖíː-n-ʌ́, pl. ɖíːr-gʌ́ in [Andersen 1999a: 100; Andersen 1992: 185]; as sg. diː-n-u in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:díː-n1
Andersen 2004: 137, 145. Plural: díːr-gʌ́. Quoted as diː-n in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:ɗı̀ː-n-áːt̪1
Andersen 2007b: 39. Plural: ɗı̀ːɗ-ı̀ːn.
Mayak:ɗıː-n-ɛt̪ ~ ɗıː-n-ɛt1
Andersen 1999c: 74. Quoted as de-n-ɛt̪ in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:wiɲ-o2
Heasty 1937: 103; Kohnen 1994: 211. Plural: wiɲ.
Anywa:wɛ̀ɲ-ɔ̄2
Reh 1999: 81. Plural: wɛ̀ɲ.
Pari:wı̀ɲ-ɔ́2
Andersen 1999e: 256. Quoted as sg. wiɲ-o, pl. wiɲ in [Simeoni 1978: 97].
Number:7
Word:bite
Nuer:kaɕ1
Kiggen 1948: 135. 3rd p. sg.: kai-ɛ. Polysemy: 'to bite / to sting'. Examples in the dictionary show that the word is applicable at least to insects and dogs. Quoted as kʰɛc̪ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:kaɕ1
Nebel 1979: 37. Polysemy: 'to bite / to snap / to catch'. Variants recorded as kɐɕ, kɛɕ in [Duerksen 2005: 85]. Quoted as à=kɛ̂ːʰɕ 'he is biting' in [Andersen 1987: 10]; as kaɕ for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 34]. The word ɕam 'to eat' q.v. is listed with the meaning 'to bite' for the Southwestern dialect in [Duerksen 2005: 33], but not in Nebel's dictionary, which is why we do not include it on the list as a synonym.
Reel:kaɕ1
Roettger 1989: 34. Quoted as kâɕ in [Reid 2010: 53].
Mabaan:koːy ~ koː-d̪i1
Miller 2006: 58, 59. Quoted as kày-ɛ́ 'they bite' in [Andersen 1999a: 101]; as kâː-t̪ân 'they will bite him' in [Andersen 1992: 192]; as ka-ɲǝ 'bite' in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:kaɕ-1
Andersen 2004: 139. Verbal noun: kàɲ-ɲʌ́. Quoted as kaɲ-ǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:nàn2
Andersen 2007b: 83; Andersen 2015: 519.
Mayak:kaɕ1
Andersen 1999c: 67. Quoted as a=kaʓ-ar in [Bender 1971: 272]. Cf., however, also the form nan-ʈır "it is being bitten" in [Andersen 1999c: 75]. It is unclear which of the two roots is a better semantic match for the Swadesh being, so we include both in the list for the time being (kaɕ is etymologically more archaic, but nan- has a direct parallel in the Kurmuk dialect of Buruun).
Shilluk:kaɕ1
Heasty 1937: 40. Imperative form; the participial form is kaʓ-o. Polysemy: 'bite / sting / harvest'. Quoted as kaʓ 'to bite; to ache; to pluck off, to gather (the durrah ears); to squeeze in, to stick fast, to hold fast, to pinch' in [Kohnen 1994: 75].
Andersen 1988a: 89. Quoted as kʌy-o in [Simeoni 1978: 97].
Number:7
Word:bite
Nuer:ɕaːm2
Kiggen 1948: 51. Same word as 'to eat'. Examples in the dictionary show that the word, just like kaɕ, is applicable to insects and dogs. Since it is currently impossible to establish the semantic difference, we treat them as synonyms.
Dinka:
Reel:
Mabaan:
Jumjum:
Kurmuk:
Mayak:nan-2
Andersen 1999c: 75.
Shilluk:
Anywa:
Pari:
Number:8
Word:black
Nuer:ɕaːr1
Kiggen 1948: 53. Polysemy: 'black / clear (of water)'. Quoted as =ɕarr in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:ɕol2
Nebel 1979: 20. Polysemy: 'black / dark / dark blue'. Quoted as à=ɕòːʰl 'it is black' in [Andersen 1987: 13]. Quoted as ɕol ~ ɕuol ~ ɕuɔl ~ a=ɕol ~ a=ɕuol ~ ke=ɕol ~ kʋ=ɕol for the majority of Dinka dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 37]. The only alternate synonym is ma=ɕar in some subdialects of Rek and Agar = ɕar 'black, dirty', ma=ɕaʰr 'black; black male animal' [Nebel 1979: 19, 55].
Reel:ɕar1
Roettger 1989: 37. Quoted as ɕáːʰr in [Reid 2010: 55].
Mabaan:ul-ulo2
Miller 2006: 105. Cf. also ulla-ullo 'dark (very)' [ibid.]. Quoted as ʋl-ʔʋl in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ʔúl-2
Andersen 2004: 153. Attested as part of the form ʔùl-àŋ 'it is black'. Quoted as ul-ǝŋ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:ʔʋ́l-2
Andersen 2007b: 41. Attested as part of the form ʔʋ́l-ʌ́kı́ 'it is black'.
Mayak:ʔʋl-2
Andersen 1999c: 24. Quoted as ɔl-ǝ-ʔɔl (reduplicated stem) in [Bender 1971: 272].
Reh 1999: 16. Polysemy: 'black / dark / dirty'. Cf. ɕùll-ò 'to become black / to become dirty' [Reh 1999: 17].
Pari:ɕɔ̀l2
Andersen 1988a: 94. Quoted as ɕol in [Simeoni 1978: 97].
Number:9
Word:blood
Nuer:riem1
Kiggen 1948: 273. Plural: rim. Quoted as sg. riɛm, pl. rim in [Frank 1999: 84]; as rriyɛm in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:riɛm1
Nebel 1979: 77. Plural: rim (glossed as 'much blood') [ibid.]. Quoted as riɛ́ːm in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Quoted as riɛm for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 32].
Reel:riɛm1
Roettger 1989: 32.
Mabaan:yim-go1
Miller 2006: 115. Without the suffix, cf. yim 'dura (red)' [ibid.]. Quoted as yîm-mʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 100]; as yim-gʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:yím-gʌ̀1
Andersen 2004: 139. Plural form; the singulative is yìm-máɲ. Quoted as yim-gǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:rım1
Andersen 1999c: 13. Plural form; the singulative is rım. Quoted as rem-at̪ in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. rém-àt̪, pl. rém in [Storch 2005: 109].
Shilluk:rɛm-o1
Heasty 1937: 87. Quoted as rem-o in [Kohnen 1994: 169].
Anywa:rɛ̀m-ɔ̄1
Reh 1999: 70. Plural: rɛ̄m.
Pari:rı̀m-ɔ́1
Andersen 1999e: 265. Quoted as rim-o in [Simeoni 1978: 97].
Number:10
Word:bone
Nuer:ɕoaɣ1
Kiggen 1948: 59. Plural: ɕou. Quoted as sg. ɕɔɣ, pl. ɕɔːʰɣ in [Frank 1999: 84]; as c̪ʋaː in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:yuom2
Nebel 1979: 99. Plural: yom. Quoted as yuɔːm in [Duerksen 2005: 195]; as sg. yuɔɔ̂ːʰm, pl. yòːm in [Andersen 1987: 16, 18]. Quoted as yuɔm for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 32] (the Ageer subdialect also has the additional variant yuom).
Reel:a=ɕa1
Roettger 1989: 32.
Mabaan:oː-no1
Miller 2006: 86. Plural: ow-wo. Quoted as sg. ʔʌ́ː-nʌ́, pl. ʔʌ̂w-wʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 100; Andersen 2006: 12]; as ʋ-nǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ʔʌ́w-nʌ̀1
Andersen 2004: 145. Plural: ʔʌ́w-gʌ̀. Quoted as ou-nǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:ʔʌ̀ːw-ʌ̀t̪1
Andersen 2007b: 51. Plural: ʔʌ̀ːw.
Mayak:ʔʌːw-ʌt̪1
Andersen 1999c: 13. Plural: ʔʌːp [An.13]. Quoted as sg. ʔáw-it̪, pl. ʔʌ́ːb in [Storch 2005: 107]. Cf. źwǝd̪ 'bone' in [Bender 1971: 272] (perhaps a misprint for *ʌwǝd̪?).
Shilluk:ɕog-o1
Heasty 1937: 21; Kohnen 1994: 31. Plural: ɕu. Quoted as sg. ɕɔ̀ʰːg-ɔ́ʰ, pl. ɕūʰw in [Gilley 1992: 88].
Anywa:ɕòː1
Reh 1999: 16. Plural: ɕùː.
Pari:ɕò-ó1
Andersen 1988a: 68. Quoted as sg. ɕoː, pl. ɕuː in [Simeoni 1978: 97].
Number:11
Word:breast
Nuer:kau1
Kiggen 1948: 138. Plural: kaː-t̪. Quoted as sg. kaw, pl. kæːʰ-t̪ in [Frank 1999: 84]; as kaw in [Bender 1971: 271]. Distinct from t̪in, pl. t̪iːn 'female breast' [Kiggen 1948: 313].
Dinka:pɛm2
Nebel 1979: 69. Quoted as sg. pɛːm, pl. pem in [Duerksen 2005: 142]; as pɛɛ̂ːm in [Andersen 1987: 16]. According to Duerksen's dictionary, there is also a Southwestern variant of this word glossed as pɛːk. There are also several other words, scattered across the dictionary and glossed as 'chest': ɐgɐu 'chest (of body)' [Duerksen 2005: 9], ʓou 'chest' [Duerksen 2005: 77], teŋ 'chest (of body)' [Duerksen 2005: 161]; the word 'heart' q.v. can also be used in the same meaning. However, out of all these, only pɛm is found in the meaning 'chest' in Nebel's dictionary, so we tentatively leave it to occupy the primary slot. Distinct from t̪iːn, pl. t̪in '(female) breast, udder' [Nebel 1979: 87].
Reel:
Not attested. Cf. t̪ın 'breasts (female)' in [Roettger 1989: 34].
Mabaan:ʓua-no3
Miller 2006: 51. Plural: ʓɔ-t-ko. Meaning glossed as 'chests (part of body)'. Distinct from sg. tyin-nɛ, pl. tyin-gɛ '(female) breast, teat' [Miller 2006: 101], quoted as sg. t̪ién-nʌ́, pl. t̪îen-gʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 101; Andersen 2006: 4].
Jumjum:
Not attested. Cf. t̪ı́n-nʌ̀ 'female breast' [Andersen 2004: 145], quoted as tɛn-gǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Kurmuk:zɔ́3
Andersen 2007b: 39. Meaning glossed as 'chest'.
Mayak:ʓɔk3
Andersen 1999c: 72. Polysemy: 'chest / heart'. Distinct from sg. t̪in-it̪, pl. t̪ın 'female breast' [Andersen 1999d: 8].
Shilluk:ko1
Heasty 1937: 45. Also ko-ɕ ~ koː-r id. Plural: ko-t̪. Quoted as sg. kǝ́w, pl. kōò-d̪ in [Gilley 2000: 6]. Although glossed as 'chest, breast' in Heasty's dictionary, the word is only glossed as 'chest' by Gilley, and there is a distinct word for 'female breast': sg. t̪iʰn̪-o, pl. t̪iʰn̪ [Heasty 1937: 98].
Anywa:kʌ̄w1
Reh 1999: 34. Plural: kóː-t̪í. Meaning glossed as 'chest'. Distinct from t̪ùn̪-ò, pl. t̪ùn̪ 'breast' [Reh 1999: 76].
Pari:
Not attested. Cf. t̪ùn̪-ò 'breast (female)' in [Andersen 1988a: 67].
Number:12
Word:burn tr.
Nuer:waŋ1
Kiggen 1948: 323. 3rd p. sg.: waːŋ-ɛ. Quoted as waˤŋ in [Bender 1971: 271]. Transitive and intransitive usage.
Dinka:ɕuaɲ ~ ɕuoɲ2
Nebel 1979: 21, 22. Cf.: ɕuàːɲ 'am I to burn it?' vs. à=ɕuɛ̂ːɲ 'he is burning' in [Andersen 1987: 15]. The verb has both transitive and intransitive usage. Cf. also ɲop 'to burn, roast (on an open fire)' [Nebel 1979: 67] (this seems to have the semantics 'burn to a crisp, roast' rather than the required 'burn smth. down'). In [Roettger 1989: 36], the most commonly listed equivalent for 'to burn' is ɲop (with occasional phonetic variants ɲɔp and ɲuɔp), although several subdialects have dɛp as an alternative or additional synonym; this latter word is glossed as dɛp 'to burn (intr.)' in [Nebel 1979: 24].
Reel:waŋ #1
Roettger 1989: 36. Differently in [Reid 2010: 48]: ɕwɛ̀ːʰɲ 'burn'. Roettger's entry is identical to the Nuer equivalent, while Reid's is the same as in Dinka. Reid specifies that the verb is "antipassive", but not "transitive".
Mabaan:t̪oɲ-ga3
Miller 2006: 99. The dictionary lists the following forms: t̪oɲ-ga (trans.) 'ignite a fire, burn something'; t̪oɲ-gan id.; t̪oɲ-ɲo (intrans.) 'ignite a fire'; t̪oːɲ (intrans.) 'ignite many fires'; t̪oːɲ-ga (trans.) 'ignite many fires'; t̪oːɲ-gan id. Quoted as t̪ʌ̀ɲ- 'light, burn' in [Andersen 1999a: 112]. Differently in [Bender 1971: 269]: illǝ 'burn'. This may be a misglossing, cf. illa 'soot' in [Miller 2006: 48].
Jumjum:
Not properly attested. Cf. il 'burn' in [Bender 1971: 268]; however, considering that the same root in Bender's entry for 'to burn' for Mabaan seems to be wrong for the required Swadesh meaning, it is better not to trust his entry for Jumjum, either.
Kurmuk:wàːŋ1
Andersen 2007b: 62. Attested in the phrase "I am burning the dry leaves".
Mayak:t̪ʋɲ3
Andersen 1999c: 77. Attested in the phrase "The person is burning the grass". Differently in [Bender 1971: 272]: el-de 'burn' (cf. Bender's entries for Mabaan and Jumjum).
Shilluk:raʰp4
Heasty 1937: 86; Gilley 1992: 88. Imperative form; the participial form is rab-o. Quoted as rap ~ rab 'to set on fire' in [Kohnen 1994: 167] (the alternate meanings 'to turn up, down, away' probably represent homonyms); cf. wot rab en 'the house has been burned down by him'. The older root waŋ, also listed by Heasty as a potential synonym, is glossed by Kohnen as 'to be partly burnt; to scorch, to scald oneself' [Kohnen 1994: 206], implying a slight semantic shift (examples are: "my dress was partly burnt by the fire", "I scorched my hand", "take care, you will burn yourself", etc.).
Anywa:wāːŋ1
Reh 1999: 80. Detransitivized stem: wʌ́ːŋ-ó.
Pari:wàːŋ1
Andersen 1988a: 89. Cf. á=wáːŋ-ɛ̀ "he burnt it" [Andersen 1988a: 81]. Quoted as waŋ-o in [Simeoni 1978: 97].
Number:13
Word:claw(nail)
Nuer:riob1
Kiggen 1948: 275. Plural: riop. Quoted as sg. rioʰp, pl. roʰːp in [Frank 1999: 86]; as rriʋp in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:riop1
Nebel 1979: 78. Meaning glossed as 'claw', but also as 'fingernail' in the English-Dinka index on p. 139. Quoted as sg. rióːʰp, pl. riòp 'nail' in [Andersen 1987: 12]. Attested phonetic variants in [Roettger 1989: 34] involve riop ~ rioʰp ~ riɛp.
Reel:riop1
Roettger 1989: 34. Meaning glossed as 'claw'.
Mabaan:kɛː-nɛ2
Miller 2006: 49. Plural: kɛy-yɛ. (The complete form is in-tɛ kɛː-nɛ 'fingernail', where the first part = 'hand' q.v.). Quoted as kɛ̂ːn-nʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 104]; as key-yɛn in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:kʋ́rk-ɔ̀n3
Andersen 2004: 145. Cf. also kʋ́rk-ʋ̀gɛ́nɛ́n 'their nails' [Andersen 2004: 136]. Quoted as kɔrk-ʋŋgʋ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:kʋ́rk-ɔ́n3
Andersen 2007b: 64.
Mayak:kɔrk-ɔn #3
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:kwɔʰŋ4
Heasty 1937: 49. The complete form is kwɔʰŋ lwɛd-o, pl. kwoŋ lwɛt-i, where lwɛd-o = 'finger'. Quoted as sg. kwoŋ-o, pl. kwoŋ in [Kohnen 1994: 94], with polysemy: 'nail / claw', and both kwoŋ lwed-o 'finger-nail' and kwoŋ tyel-o 'toe-nail' listed as possible combinations.
Anywa:kwʌ̀n-lwɛ́ːd-ɔ́4
Reh 1999: 39. Plural: kwʌ̀-g-lwɛ̀ːd-í. The second component of this compound formation is lwɛ́ːd-ɔ́ 'finger' [Reh 1999: 45]. The first is independently glossed as sg. kwʌ̀nn-ò, pl. kwʌ̀-gì ~ kwʌ̀nn-è 'scale (of fish)' [Reh 1999: 39].
Pari:kùonn-ò4
Andersen 1988a: 69.
Number:14
Word:cloud
Nuer:puaːr1
Kiggen 1948: 259. Plural: puaːr-i. Meaning glossed as 'firmament, cloud'. Quoted as pʷaˤrr in [Bender 1971: 259]. Differently in [Frank 1999: 85]: tiʰk, pl. tiæʰk 'cloud, fog'. In [Kiggen 1948: 296], this word is listed as tiːk, pl. tieɣ 'rainbow', cf. also the compound tiːk puaːr 'shade of clouds, haze, mirage' [ibid.].
Dinka:piol1
Nebel 1979: 71. Meaning glossed as 'white clouds'. The word apparently has a large number of phonetic variants: pial (Northeast, Southwest), piɵːl (Southeast), piɐːr (general) [Duerksen 2005: 142]. In [Andersen 1987: 16], the variant piaáːʰr is attested for the Agar Dinka dialect. In [Roettger 1989: 36], this word is attested as pioʰl in the Bor dialect and in the Malual subdialect of Rek; as poʰl in the Agar dialect; as puɔl in the Rek proper subdialect of Rek. All the subdialects of Padang-Ageer show a completely different root: luaʰt ~ luat ~ luaːʰt (also attested as luɛt in the Twic subdialect of Rek). In [Nebel 1979: 52], this word is attested as luɐt 'cloudy sky; clouds'.
Reel:piar1
Roettger 1989: 36.
Mabaan:pɔl-lo1
Miller 2006: 93. Plural: pɔl-t̪an ~ pɔl-d̪in. Polysemy: 'sky / cloud / heaven'. Quoted as pɔl-o in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:pɔ́l-ɕàn1
Andersen 2004: 145. Totally different in [Bender 1971: 268]: yoyo 'cloud'.
Kurmuk:àgúːrú-1
Andersen 2007b: 41. According to Andersen, borrowed from Berta.
Mayak:kɔl2
Andersen 1999d: 83; Andersen 2000a: 33. According to the second source, the plural form kɔl means 'clouds' the singular form kol-it̪ means 'sky'. Quoted as kɔl 'cloud' in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:poʰl-o1
Heasty 1937: 83. Plural: pɔl. Quoted as sg. pɔl-o, pl. pɔl in [Kohnen 1994: 162] (cf. also the morphological variant pɔːl 'firmament' in the same source).
Anywa:
Not attested in Reh's dictionary.
Pari:pol-o1
Simeoni 1978: 98. Plural: pol. Not attested in Andersen's papers.
Number:15
Word:cold
Nuer:kɔɕ1
Kiggen 1948: 147. Adjective and noun. Quoted as kʰɔɕ-kʰɔɕ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:liɛr2
Nebel 1979: 49. Verbal/adjectival stem: 'to become cold'. Quoted as lır ~ lir ~ liɛr ~ a=lır ~ a=lir ~ ke=lir ~ kɛ=lir ~ kʋ=lir for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 37] (all forms represent phonetic and morphological variants of the same root). Cf. also wir 'cold' (noun) [Nebel 1979: 95].
Reel:kɔɕ1
Roettger 1989: 37.
Mabaan:luy-luy3
Miller 2006: 70. Quoted as lʋ-lui in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:luy-aŋ #3
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:
Probably not attested. The word is not found in any of T. Andersen's papers, and in [Bender 1971: 272] the equivalent for 'cold' is yɛ́mit̪, which (a) looks like a noun and (b) is identical with the Kurmuk word for 'wind' q.v., so this could easily be an accidental misglossing. Moreover, in [Storch 2005: 104], 'coldness' is glossed as déy-ɔ́n, implying that déy- might be the basic equivalent for 'cold'.
Shilluk:liʰp4
Heasty 193: 53. Meaning glossed as 'cool, cold'. Quoted as lib 'cool, fresh' in [Kohnen 1994: 102]. This seems to be the default equivalent for 'cold' as applied to objects such as 'water'. But cf. also koʰʓ-o 'cold, coldness' (marked as a noun) [Heasty 1937: 45], a standard term applied to cold weather (e.g. piɲ da koʓ-o 'it is cold', where piɲ = 'earth, world').
Anywa:ŋɛ́ɕ5
Reh 1999: 57. Verbal stem: 'to be cold'.
Pari:ŋı̀ɕ5
Andersen 1988a: 94. Quoted as ŋiɕ in [Simeoni 1978: 98]. The same source also adds the (noun?) koyo as a synonym [ibid.].
Number:16
Word:come
Nuer:be-n1
Kiggen 1948: 26, 32. Irregular paradigm: 1st p. sg. baː ~ baː-ɣa, 3rd p. sg. bɛː-ɣɛ. Quoted as bı-rr in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:bɛ-n1
Nebel 1979: 14, 15. Paradigmatic information: main form bɛ-n, indicative form a=bɔ ~ a=ba, imperative sg. ba-r, pl. ba-k. Cf. forms in Agar Dinka: à=bɔ́ʰ 'he is coming' [Andersen 2002: 12], bâːʰ-r 'come!' [Andersen 1987: 2]. Morphological variants of this root in various dialects and subdialects of Dinka, as attested in [Roettger 1989: 35], include bɛ-n ~ bɛʰ-n ~ bɔʰ ~ ba-r ~ baʰ-r.
Reel:bɛ-r1
Roettger 1989: 35.
Mabaan:bɛː-d̪-o1
Miller 2006: 6. Quoted as bɛ-d-i in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ʔʌ́ːt̪-2
Andersen 2004: 135. Attested in the form ʔʌ́ːt̪-ʌ́n-ʌ̀ 'I came'. Quoted as ǝt̪-ǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:ʔód̪-2
Andersen 2007b: 37. Attested in the form ʔòd̪-ú-ud̪-ı́ 'I came'.
Mayak:ɔd-ir #2
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Simeoni 1978: 98. Not attested in Andersen's papers.
Number:17
Word:die
Nuer:liu1
Kiggen 1948: 178. 3rd p. sg.: liu-ɛ. Quoted as liyah in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:t̪ou2
Nebel 1979: 89. Polysemy: 'to die / to break (a pot) / to finish, cease'. Attested as t̪ou in all dialects and subdialects of Dinka (only the Ruweng subdialect has the phonetic variant t̪uou) in [Roettger 1989: 35]. Cf. also riar 'to die, perish' [Nebel 1979: 77] (same root as in the noun riar 'twilight in the evening' [ibid.], with a metaphoric development?); riap 'to die (men, cattle, plants)' [Nebel 1979: 77] (a plural action stem).
Reel:liu1
Roettger 1989: 35.
Mabaan:t̪uː-d̪-o2
Miller 2006: 100. Quoted as t̪u-n̪i- in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:t̪úw-2
Andersen 2004: 137. Quoted as t̪u-n̪u in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:t̪ʋ̀w-2
Andersen 2007b: 33.
Mayak:t̪ɔb-be #2
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:t̪ɔ ~ t̪ɔwo2
Heasty 1937: 98. The English-Shilluk section of the dictionary states that t̪ɔ is "used mostly of animals" and adds two euphemistic constructions: (a) lay yino "a polite way of saying a person is dead. It is a combination of two words: laɲ meaning 'lost' and yino meaning 'some far away unknown place'"; (b) laɲ "literally means 'lost'"; lɔɲ "is perhaps from the same word and is used by the Anuaks". In [Kohnen 1994: 199], t̪ɔ is glossed as 'to die; to suffer, to be exhausted; to be most excellent in"; the expression lai yino 'to disappear, to vanish' has the submeaning 'to die' in "distinguished language" [Kohnen 1994: 97]. Based on the comparison of these sources, we suppose that t̪ɔ is still the "neutral" rather than the "markedly vulgar" term, and include it in regular comparison.
Anywa:t̪ɔ̀ː2
Reh 1999: 76. The root is t̪ɔ̀w-.
Pari:t̪o ~ t̪ou2
Simeoni 1978: 99. Not attested in Andersen's papers.
Number:18
Word:dog
Nuer:ʓiok1
Kiggen 1948: 127. Plural: ʓioːɣ. Quoted as sg. ʓioʰk, pl. ʓioʰːk in [Frank 1999: 85]; as ʓiukʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:ʓoŋ1
Nebel 1979: 36. Plural: ʓɔk. The Rueng variant is sg. ʓo, pl. ʓok [Nebel 1979: 35]. Quoted as sg. ʓok, pl. ʓɔ̀ːʰk in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Phonetic and morphological variants in various Dinka subdialects, listed in [Roettger 1989: 31], include ʓo ~ ʓoʰ ~ ʓoŋ ~ ʓoʰŋ, but the root is always the same.
Reel:ʓok1
Roettger 1989: 31.
Mabaan:gɔːŋ-o1
Miller 2006: 46. Plural: gɔːk-o. Quoted as sg. gɔ̂ːŋ-ʌ̀, pl. gɔ̂k-kʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 100; Andersen 1992: 202]; as gɔŋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:gʋ̂ːŋ1
Andersen 2004: 137. Quoted as goŋ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:gʋːk1
Andersen 1999c: 66; Andersen 1999d: 18. Plural: guɣ-iɲ. Quoted as gɔk in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:gwɔʰk1
Heasty 1937: 37. Plural: gwɔʰːg. Polysemy: 'dog / spinning top'. Quoted as sg. gwɔ̂ʰk, pl. gwɔ̂ʰːk in [Gilley 1992: 82]; as sg. gwōg, pl. gwóòg in [Gilley 2000: 6]; as sg. gwok, pl. guok in [Kohnen 1994: 67].
Anywa:gùok1
Reh 1999: 28. Plural: gùú.
Pari:gùok1
Andersen 1988a: 67. Quoted as sg. gwok, pl. guː in [Simeoni 1978: 99].
Number:19
Word:drink
Nuer:maːt̪1
Kiggen 1948: 195. 3rd p. sg.: maːd̪-ɛ. Quoted as mat̪ in [Bender 1971: 271]. Polysemy: 'to drink / to smoke'.
Dinka:deʰk2
Nebel 1979: 23. Quoted as dèk in [Andersen 1993: 8]; as dɛk for the majority of Dinka dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 34], with dek and deʰk as additional phonetic variants in a few of the subdialects. The old Nilotic word for 'to drink' is still found in [Duerksen 2005: 113] as mat̪ 'drink all', maːt̪ 'drink all (milk or merissa)'. However, mat̪ in [Nebel 1979: 56] and màːt̪ in [Andersen 1993: 12] are only glossed in the meaning 'to smoke'.
Reel:maːt̪1
Roettger 1989: 34.
Mabaan:maːd̪-d̪-o ~ moːd̪-d̪-a1
Miller 2006: 71, 75. Past stem: maːn-n-o [ibid.]. Quoted as mɔɕ-a in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:màːn̪-n̪ʌ́1
Andersen 2004: 148. The quoted form is nominalized ('drinking'). The same form is probably quoted as man̪-ǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Andersen 1999c: 73. The two forms are morphophonological variants. Cf. mat-ar 'drink' in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:mat̪1
Heasty 1937: 58. Imperative form; the participial form is mad̪-o. Quoted as mat̪ in [Gilley 1992: 178] and in [Kohnen 1994: 115].
Anywa:màːt̪1
Reh 1999: 47. Detransitivized stem: mʌ́d̪-ó. Cf. also the causative stem: māːt̪ 'to water (animals)' [ibid.].
Pari:màːt̪1
Andersen 2000b: 83. Quoted as mat̪ ~ mad̪-o in [Simeoni 1978: 99].
Number:20
Word:dry
Nuer:koːt1
Kiggen 1948: 153. Quoted as kʰʋːtʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:kot̪1
Nebel 1979: 132. Verbal stem: 'to become dry'; the adjectival form is ɕi kot̪ 'dry (when wet before)'. For some reason, only found in the English-Dinka index rather than in the main body of the dictionary. Some partial synonyms: buoŋ 'to wither, to dry' [Nebel 1979: 17]; dou 'to dry up (of river)' [Nebel 1979: 26]; riel 'to be strong, hard, dry, difficult' [Nebel 1979: 77] (applied, e. g., to grass). In [Roettger 1989: 38], the most common equivalent for 'dry' is riɛl ~ rial ~ rıl; the form kot̪ is only listed as an alternate synonym for the Alor and Ngɔk subdialects. Additional synonyms also include (a) t̪iaŋ ~ t̪iaːŋ (main equivalent for the Rek proper subdialect of Rek; secondary equivalent for the Malual subdialect of Rek and most of the Agar subdialects) = t̪iaŋ 'to dry, to bask' (as in "the crocodile basks in the sun") in [Nebel 1979: 87]; (b) dɔɲ (Twic subdialect of Rek) = dɔɲ 'to fade; to be tiring' in [Nebel 1979: 25]. As usual, it is unclear how accurately the semantics is represented in Roettger's materials.
Reel:ɕi=kot1
Roettger 1989: 38. Cf. also kâaːʰr (1 sg.), kɔ̂ɔːʰr (3 sg.) 'to dry' in [Reid 2010: 36, 55].
Mabaan:iw-iw2
Miller 2006: 49. Reduplicated adjectival derivate from the verb iw-a 'to dry'. Quoted as iːyu in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ʔa=ʔiw-on #2
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. Initial ʔa= is a copula.
Kurmuk:ʔı̀w-2
Andersen 2007b: 62. Attested in the plural form ʔı̀w-ı́ːn (said of dry leaves).
Mayak:a=ʔiw-an #2
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. Initial a= is a copula. Cf. also ʔɛ́w-ɔ́n 'drought, dryness' in [Storch 2005: 103] (a productive nominal derivate).
Shilluk:t̪wa3
Heasty 1937: 98. Adjective; the corresponding verbal stem is t̪wow [Heasty 1937: 99]. Quoted as t̪wa (adjective), t̪wɔwo (verb) in [Kohnen 1994: 200, 201].
Anywa:tàl4
Reh 1999: 73. Intransitive verb: 'to dry up, to wither up' (of clothes, trees, etc.). Cf. also the transitive verb: táːl 'to dry sth. (things)' [ibid.].
Pari:t̪ʋ̀ɔw3
Andersen 1988a: 98. Verbal root, with the meaning listed as 'get dry'. Quoted as t̪wow-u 'dry' in [Simeoni 1978: 99].
Number:21
Word:ear
Nuer:ʓit1
Kiggen 1948: 127. Plural: ʓiːt̪. Quoted as sg. ʓiʰt̪, pl. ʓiʰt̪-ni in [Frank 1999: 85]; as ʓıt̪ʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:yiɕ1
Nebel 1979: 97. Plural: yit̪. Quoted as sg. yíʰɕ, pl. yiìʰːt̪ in [Anderson 1987: 14, 15]. Quoted as yiɕ for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33].
Reel:ʓiɕ1
Roettger 1989: 33.
Mabaan:ʓye-ɲɛ1
Miller 2006: 52. Plural: ʓye-t-kɛ ~ ʓye-t-ku. Quoted as ʓi-t-kǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:git-kǝ #1
Bender 1971: 268. Plural form. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:ʔiɕ1
Andersen 1999c: 72. Quoted as idi in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. ʔíːɕ, pl. ʔíːy-ín ~ ʔíːy-àk in [Storch 2005: 100].
Shilluk:yiʰt̪1
Heasty 1937: 108. Polysemy: 'ear / leaf'. Quoted as sg. yí-d̪, pl. yìd̪ in [Gilley 2000: 7]; as sg. yit̪, pl. yid̪-i 'ear / leaf' in [Kohnen 1994: 222].
Anywa:ı̄t̪1
Reh 1999: 29. Plural: íd̪-í.
Pari:ʔít̪1
Andersen 1988a: 68. Quoted as sg. it̪, pl. id̪-i in [Simeoni 1978: 100].
Nebel 1979: 71. Polysemy: 'earth / bottom'. It is not quite clear if 'earth (ground)' and 'earth (soil)' are lexically distinguished, but cf. also, as a possible candidate for inclusion, tiop 'clay, mud, soil; grave' [Nebel 1979: 83]. Cf. also for the South Central (Agar) dialect: sg. kɞːt̪, pl. kɐːt̪ 'earth' [Duerksen 2005: 90], not found in Nebel's dictionary. In [Roettger 1989: 36], the lexemes piɲ ~ pıɲ and tiɔp ~ tiop 'earth' are found scattered chaotically across various dialects and subdialects, sometimes as synonyms and sometimes individually; the situation with their real usage remains unclear.
Reel:mun1
Roettger 1989: 36.
Mabaan:t̪ɛːr-o3
Miller 2006: 97. Plural: t̪ɛr-ko. Polysemy: 'earth / land / ground / soil / dirt / dust / country'. The same word is listed as ʈɛːr 'earth, ground, dirt, dust' for several dialects [Miller 2006: 102].
Jumjum:
Not attested.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:t̪uːt̪ #4
Andersen 1999d: 3. Meaning glossed as 'soil'.
Shilluk:lab-o5
Heasty 1937: 50. Plural: laʰp. Meaning glossed as 'mud, clay, soil, earth, world, people'. A close synonym is piɲ 'earth, ground, world' [Heasty 1937: 83]; however, in the English-Shilluk index Heasty specifies that lab-o "carries with it more the idea of soil", which suits the Swadesh meaning better. Cf. the semantic glossing "piece of land" for sg. pı́ɲ, pl. pı̀ɲ in [Gilley 2000: 7]. Cf. also lab-o 'earth, soil, clay, mortar, cement, mud; world, climate' in [Kohnen 1994: 97]; piɲ 'earth, world, soil, country; weather, climate; situation, circumstances; down, downwards, below, under, beneath, on the ground' in [Kohnen 1994: 160].
Anywa:ŋɔ̀ːm6
Reh 1999: 58. Meaning glossed as 'soil, land; earth'. Distinct from pɛ̄ɲ 'earth, ground, world; down' [Reh 1999: 66].
Pari:lʌb-o #5
Simeoni 1978: 100. In Andersen's papers, the only encountered equivalent is pı́ɲ [Andersen 1988a: 67], better translated as 'land'.
Number:23
Word:eat
Nuer:ɕaːm1
Kiggen 1948: 1951. 3rd p. sg.: ɕaːm-ɛ. Polysemy: 'to eat / to cheat / to bite'. Quoted as ɕam [in Bender 1971: 271]. Cf. also intransitive mid̪-ɛ 'to eat, to live on', causative mit̪-ɛ 'to feed' [Kiggen 1948: 201, 203].
Dinka:ɕam1
Nebel 1979: 18. Polysemy: 'to eat / to attack (of wild animals) / to cheat / to win, bewitch'. Quoted as ɕàm in [Andersen 1993: 8]. Quoted as ɕam for the majority of dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 34]; the only exception is the Luac subdialect of Rek, where 'eat' is listed as mit̪, and the same word is also listed as an alternate synonym for Rek proper (mıt̪) and Agar proper (miɛd̪). In [Nebel 1979: 58], the word mit̪ is explained as the intransitive verb 'to take food, eat'; it is perfectly possible that in one subdialect the transitive and intransitive meanings may have merged in a single lexical root.
Reel:mit̪ #2
Roettger 1989: 34. Somewhat dubious: in [Reid 2010: 36], the meaning 'eat' is correlated with the same verb ɕáːm as in Nuer and Dinka. The verb mit̪ goes back to the common Nuer-Dinka verb with the intransitive meaning 'to eat (food), to feed'; it is possible that in the dialect described by Roettger, it may have replaced the original transitive verb *ɕam as well, but this would need to be confirmed; for now, one should keep in mind that this might be a false lexicostatistical distinction between Reel and Nuer-Dinka.
Mabaan:am-d̪-o1
Miller 2006: 2. Transitive form; the intransitive equivalent is am-mo. Quoted as ʔam- in [Andersen 1992: 198]; as am-ʓa in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ʔam-1
Andersen 2004: 147. Precise quoted forms are ʔám-ɛ́ (3 sg. p.), ʔàm-mʌ́ (verbal noun). The latter is probably quoted as am-mǝ 'eat' in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:ʔám- / ʔʌ́m-1
Andersen 2007b: 32, 34. The two forms are morphophonological variants.
Mayak:ʔam- ~ ʔʌm-1
Andersen 1999c: 68. The two forms are morphophonological variants. Cf. am-ed̪ 'eat' in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:ɕaʰm1
Heasty 1937: 18; Kohnen 1994: 27. Stylistic synonyms: kat "eat, dine (a polite word for important people)" [Heasty 1937: 42]; daʰp "eat (this word is not in common use; when used it is to conceal the fact that one is eating)" [Heasty 1937: 24]
Anywa:ɕām1
Reh 1999: 14. Detransitivized stem: ɕʌ̀m-ò. Also functions as a noun: 'food item / crop'. Cf. the causative stem: ɕāːm 'to feed' [ibid.].
Pari:ɕàm1
Andersen 1988a: 89. Quoted as ɕam-o in [Simeoni 1978: 101].
Number:24
Word:egg
Nuer:tuɔŋ1
Kiggen 1948: 305. Attested as part of the compound expression tuɔŋ diet, pl. toŋ diːn, where the second part is the genitive form of 'bird' q.v. Quoted as tʰuɔŋ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:tuɔŋ1
Nebel 1979: 85. Plural: toŋ. Polysemy: 'egg / bastard'. Quoted as sg. tuɔ́ːŋ, pl. tôʰŋ in [Andersen 1987: 14, 15]. Quoted as tuɔŋ for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33].
Reel:tuɔŋ1
Roettger 1989: 33.
Mabaan:kum-mo2
Miller 2006: 62. Plural: kum-go. Quoted as sg. kûm-mʌ̀, pl. kûm-gʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 16]; as kʋm in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:kùm-mú2
Andersen 2004: 139. Plural: kúm-gù. Quoted as kʋm-mʋ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:kʋ́m-át̪2
Andersen 2007b: 51. Plural: kʋ́m.
Mayak:kʋm-at̪2
Andersen 1999d: 13. Plural: kʋm. Quoted as kɔm-at in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. kum-at̪, pl. kum in [Storch 2005: 109].
Shilluk:tɔŋ-o1
Heasty 1937: 94. Cf. tɔŋ gyɛn-o 'chicken egg' [ibid.]. Quoted as sg. toŋ-o, pl. toŋ in [Kohnen 1994: 189].
Anywa:tɔ̀ŋ-ɔ̄1
Reh 1999: 78. Plural: tɔ̀ŋ.
Pari:tɔ̀ŋ-ɔ́1
Andersen 1999e: 256. Plural: tɔ̀ŋ [Andersen 1988a: 67]. Quoted as sg. toŋ-o, pl. toŋ in [Simeoni 1978: 100].
Number:25
Word:eye
Nuer:waŋ1
Kiggen 1948: 322. Polysemy: 'eye / single grain of any thing'. Suppletive plural: ɲin. Quoted as sg. waŋ, pl. waʰŋ in [Frank 1999: 85] (without any suppletive forms!); as wɛŋ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:ɲin2
Nebel 1979: 66, 137. Plural: ɲiːn. Polysemy: 'eye / face / place'. Quoted as pl. ɲiíːʰn 'eyes' in [Andersen 1987: 19]. Quoted as ɲın for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33].
Reel:waŋ1
Roettger 1989: 33.
Mabaan:waŋ-ɛ1
Miller 2006: 106. Plural: woŋ-gu ~ ɲin-gɛ (suppletive). Quoted as sg. wáŋ-ʌ́, pl. ɲı̂ŋ-gʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 19]; as waŋ-ʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:wáŋ1
Andersen 2004: 138. Cf. wàŋ-ı̀ 'my eye'. Quoted as waŋ-i in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:wàŋ-1
Andersen 2007b: 43. Attested as a possessive form: wàŋ-gı́ː 'my eye'. Suppletive plural: ŋı̀n 'eyes' [Andersen 2015: 534].
Mayak:wɔŋ ~ waŋ1
Andersen 1999d: 10; Andersen 2006: 19. Suppletive plural: ŋın. Quoted as wǝŋ in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. wɔ́ŋ, pl. ɲén in [Storch 2005: 121].
Shilluk:waŋ1
Heasty 1937: 101. Suppletive plural: ɲiʰŋ. Polysemy: 'eye / grain / particle'. Quoted as sg. wāŋ, pl. ɲı̄ŋ in [Gilley 2000: 9]; as sg. waŋ, pl. ɲiŋ 'eye; opening; hole; grain; drop; small pieces of; direction; size' in [Kohnen 1994: 205].
Anywa:wàŋ1
Reh 1999: 81. Suppletive plural: ɲɛ̄ŋ.
Pari:wàŋ1
Andersen 1988a: 67. Quoted as sg. waŋ, pl. (suppletive) ɲiŋ in [Simeoni 1978: 100].
Number:26
Word:fat n.
Nuer:t̪iɔl1
Kiggen 1948: 313. Meaning glossed as 'uncooked fat'. Quoted as t̪iol in [Bender 1971: 271]. Cf. lied̪, pl. lit̪ 'oil, butter, fat, grease' [Kiggen 1948: 175], clearly referring to liquid rather than solid fat.
Dinka:miok2
Nebel 1979: 58. Polysemy: 'fat / oil / grease'. In [Duerksen 2005: 142], this word is listed as belonging to the Southwestern dialect (cf. also a specialized Southwestern term d̪iap 'fat of belly' [Duerksen 2005: 51]), opposed to South Central (Agar) piaːt 'fat'. This latter term is also confirmed as piaàːt in [Andersen 1987: 16]. The equivalents in [Roettger 1989: 33] are, for the most part, irrelevant, since they refer to 'grease' rather than 'solid fat'.
Reel:t̪iɔl1
Roettger 1989: 33. Meaning glossed as 'grease'.
Mabaan:kûalg-ɔ̀n #3
Andersen 1992: 192. Not attested in [Miller 2006], where only the word ɲɔːn 'oil' is present instead [Miller 2006: 84]. The equivalent ɕaːŋ 'fat' in [Bender 1971: 269] actually refers to the adjective 'fat', cf. ɕaːŋ-o 'fat; become fat' in [Miller 2006: 18].
Jumjum:kɔ̀lg-ɔ́n3
Andersen 2004: 145. Differently in [Bender 1971: 268]: aɕagɔŋ 'fat' (this is probably an adjective).
Kurmuk:kɔ̀lg-ɔ́n3
Andersen 2007b: 64.
Mayak:
Not attested. Cf. aɕaβɔn 'fat' in [Bender 1971: 272], but this is probably the adjective 'fat'. Cf. also sg. yawàt̪, pl. yʌ́wʋ̀t̪ 'oil' in [Storch 2005: 119].
Shilluk:mɔw4
Heasty 1937: 61. Plural: ma-t̪. Meaning glossed as 'oil, grease of any kind, any liquid that is thick'. Quoted as mow ~ mɔw, pl. ma-d 'butter, oil, fat, grease' in [Kohnen 1994: 121]. Apparently, there is no lexical distinction between 'solid fat' and 'liquid fat' in Shilluk.
Anywa:màːɔ̀4
Reh 1999: 46. Plural: mʌ́-d̪í. Meaning glossed as 'oil, fat, grease'.
Pari:dwʌ̀ːl-ò5
Andersen 1989: 8, 18. Plural: dwʌ̀l-ê ~ dwèl-ê. Quoted as dual-o in [Simeoni 1978:]. Cf. màːw 'oil' in [Andersen 1988a: 67].
Number:27
Word:feather
Nuer:ʓuaʈ1
Kiggen 1948: 131. Plural: ʓuaːt.
Dinka:nɔk2
Nebel 1979: 61. Plural: nak. Quoted as nɔ̂ːʰk in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Quoted as nɔk for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33].
Reel:nɔk2
Roettger 1989: 33.
Mabaan:wyeŋ-ŋo3
Miller 2006: 112. Plural: wyeg-go.
Jumjum:líyáŋ4
Andersen 2004: 142, 161. Plural: líyʌ́ŋ-gʌ́.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:
Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. According to [Storch 2005: 111], 'feather' is sg. rı̀y-ʌnı́t̪, pl. riːg, i.e. might be the same word as 'hair' q.v.; however, she transcribes the forms for 'feather' and 'hair' differently, and it is unclear if we really deal with two different words or the same one inaccurately transcribed in one instance.
Shilluk:okwɔʰn5
Heasty 1937: 76. Plural: okɔːn. Quoted as okwon ~ ukwon, pl. okon 'feather, ostrich-feather' in [Kohnen 1994: 149].
Anywa:ōkóːn-nó5
Reh 1999: 61. Plural: ókúo-rí.
Pari:ùkòːnd-ò5
Andersen 1988: 307. Quoted as sg. ukond-o, pl. ukond-e in [Simeoni 1978: 100].
Number:28
Word:fire
Nuer:ma-ɕ1
Kiggen 1948: 194. Plural: mai. Quoted as sg. maɕ, pl. maʰɕ in [Frank 1999: 86]; as maɕ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:ma-ɕ1
Nebel 1979: 55. Plural: mɛɕ. Quoted as sg. màːɕ, pl. mɛ̂ːʰɕ in [Andersen 2002: 6]. Quoted as maɕ for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 36].
Reel:ma-ɕ1
Roettger 1989: 36. Quoted as máɕ, pl. mɛ̂ːʰy in [Reid 2010: 36, 53].
Mabaan:maː-ɲo1
Miller 2006: 71. Plural: meː-ko. Quoted as sg. mâː-ɲ-ʌ̀, pl. mêː-kʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 103]; as maː-nʓʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:mâː-ɲ1
Andersen 2004: 141, 144. Plural: mʌ́-ɕ-kʌ̀. Quoted as ma-ɲ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:máː-š1
Andersen 2007b: 40.
Mayak:maː-ɕ1
Andersen 2000a: 39; Storch 2005: 108. Plural: mʌy-it̪ (maːy-it̪ according to Storch). Quoted as ma-ɕ in [Bender 1971: 272].
Andersen 1999e: 264. Quoted as sg. maɕ, pl. maʓ-o in [Simeoni 1978: 101].
Number:29
Word:fish
Nuer:rei1
Kiggen 1948: 267. Plural: reɕ. Quoted as sg. rɛɕ, pl. rɛːɕ [Frank 1999: 86]; as rrɛɕ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:rɛɕ1
Nebel 1979: 75. Plural: rɘɕ. Quoted as sg. rɛ́ːʰɕ, pl. rèɕ in [Andersen 2002: 4]. Phonetic and morphological variants in [Roettger 1989: 31] include rɛɕ ~ rɛːɕ ~ rɛʰɕ ~ rɛi, but the root is always the same.
Reel:rɛi1
Roettger 1989: 31. Quoted as plural réɕ, genitive plural réeːy in [Reid 2010: 53].
Mabaan:yeɲ-ɲo1
Miller 2006: 114. Plural: ya-ko. Quoted as sg. yiêɲ-ɲʌ̀, pl. yá-kʌ́ in [Andersen 2006: 16]; as ya-ku (pl.) in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:yák-ɕàn1
Andersen 2004: 141, 144. Plural: yàk. Quoted as yak-ɕan in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:rɛy-ʌnit̪1
Andersen 2000a: 35. Plural: rɛɕ. Quoted as sg. rɛ̀y-ʌ́nı́t̪, pl. rɛ̀ɕ in [Storch 2005: 111]. Also quoted as rɛɕ in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:reʓ-o1
Heasty 1937: 86. Plural: reɕ. Quoted as sg. rèːʰʓ-ɔ́ʰ, pl. ríɕ in [Gilley 1992: 88]; as sg. rɛ̄ʓ-ɔ́, pl. rı̄ʓ in [Gilley 2000: 15]; as sg. reʓ-o, pl. riʓ ~ riɕ in [Kohnen 1994: 168].
Anywa:rèː-ō1
Reh 1999: 70. Plural: rɛ̄-ɕ.
Pari:rèːy-ó1
Andersen 1988: 107. Quoted as sg. re-o, pl. riɕ in [Simeoni 1978: 101].
Number:30
Word:fly v.
Nuer:paːr1
Kiggen 1948: 250. 3rd p. sg.: paːr-ɛ.
Dinka:par1
Nebel 1979: 69. Quoted as páʰr in [Andersen 1987: 21]. Quoted as paːʰr ~ paʰr ~ par ~ pɛʰr for the majority of Dinka dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 35]. The only exception is the Dongjol subdialect of Padang, where 'fly' is glossed as gɔːʰr (no equivalent in Nebel's dictionary).
Reel:pɛːʰr1
Roettger 1989: 35.
Mabaan:pey-i1
Miller 2006: 90. Quoted as péy- in [Andersen 1999a: 104].
Jumjum:
Not attested.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:
Not attested.
Shilluk:paʰr1
Heasty 1937: 81. Quoted as par-o 'to run away, to fly away; to jump' in [Kohnen 1994: 157].
Anywa:mʌ́ːd-ó2
Reh 1999: 46.
Pari:
Not attested.
Number:31
Word:foot
Nuer:ɕoɣ1
Kiggen 1948: 60. Singular and plural forms are the same. Meaning glossed specifically as 'foot'; but cf. also the compound expression pat ɕoːɣ 'sole of foot', where pat = 'palm of hand or sole of foot' [Kiggen 1948: 251]. It is this latter expression that is listed as the default equivalent for 'foot' both in [Frank 1999: 86] (sg. paʰt-ɕioʰk, pl. paʰt-ɕioʰk-niʰ) and in [Bender 1971: 271] (pʰɛtʰ-ɕioukʰɛ 'foot'); at the same time, the simple stem ɕioʰk is listed as 'leg' in [Frank 1999: 87]. Numerous textual examples in Kiggen's dictionary show that Nuer does not properly distinguish 'leg' from 'foot', and that pat ɕoːɣ is a specially marked expression ('sole of foot'), so we unambiguously select ɕoɣ as the primary entry.
Dinka:ɕoːk1
Nebel 1979: 20. Plural: ɕok. Polysemy: 'foot / track / pole'. Quoted as sg. ɕóːʰk, pl. ɕòʰk 'foot' in [Andersen 1987: 4, 19]. Attested phonetic variants in [Roettger 1989: 34] include ɕok ~ ɕoʰk ~ ɕiok (the latter only in the Twic subdialect of Rek).
Miller 2006: 22. Plural: ɕie-gu. Quoted as sg. ɕíy-ʌ́, pl. ɕîːe-gʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 14]; as kiɛ in [Bender 1971: 269]. Distinct from t̪iɛ́l-ʌ́ 'leg' [Andersen 1999a: 101] = tyɛl-u 'shin; lower leg' [Miller 2006: 101].
Jumjum:kìy-2
Andersen 2004: 158. Attested only in the plural: kìy-gʌ́. Cf., however, kie 'foot' (sg.) in [Bender 1971: 268]. Distinct from t̪ı́r- 'leg' [Andersen 2004: 154].
Kurmuk:kı̀ːr-2
Andersen 2007b: 43. Attested as part of the possessive form kı̀ːr-ı́ː "my foot". Distinct from t̪èːl 'lower leg' [Andersen 2007b: 46].
Mayak:kıːr2
Andersen 2006b: 12. Meaning glossed as 'leg', but no separate form for 'foot' is attested. Also quoted as ker-ɛ 'foot' in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:tyɛl-o3
Heasty 1937: 96. Plural: tyɛl. Polysemy: 'foot / foundation / root'. Quoted as sg. tyel-o, pl. tyel 'foot, leg, root, foundation; prop, stem, trunk, stalk (of plants); kind, species, manner; sense, contents (of a speech); earnestness, seriousness; time, main, principal' in [Kohnen 1994: 194]. No separate form for 'leg'.
Andersen 1988a: 67. Plural: tı̀ɛl. Meaning glossed as 'leg'. Quoted as sg. tyel-o, pl. tyel, with polysemy: 'foot / leg' in [Simeoni 1978: 101, 104].
Number:32
Word:full
Nuer:t̪iaŋ1
Kiggen 1948: 311. Verbal stem: 'to fill, be full, add'.
Dinka:t̪iaŋ1
Nebel 1979: 87. Verbal stem: 'to be full'. Cf. à=t̪iàʰŋ "it is full" in [Andersen 1987: 14].
Reel:
Not attested.
Mabaan:kuːmm2
Miller 2006: 62.
Jumjum:
Not attested.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:
Not attested.
Shilluk:paʰŋ3
Heasty 1937: 81. Quoted as paŋ-o 'to be, to become full, fillied; deep' in [Kohnen 1994: 156].
Anywa:pʌ̌ŋ3
Reh 1999: 65. Polysemy: 'full / deep (of river)'.
Pari:pʌŋ3
Simeoni 1978: 101. Not attested in Andersen's papers.
Number:33
Word:give
Nuer:moːɕ1
Kiggen 1948: 203. 3rd p. sg.: moːɕ-ɛ. Differently in [Bender 1971: 271]: t̪opʰ 'give'. This verb is given in [Kiggen 1948: 314] as t̪ob 'to cause, infect, hand over' and is not seen in text examples in the default meaning 'give'.
Dinka:yek / yiek2
Nebel 1979: 96. The two variants of the stem are glossed as 'to give smth.' and 'to give smbd.' respectively. For the Rueng dialect, the equivalent is listed as gam 'to answer, believe; assent, confess; give' (it also seems to serve as the default verb 'to give' in the Agar dialect: cf. à=gɛ́ːʰm "he is giving" in [Andersen 1987: 24]). Cf. also muɔːɕ 'to present smbd. with smth.' [Nebel 1979: 60]. This is one of the most serious points of disagreement between [Nebel 1979] and [Roettger 1989: 35], where the phonetic/morphological variants gam ~ gaːm ~ gɛm ~ gɛːm ~ gɛʰm are listed as the default equivalent for the meaning 'give' for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka, while the root yek is not even mentioned. It is not clear if this data should be fully trusted, considering that in Nebel's materials there are many textual examples of yek 'to give'.
Reel:kɛn-ɛ3
Roettger 1989: 35.
Mabaan:ʔwoɲ-ga ~ ʔyiɲ-ga4
Miller 2006: 110, 116. Quoted as wwɛn-gǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ʔıɲ-4
Andersen 2004: 145. Quoted as eɲ-ǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:ʔíŋ-4
Andersen 2015: 529.
Mayak:iŋ-ir #4
Bender 1971: 272. Probably a verbal noun. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:t̪ot̪5
Heasty 1937: 98; Kohnen 1994: 200.
Anywa:ɕīp6
Reh 1999: 15. Detransitivized stem: ɕìp-ò.
Pari:ɕìb-6
Andersen 1989: 15. Quoted as ɕipp-o in [Simeoni 1978: 101]. Additional synonym: mʌ́g- 'give' [Andersen 1988a: 87], quoted as maka ki in [Simeoni 1978: 101]. The difference between the two terms is unclear.
Number:33
Word:give
Nuer:
Dinka:
Reel:
Mabaan:
Jumjum:
Kurmuk:
Mayak:
Shilluk:wek2
Heasty 1937: 102; Kohnen 1994: 207. The difference between t̪ot̪ and wek is impossible to establish based on dictionary evidence - cf. t̪ot̪-i yan 'give me!', wek-i yan 'give me!' in [Kohnen 1994: 200, 207]. A third equivalent is muʓ 'give, present, give free, give away' [Heasty 1937: 61; Kohnen 1994: 121], whose meaning seems to be slightly more specialized.
Anywa:
Pari:
Number:34
Word:good
Nuer:gɔaɣ1
Kiggen 1948: 104. Adjectival stem; the corresponding verbal stem is gɔɕ, 3rd p. sg. gɔaɣ-ɛ 'to be good'. Quoted as gʷaʔɛ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:pat̪2
Nebel 1979: 69. Polysemy: 'nice / good / handsome / kind'. An additional dialectal form (or morphological variant?) of the same root is puɔt̪ [Nebel 1979: 72]. Cf. à=pàt̪ 'it is good' in [Andersen 1987: 3]. In [Roettger 1989: 38], the following variants of this stem are attested across dialects: pat̪ ~ piat̪ ~ a=pat̪ ~ a=piɛt̪ ~ a=piat̪ ~ a=pɔt̪ ~ a=puɔt̪. Additionally, the synonymous etymon dik ~ dık ~ a=dik is also listed in the meaning 'good' in the Ruweng-Pan-Aru area (for Pan, it is listed as the only equivalent) = dik 'be handsome, nice, kind' in [Nebel 1979: 25].
Reel:leŋ3
Roettger 1989: 38. Quoted as lɛ̂ʰŋ in [Reid 2010: 69].
Mabaan:pwad̪-d̪o ~ pwan-no2
Miller 2006: 94. Quoted as pwɛɕi in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ŋɛraŋ #4
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:pɔ̀t̪ #2
Andersen 2015: 537. Adverbial form.
Mayak:pɔt̪-2
Andersen 1999d: 22. Verbal stem: 'to be good'. Quoted as pat̪-u-pat̪ (reduplicated adjectival stem) in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:dɔɕ5
Heasty 1937: 27. Meaning glossed as 'good, beautiful, pretty, grand, great, fine, wonderful, dandy, excellent, and like adjectives; in the small number of adjectives in the language this word is much overworked'. Quoted as doɕ 'good, nice, beautiful, honest; a very long time' in [Kohnen 1994: 44]. Cf. also mɛt 'sweet, good, happy, fertile' [Heasty 1937: 59] = mɛt 'sweet, nice, delightful' [Kohnen 1994: 117].
Anywa:bɛ́ːr6
Reh 1999: 10. Verbal stem: 'to be good'. Plural: bɛ́y-ɔ́. Partial synonym: wɔ́p, pl. wɔ̀p-ɛ̀ 'to be good / to be beautiful' [Reh 1999: 83], seemingly more applicable to physical beauty than general abstract positive nature.
Pari:bɛ̀ːr6
Andersen 1988a: 94. Quoted as ber, pl. biyy-o in [Simeoni 1978: 102].
Number:35
Word:green
Nuer:tɔɕ1
Kiggen 1948: 298.
Dinka:toɕ1
Nebel 1979: 83. Polysemy: 'green / raw'. Cf. a different equivalent in [Duerksen 2005: 134]: ŋɵk 'green (plants)', probably related to the Southeastern form ŋɵːk 'wet' [ibid.]. This stem, however, is not found at all in [Nebel 1979].
Reel:
Not attested.
Mabaan:ʈiɲɲa-ʈiɲɲo2
Miller 2006: 102. Polysemy: 'green / wet'.
Jumjum:
Not attested.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:
Not attested.
Shilluk:mar3
Heasty 1937: 58; Kohnen 1994: 114. According to Kohnen, with polysemy: 'green / blue / yellow / unripe / impure (of women after child-birth)'.
Simeoni 1978: 102. Not attested in any of Andersen's papers.
Number:36
Word:hair
Nuer:miem1
Kiggen 1948: 201. Plural: nieːm-ni (sic!). Quoted as sg. n̪im, pl. n̪iaʰm in [Frank 1999: 86]; as niyɛˤm in [Bender 1971: 271]. No difference between 'head hair' and 'body hair'. From an etymological point of view, Kiggen's variant with m- seems to be secondary (assimilated).
Dinka:n̪ieːm1
Nebel 1979: 65. Plural: n̪im. In [Roettger 1989: 33], the most common variant is n̪iɛm; more rare phonetic variants include niɛm ~ n̪im ~ n̪iɛʰm ~ miɛm (initial m- is only attested in the Twic subdialect of Bor), but all the forms clearly represent the same root.
Reel:n̪iɛm1
Roettger 1989: 33.
Mabaan:ʓie-ɲan2
Miller 2006: 50. Plural: ʓye-yo. Quoted as ʓei in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ʓı̀ː-k2
Andersen 2004: 158. Plural form. Quoted as ʓe-k in [Bender 1971: 268].
Andersen 2000a: 35. Plural: rıːk. Quoted as re in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. rèy-ènít̪, pl. rèy-ák in [Storch 2005: 112] (but see also 'feather' for more comments on Stroch's transcription).
Shilluk:yiey2
Heasty 1937: 61. Plural form. Singulative: yey-o. Quoted as yɛːy-ɔ in [Gilley 2002: 23]; as yei in [Kohnen 1994: 218].
Simeoni 1978: 102. Singulative: yerr-o. Not attested in any of Andersen's papers.
Number:37
Word:hand
Nuer:teʈ1
Kiggen 1948: 292. Plural: teːʈ. Polysemy: 'hand / arm'. Quoted as sg. teʰt, pl. tet 'arm from shoulder' in [Frank 1999: 84]; as tʰıtʰ 'hand' in [Bender 1971: 271]. The meaning 'hand' is glossed as sg. paʰ-tet, pl. paʰ-tet-niʰ in [Frank 1999: 86] = paːʈ teʈa 'palm of hand' in [Kiggen 1948: 292]; see notes on 'foot' for the semantics of the first component.
Dinka:ɕiːn2
Nebel 1979: 19. Plural: ɕin. Polysemy: 'hand / finger'. Quoted as sg. ɕíːn, pl. ɕìn in [Andersen 1987: 14, 15]. Distinct from koːk, pl. kok 'arm' [Nebel 1979: 42]. Quoted as ɕin in the majority of Dinka dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 34], but also as ɕın (Ngɔk subdialect of Padang and Twic subdialect of Bor) and as ɕıːn (Nyarweng subdialect of Bor).
Reel:tet1
Roettger 1989: 34. Quoted as sg. tèeːt, pl. téeːʰt in [Reid 2010: 119].
Mabaan:bieŋ-o ~ byeŋ3
Miller 2006: 8, 16. Plural: byeŋ-ko. Quoted as biːêŋ-ʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 101]; as biyǝŋ-ʋ in [Bender 1971: 269]. The old West Nilotic equivalent for 'hand' is still listed in sources: sg. ʔin-t̪u, pl. ʔin-ku [Miller 2006: 49], quoted as sg. ʔîn-t̪ʌ̀, pl. ʔîn-kʌ̀ 'hand' in [Andersen 2006: 5]. However, the absolute majority of contexts for 'hand' in Miller's dictionary lists bieŋ-o as the main equivalent. Obviously, the old word is still preserved in the language, but it seems to have become completely marginalized.
Jumjum:ʔı̀n̪-t̪ʌ́2
Andersen 2004: 138, 145. Plural: ʔìn-kʌ́. Quoted as in̪-t̪e in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:gáːl-át̪4
Andersen 2007b: 50. Meaning glossed as 'hand' (not 'arm').
Mayak:ʔın-at̪2
Andersen 1999d: 18. Plural: ʔin. Quoted as en-at̪ in [Bender 1971: 272]. Different from sg. gaːl ~ gaːl-at̪, pl. gʌl-uk ~ gol-uk 'arm, hand' [Andersen 1999d: 9; Andersen 2000a: 34; Storch 2005: 99].
Shilluk:ɕiʰn-o2
Heasty 1937: 20. Plural: ɕiʰŋ. Quoted as sg. ɕìŋ-ɔ̀, pl. ɕíŋ in [Gilley 1992: 83]; as sg. ɕin-o, pl. ɕiŋ 'hand; power' in [Kohnen 1994: 30]. Distinct from baʰt, pl. baːt 'arm' [Heasty 1937: 13].
Anywa:ɕɛ̀n-ɔ̀2
Reh 1999: 15. Plural: ɕɛ̄ŋ.
Pari:ɕıŋ-ɔ2
Andersen 1988b: 267. Quoted as sg. ɕiŋ-o ~ ɕin-o, pl. ɕiŋ ~ ɕin in [Simeoni 1978: 102]. Distinct from bàt 'arm' [Andersen 1988a: 67].
Number:38
Word:head
Nuer:wi-ɕ1
Kiggen 1948: 326. Plural: wo-t̪. Polysemy: 'head / top / big load of anything'. Quoted as sg. wiʰ-ɕ, pl. wiːʰ-ɕ in [Frank 1999: 86]; as wı-ɕ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:n̪om2
Nebel 1979: 65. Plural: n̪iːm. Polysemy: 'head / top'. Quoted as sg. n̪òm, pl. n̪iìːʰm in [Andersen 1987: 4, 19]. Quoted as nom ~ nɔm ~ n̪ɔm ~ n̪om ~ mom ~ muom for various subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33].
Reel:yui-ɕ1
Roettger 1989: 33. Quoted as ywíʰ-ɕ, pl. ʔɔ́-t̪ in [Reid 2010: 30, 38].
Mabaan:wye-ɲɛ1
Miller 2006: 112. Plural: wye-t̪-ku. Quoted as wiéɲ-ʌ́ in [Andersen 1999a: 101]; as ieɲu in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:wı́-ɲ1
Andersen 2004: 137. Quoted as wi-ɲɛ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:wʌ́-1
Andersen 2015: 551. The exact quoted form is wʌ́-ɗı́ 'its head' (of a gazelle).
Mayak:we-ɕ #1
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:wi-ɕ ~ wi-ʓ1
Heasty 1937: 103. Plural: waʰt̪. Polysemy: 'head / top'. Quoted as sg. wī-ɕ, pl. wâʰt̪ in [Gilley 1992: 86]; as sg. wī-ʓ, pl. wǝ̄ǝ̀d̪ in [Gilley 2000: 1]; as sg. wi-ɕ ~ wi-ʓ ~ wi, pl. wa-t̪ 'head, top, summit, surface; worth, value, estimation; bundle, bunch; on, upon, on the surface, on the top of' in [Kohnen 1994: 210].
Andersen 1988a: 83. Quoted as wiɲʓ-i in [Simeoni 1978: 102].
Number:40
Word:heart
Nuer:lɔɕ1
Kiggen 1948: 180. Plural: lɔi. Quoted as sg. lɔɕ, pl. loʰɕ in [Frank 1999: 86]; as lɔːɕ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:puou2
Nebel 1979: 72. Plural: puo-t̪. Polysemy: 'heart / chest / mind / intention, will'. Quoted as sg. pwóːʰw, pl. pwoòːʰ-t̪ in [Andersen 2002: 20]. Phonetic variants attested in [Roettger 1989: 34] include piou ~ piɔu ~ puou ~ piouʰ (the latter only in the Bor proper subdialect of Bor).
Reel:lɔɕ1
Roettger 1989: 34.
Mabaan:kiːm-mo3
Miller 2006: 57. Plural: kim-t̪an. Quoted as kiːm-a in [Bender 1971: 269]. 'Physical' heart, distinct from yom-u 'heart (seat of the emotions, not literal heart)' [Miller 2006: 118].
Jumjum:kíːm-3
Andersen 1999a: 144. The listed form is plural: kíːm-d̪àŋŋı́. Quoted as kim-e in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:ʓɔk4
Andersen 1999c: 72. Polysemy: 'chest / heart'. Cf. ɕɔdɛ 'heart' in [Bender 1971: 272] (clearly a different word).
Shilluk:min-o5
Heasty 1937: 59. Plural: min. Quoted as sg. min-o, pl. min-i in [Kohnen 1994: 118]. According to Heasty, distinct from pyeʰw, pl. pyeʰ-t̪ 'heart' as 'seat of the affections' (i.e. figurative). This latter form is quoted as pʸɛ́ʰw 'heart' in [Gilley 1992: 25]; as sg. pyow ~ pyɔw, pl. pye-t̪ ~ pe-t̪ 'heart, mind, life, sense' in [Kohnen 1994: 165].
Anywa:wɛ̀ɲ-ɔ̄5
Reh 1999: 81. Plural: wɛ̀ɲ. Homophonous with 'bird' q.v.
Pari:à=dúːnd-ó6
Andersen 1988a: 69. Quoted as sg. a=dund-o, pl. a=dund-e in [Simeoni 1978: 102].
Number:41
Word:horn
Nuer:tuŋ1
Kiggen 1948: 304. Plural: tuɔŋ-ni. Polysemy: 'horn / tusk / stump of branch left on tree'. Quoted as tʋŋ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:tuŋ1
Nebel 1979: 85. Plural: tuoŋ. Quoted as sg. tùːʰŋ, pl. tûʰŋ in [Andersen 1987: 15, 19]. Quoted as tuʰŋ for most subdialects of Dinka, sometimes simplified to tuŋ, in [Roettger 1989: 33].
Reel:tuŋ1
Roettger 1989: 33.
Mabaan:ʈuoŋ-o1
Miller 2006: 103. Plural: ʈwoŋ-ko. Quoted as sg. tûːʌŋ-ʌ̀, pl. tûʌŋ-kʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 8]; as tuwoŋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:tʋŋ #1
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:túːŋ #1
Andersen 2007b: 51. Plural: túŋ-ít̪. Somewhat dubious, since the meaning is glossed as 'horn (as musical instrument)'. However, this is the common West Nilotic equivalent for 'horn' in general, and no other word with this meaning is attested for Kurmuk in available publications.
Mayak:tuŋ1
Andersen 2000a: 36. Plural: tuŋ-ak. Quoted as tuŋ-e in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:tuŋ-o1
Heasty 1937: 94. Plural: tuŋ-i. Quoted as sg. tūŋ, pl. tùŋ in [Gilley 2000: 8]; sg. tuŋ, pl. tuŋ-i 'horn, side, direction' in [Kohnen 1994: 190].
Anywa:tùːŋ1
Reh 1999: 78. Plural: tùŋ-ì.
Pari:tùŋ-ó1
Andersen 1988a: 107. Quoted as sg. tuŋ, pl. tuŋ-i in [Simeoni 1978: 103].
Number:42
Word:I
Nuer:ɣa-n1
Kiggen 1948: 18. Object form: ɣa; verbal suffix a. Quoted as hɛ-n in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:ʕɛ-n1
Nebel 1979: 74. The short (unstressed?) form is ʔan [Nebel 1979: 9]. Object/possessive form: ʔa [Nebel 1979: 1]. Various dialectal realizations of the word include: yɛ-n ~ ɛ-n ~ ɣɛ-n ~ ɣɛː-n [Roettger 1989: 30].
Reel:ɣɛ-n1
Roettger 1989: 30. Quoted as ʔɛ́ʰn (with a "reduced" variant ʔɛ́ʰ) in [Reid 2010: 41].
Mabaan:ʔya1
Miller 2006: 113. Quoted as ʔìyà in [Andersen 1999b: 504]; as ʔi in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ʔı̀k=à1
Andersen 1999a: 155. Quoted as ék=à in [Bender 1971: 155].
Kurmuk:à1
Andersen 2007b: 31. Short form; the full stem is ʔáː-nı́š [Andersen 2007b: 59].
Mayak:aː-neɕ1
Bender 1971: 272. Full stem, cf. Kurmuk ʔáː-nı́š.
Shilluk:ya1
Heasty 1937: 105. Quoted as ya ~ ya-n in [Kohnen 1994: 216].
Anywa:āː-nī1
Reh 1996: 164. Emphatic "long" form; the corresponding short (clitical) stem is simply ā.
Pari:ʔáː-nı́1
Andersen 1999e: 265. Quoted as a-ni (full form), a (prefix / suffix form) in [Simeoni 1978: 33].
Number:43
Word:kill
Nuer:naɣ1
Kiggen 1948: 210. 3rd p. sg.: naɣ-ɛ. Polysemy: 'to kill / to suffer from cold, hunger, etc.'. Quoted as nɛkʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:nɔk1
Nebel 1979: 59. Polysemy: 'to hurt / to kill / to beat (in game)'. Cf. the alternate morphological variant nak, glossed as 'to slaughter' [Nebel 1979: 60]. Quoted as nàʰk 'to kill' in [Andersen 1993: 8]. In [Roettger 1989: 35], phonetic and morphological variants nɔʰk ~ nɔk ~ nɔːk ~ nak ~ naʰk ~ nɛk are rather chaotically scattered across dialects, but all of them seem to represent the same lexical root.
Reel:nak1
Roettger 1989: 35. Quoted as 1st p. sg. náːʰw in [Reid 2010: 36].
Mabaan:nok-o ~ nog-d̪o1
Miller 2006: 79. Quoted as nʌŋ- (past stem) in [Andersen: 1992: 197]; as n̪ǝŋǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:nʌk-1
Andersen 2004: 139. Verbal noun: nʌ̀ŋ-ŋʌ́. Quoted as nǝŋ-ǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:nʌ̀k1
Andersen 2007b: 45; Andersen 2015: 519. Polysemy: 'to hit / to kill'.
Mayak:nag-1
Bender 1971: 272. The exact quote form is nag-adɔk. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers, but well supported by etymological data.
Shilluk:naʰk1
Heasty 1937: 63. Participial form: nag-o. Quoted as nak (participial form nag-o ~ nak-o ~ nek-o) in [Kohnen 1994: 126].
Anywa:nʌ̄k1
Reh 1999: 51. Detransitivized stem: nʌ̀-ò.
Pari:nʌ́k-1
Andersen 1988a: 75.
Number:44
Word:knee
Nuer:mɔl1
Kiggen 1948: 204. Plural: moaːl. Quoted as sg. muɔʰl, pl. muaʰl in [Frank 1999: 87]; as mɔːlʸ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:n̪ial1
Nebel 1979: 65. Plural: n̪iɔl. Quoted as n̪iaâːl in [Andersen 1987: 16]. The Northeastern dialectal form is glossed as miaːl in [Duerksen 2005: 115]. In [Roettger 1989: 34], the most common phonetic variant is n̪ial, but the Abiliang subdialect of Padang has nial; the Dongjol and Ngok-Sobat subdialects have mial; and the Ageer subdialect has miɔl.
Reel:mɔl1
Roettger 1989: 34.
Mabaan:ʔwoŋ-u2
Miller 2006: 110. Plural: ʔwoŋ-gu.
Jumjum:
Not attested.
Kurmuk:ʔùːŋ2
Andersen 2007b: 50.
Mayak:ʔuŋ2
Andersen 1999c: 10.
Shilluk:ɕuŋ2
Heasty 1937: 22. Plural: ɕɔŋ. Quoted as sg. ɕúʰŋ, pl. ɕɔ̀ŋ in [Gilley 1992: 88]; sg. ɕuŋ, pl. ɕɔŋ in [Kohnen 1994: 33].
Anywa:ɕūŋ2
Reh 1999: 17. Plural: ɕɔ́ŋŋ-ı́.
Pari:ɕúŋ2
Andersen 1989: 17. Plural: ɕɔ̀ŋg-ı̀. Quoted as sg. ɕuŋ, pl. ɕoŋg-i in [Simeoni 1978: 104].
Number:45
Word:know
Nuer:ŋaɕ1
Kiggen 1948: 218. 3rd p. sg.: ŋaɕ-ɛ. Polysemy: 'to know / to think'. Quoted as nɛɕ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:ŋiɕ ~ ɲiɕ1
Nebel 1979: 63. Cf. also, from the same root, ŋieɕ 'to know to, be learned, have experience' [ibid.]. Dialectal variation: ŋiɕ ~ ɲiɕ [Duerksen 2005: 125]. Attested as ŋiɕ for the majority of Dinka dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 35]; the Bor proper subdialect of Bor and most of the Agar subdialects, with the exception of Aliab, feature the palatalized variant ɲiɕ.
Reel:ŋaɕ1
Roettger 1989: 35. Quoted as ŋàʰɕ in [Reid 2010: 56].
Mabaan:ŋeːʓ1
Miller 2006: 81. In [Bender 1971: 269], the equivalent of 'know' is listed as urkɛndɛ, which is probably a variant of the same stem as urkati 'able' in [Miller 2006: 105].
Jumjum:ŋʌ́ʓ-1
Andersen 2004: 144. Attested as part of the form ŋʌ́ʓ-ʓ-ʌ̀ 'I know him'. Quoted as ŋǝʓ-in in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:ŋéːd̪- / ŋɛ́ːt̪-1
Andersen 2007b: 38; Andersen 2015: 546. The two forms represent different morphophonological variants.
Mayak:ŋɛd̪-ar #1
Bender 1971: 272. Probably a verbal noun. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:ŋaʓ1
Heasty 1937: 69. Participial form: ŋaʓ-o. Cf. also ŋaɕ 'make known, inform, tell' [ibid.]. Quoted as ŋaɕ ~ ŋaːɕ 'to know, to be able, to feel' in [Kohnen 1994: 130].
Anywa:ŋʌ̀ɕ1
Reh 1999: 56. Distinct from lɔ̄ɲ 'to know how to do smth., to be able to' [Reh 1999: 44].
Pari:ŋeɕ1
Simeoni 1978: 104. Not attested in any of Andersen's papers.
Number:46
Word:leaf
Nuer:ʓit1
Kiggen 1948: 127. Plural: ʓiːt̪. Same word as 'ear' q.v. Quoted as sg. ʓiʰt̪-ʓiat̪, pl. ʓiʰt̪-ʓiɛn in [Frank 1999: 85] (a compound formation with 'tree' q.v.); as ʓıt̪ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:yar2
Nebel 1979: 96. Plural: yɔr. Dialectal variety: lɐr (sg. and pl.) ~ yɐr (pl.: yɞr ~ yɐːr) [Duerksen 2005: 98, 191]. In [Roettger 1989: 32], this root is listed as yaːr ~ yaʰːr ~ yaʰr ~ a=yaʰːr ~ yar for several subdialects of Dinka (mostly in the Rek and Agar clusters); however, it frequently alternates with various simple and extended variants of the word 'ear' (yiɕ ~ yit̪ ~ yiːs, etc.), and sometimes also (in the Ageer subdialect of Padang and in two subdialects of Agar) with the form a=pam, which probably corresponds to Nebel's a=pam 'rubberplant' [Nebel 1979: 10]. We do not formally include the form yiɕ 'leaf' as a synonym, since our main source [Nebel 1979] does not mention its usage in this meaning.
Reel:ʓiɕ1
Roettger 1989: 32. Same word as 'wear' q.v. Alternate synonym: yar [ibid.].
Mabaan:ʓye-ɲɛ #1
Miller 2006: 52. Somewhat dubious, since only the meaning 'ear' is listed. However, there is little reason to doubt that the usual African polysemy 'ear / leaf' is typical of Mabaan as well, because there is one textual example in Miller's dictionary confirming that (ʓaːn ʓyit-kɛ yoːɕi doki "the leaves of the tree have sprouted" [Miller 2006: 56]); also, cf. =ʓi-t-kǝ 'leaf' (actually a plural form) in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:gı̀t̪-ɕán1
Andersen 2004: 144. Plural: gı̀t̪-kʌ́. Quoted as -git̪-ke in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:kı́zʋ́-k3
Andersen 2007b: 62. Plural form.
Mayak:kɔd̪a-k #4
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:yiʰt̪1
Heasty 1937: 108; Kohnen 1994: 222. Same word as 'ear' q.v.
Not attested in any of Andersen's papers under the meaning 'leaf' (only 'ear'), but attested in that meaning in [Simeoni 1978: 104]: sg. it̪, pl. id̪-i. The same source lists an additional synonym: sg. bog-o, pl. bog-e 'leaf'. However, this word is specifically quoted in [Andersen 1988: 103] as bɔ̀ːg-ɔ̀ 'dry leaf'.
Number:47
Word:lie
Nuer:tɔi1
Kiggen 1948: 299. Meaning glossed as 'to lie down, to sleep'. 3rd p. sg.: tɔi-ɛ.
Dinka:toɕ1
Nebel 1979: 83. Meaning glossed as 'lie down, go to sleep'.
Reel:
Not attested.
Mabaan:nin-d̪o2
Miller 2006: 79. Meaning glossed as 'lie down, sleep, stay (e.g. overnight)'.
Jumjum:níːn-2
Andersen 2004: 137. Meaning glossed as 'to lie down'.
Kurmuk:nı́ːn-2
Andersen 2015: 516. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'. Attested, among other things, in the phrase "The dik-dik is lying near the stone".
Mayak:nıːn-2
Andersen 2000a: 31. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'.
Shilluk:
The precise equivalent is hard to establish based on existing sources. Cf. the following candidates: (a) but 'to lie down; recline; be confined to one's bed' [Heasty 1937: 16] = but-o 'to go to bed, to be bed-ridden' [Kohnen 1994: 24] (this seems to be a dynamic rather than static verb, with very narrow bed-related semantics as per Kohnen); (b) ryep piɲ 'lie on the stomach' (where piɲ = 'earth' q.v.) [Heasty 1937: 90] = ryep piɲ 'to put, to lay something with the face or the upside downwards on the ground' [Kohnen 1994: 179]; (c) rɛɲ 'to lay down (so that it my dilate), rɛɲ yiʓi piɲ 'lay down your belly on the ground, i.e. lie, face downwards!') [Kohnen 1994: 169]. Neither of these three candidates fully conforms to the required Swadesh meaning, so we refrain from filling the slot at the moment.
Anywa:ɲàːŋ pɛ̄ɲ3
Reh 1999: 52. Meaning glossed as 'to lie down'. The verbal stem proper is ɲàːŋ; pɛ̄ɲ is the nominal-adverbial extension meaning 'earth; down'.
Pari:but-o #4
Simeoni 1978: 105. Meaning glossed as 'lie down' or 'sleep'. Only attested in the meaning 'sleep' in Andersen's papers (see 'sleep'), but no alternate candidate for the meaning can be found.
Number:48
Word:liver
Nuer:ɕoeɲ1
Kiggen 1948: 60. Plural: ɕoaːɲ. Quoted as ɕʷɛn in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:ɕuaːɲ1
Nebel 1979: 21. Quoted as ɕuáʰɲ in [Andersen 1987: 14]. Dialectal variation: ɕuɐɲ ~ ɕuɜɲ [Duerksen 2005: 38]. Listed as ɕuɛɲ ~ ɕuɛʰɲ for various subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 34].
Reel:ɕuɛɲ1
Roettger 1989: 34.
Mabaan:ɕyɛn-no1
Miller 2006: 30. Polysemy: 'liver / inside of seed'. Plural: ɕyɛn-go. Quoted as sg. ɕiɛ̂n-nʌ̀, pl. ɕiɛ̂d̪-gʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 16]; as ɕɛnǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:kɛn̪-n̪ǝ #1
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:kın-at̪1
Andersen 2000a: 34. Plural: kın. Quoted as ken-ǝt in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. kɛ́n-ʌ̀t̪, pl. kɛ́n in [Storch 2005: 109].
Shilluk:o=ɕwiɲ ~ o=ɕuɲ1
Heasty 1937: 74. Quoted as sg. o=ɕuɲ, pl. o=ɕuɲ-i in [Kohnen 1994: 147]. Initial o= is a fossilized nominal prefix.
Anywa:ɕwı̄ɲ1
Reh 1999: 19. Plural: ɕwı́ɲɲ-ı́.
Pari:ɕwíɲ1
Andersen 1988a: 67.
Number:49
Word:long
Nuer:bar1
Kiggen 1948: 30. Quoted as bɛrr-bɛrr in [Bender 1971: 271]. Cf. also the "emphatic" synonym ɕuaːr-ɛ 'to be very long or tall', ɕuaːr me 'very long, tall' [Kiggen 1948: 64-65].
Dinka:baːr1
Nebel 1979: 14. Plural: bar. Polysemy: 'long / high / tall'. Dialectal variants of the word (phonetic and morphological) in [Roettger 1989: 31] include baʰːr ~ a=baʰːr ~ kǝ=baʰːr ~ bɛʰːr ~ a=bɛʰːr ~ kǝ=bɛʰːr ~ a=bɛːr ~ a=baʰr, but all dialects share the exact same root.
Reel:bar1
Roettger 1989: 31. Cf. bé=bɛ̂ʰr (reduplicated stem) 'tall' in [Reid 2010: 34]; also the nominal derivate bɛ́ɛ́ːʰr (with ultra-long vowel) 'tallness, length' in [Reid 2010: 54]. Alternate synonym: ɕuar 'long' [Roettger 1989: 31].
Mabaan:bey-bey1
Miller 2006: 6. Reduplicated adjectival stem; cf. the simple verbal stem beːy '(to be) long, tall' [Miller 2006: 5]. Quoted as bɛ-bɛːi in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:bʌ́ːy-1
Andersen 2004: 146. The root is attested as part of the form bʌ́ːy-ɕɔ̀ndɛ́ 'which is long'. Quoted as bǝːy-ǝŋ 'long' in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:bʌ̀ːr1
Andersen 2007b: 76.
Mayak:bʌːr-1
Andersen 1999c: 22. Verbal stem: 'be long, be tall'. Cf. bǝr-bǝr ~ bǝr-ǝ-bǝr 'long' (reduplicated adjectival stem) in [Bender 1971: 272]. Cf. also bár-ɔ̀n 'height' (productive nominalized derivate from the same root) in [Storch 2005: 103].
Shilluk:baːr1
Heasty 1937: 13. Polysemy: 'long / tall / high'. Quoted as sg. bâːʰr, pl. bāːr-ì in [Gilley 1992: 90]; as bar 'long, high, deep' in [Kohnen 1994: 15].
Anywa:bʌ́ːr1
Reh 1999: 9. Plural stem: bʌ́y-ó.
Pari:bʌːr1
Simeoni 1978: 105. Not attested in Andersen's papers.
Number:50
Word:louse
Nuer:ɲoaːɣ1
Kiggen 1948: 240. Quoted as ɲaːkʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:ɲiɔk1
Nebel 1979: 66. Quoted as ɲɔ̀ːʰk in [Andersen 1987: 4]; as ɲɔk ~ ɲɔʰk in [Roettger 1989: 32].
Reel:a=ɲɔk1
Roettger 1989: 32.
Mabaan:ɲʌ̀ːk-ɕán #1
Andersen 2006: 4. Plural: ɲʌ̂ːk-ʌ̀. Quoted as ɲǝg-ɕan in [Bender 1971: 269]. Curiously, in [Miller 2006: 84] this word (sg. ɲoːk-ɕan, pl. ɲoːk) is only listed in the meaning 'bedbug'. In the collective meaning 'lice', Miller quotes the form tiːyɛn [Miller 2006: 98] that has no parallels in other sources. Considering the evidence from Andersen and Bender as well as external data, we assume that there may be a semantic mistake in Miller's dictionary, pending further research on the issue.
Jumjum:ɲʌ́ːk-ɕàn1
Andersen 2004: 142. Quoted as ɲǝk-ɕǝŋ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:yʌːk-ʌn-it̪1
Andersen 1999c: 95; Andersen 1999d: 22. Plural: yʌːk. Quoted as yǝk in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. yʌk-ʌn-ıt̪, pl. yaːk in [Storch 2005: 111].
Shilluk:ɲwɔʰk1
Heasty 1937: 69. Quoted as sg. ɲwag-o, pl. ɲuok in [Kohnen 1994: 145].
Anywa:ɲúː-ó1
Reh 1999: 55. Plural: ɲùú.
Pari:ɲûː-nnó1
Andersen 1988: 107.
Number:51
Word:man
Nuer:wuː-t1
Kiggen 1948: 331. Quoted as sg. wu-t, pl. wu-niʰ in [Frank 1999: 87].
Dinka:moɕ2
Nebel 1979: 58. Suppletive plural: ror. Polysemy: 'man / husband / to be brave'. The bound form of this stem is glossed as moɲ in [Duerksen 2005: 117], cf. moɲ dɨt 'old man', etc. Quoted as mòɕ in [Andersen 1987: 4]; as moɕ for all Dinka dialects except for the Nyarweng subdialect of Bor (where the form is mʋɕ) in [Roettger 1989: 31].
Reel:ɕou3
Roettger 1989: 31. Quoted as sg. ɕɔ́w, pl. ɕɔ̀w 'husband' in [Reid 2010: 53].
Mabaan:ʔua-no3
Miller 2006: 105. Plural: ʔua-yo. Quoted as ʔûːa-n ~ ʔûːa-nʌ̀ in [Andersen 1992: 186].
Jumjum:ʔɔ̂ː-n3
Andersen 2004: 137. Meaning glossed as 'man'.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:ʔɔː-k #3
Andersen 1999c: 3. Dubious; meaning glossed as 'male' rather than 'man'. However, the root is the same as in the default equivalent for 'man' in other Mabaan-Burun dialects.
Shilluk:ʓal4
Heasty 1937: 38. Suppletive plurals: (a) ʓɔg; (b) ɕwow. Quoted as sg. ʓāl-ɔ̀, pl. ɕwɔ̀w in [Gilley 2000: 1]; as sg. ʓal-o ~ ʓal, pl. ɕwɔw or ʓɔk 'man, male, husband' in [Kohnen 1994: 70].
Anywa:ɕìɕwɔ́ɔ̀3
Reh 1999: 15. Irregular plural: ɕʋ̀ɔw. The singular form looks like a reduplication. Polysemy: 'husband / man (male of human beings)'.
Pari:ɕı́ɕʋ̀-ɔ́3
Andersen 1988: 99. Quoted as sg. ɕiɕw-o, pl. ɕwou 'husband' in [Simeoni 1978: 37]; the word 'man' is understood in that source as 'person' q.v.
Number:52
Word:many
Nuer:ŋuan1
Kiggen 1948: 228. Cf. tʰı-ŋwan in [Bender 1971: 271] (incorrectly segmented there as tʰıŋ-wan) = Kiggen's te ŋuaːn, where te is a relativizer.
Dinka:ʓueɕ2
Nebel 1979: 37. Said of people. Cf. also kiːt̪ 'many, numerous' (of substances?) [Nebel 1979: 41]. Dialectal variation: ʓuɜɕ ~ ʓuaɕ [Duerksen 2005: 77]. In [Roettger 1989: 30], the most common equivalent for 'many' is ʓueɕ ~ a=ʓueɕ ~ ka=ʓueɕ ~ ka=ʓuiɕ. The form kit̪ ~ a=kit̪ is found as an alternate synonym in several subdialects, but is listed as the main and only equivalent only in the Luac subdialect of Rek. Another, very rare, equivalent is gak (Twic subdialect of Bor) ~ a=gak (Dongjol subdialect of Padang) = gak 'to stay about; go on doing the same thing' [Nebel 1979: 30], cf. such examples as yi a=gak dɔl 'you laugh much', indicating an adverbial usage in the derived meaning 'a lot of time'.
Reel:dual3
Roettger 1989: 30.
Mabaan:ɕoŋɔ4
Miller 2006: 23. Quoted as ɕǝŋ-ɕǝŋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:dirǝk #5
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:aː=kɔdɔŋ #6
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. Initial a= is most likely a copula.
Shilluk:ŋɛʰɲo7
Heasty 1937: 70. Meaning glossed as 'many, much'. Quoted as ŋɛɲo 'much, many, a great number of' in [Kohnen 1994: 132]; cf. also the corresponding verb ŋeɲo 'to become many (more); to augment, to increase (numerically)' [ibid.]. 'Cf. also gir 'much, many, plentiful, abundant' [Heasty 1937: 34] = gir 'much, many; great multitude, quantity of...; lot' [Kohnen 1994: 61].
Anywa:t̪òót̪8
Reh 1999: 75. Qualifying verb: 'to be much, to be many, to be a lot'.
Pari:t̪ot̪8
Simeoni 1978: 105. Not attested in Andersen's papers.
Number:53
Word:meat
Nuer:riːŋ1
Kiggen 1948: 275. Plural: riŋ. Quoted as sg. riʰŋ, pl. riːʰŋ in [Frank 1999: 87]; as rrıŋ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:riŋ1
Nebel 1979: 78. Quoted as ríːʰŋ in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Quoted as riŋ for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 32].
Reel:riŋ1
Roettger 1989: 32. Quoted as rîːʰŋ, pl. ríʰŋ in [Reid 2010: 56].
Mabaan:yoŋ-o1
Miller 2006: 118. Plural: yoŋ-go. Quoted as sg. yʌ̂ŋ-ŋʌ̀, pl. yʌ̂ŋ-gʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 10]; as yǝŋǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:yʌ̀ŋ-ŋʌ́1
Andersen 2004: 145. Plural: yʌ̀ŋ-gʌ̀. Quoted as yǝŋ-ǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:kɔ̀ːkɔ́ːk2
Andersen 2007b: 30; Andersen 2015: 512. Plural: kúkúk-ùŋì 'meats' [Andersen 2015: 523]. The original West Nilotic word for 'meat' is also attested by Andersen: ríŋ-ít̪ 'meat' [Andersen 2007b: 82]. However, it is not found in even a single textual example in either of the two articles surveyed for this wordlist. We have to assume that ríŋ-ít̪, at best, serves as an archaic or narrowly specialized term in the language, and that the lexical innovation kɔ̀ːkɔ́ːk functions as the neutral equivalent for 'meat'.
Mayak:riŋ1
Andersen 1999c: 83; Storch 2005: 107. Plural form; the singulative is riŋ-it̪. Differently in [Bender 1971: 272]: kɔgɔk 'meat' (cf. notes on Kurmuk).
Shilluk:riŋ-o ~ yiŋ-o1
Heasty 1937: 87; Kohnen 1994: 171 (only the variant with r- in Kohnen's materials).
Anywa:rìŋ-ō1
Reh 1999: 71. Plural: rīŋ.
Pari:rìŋ-ó1
Andersen 1988a: 67. Quoted as sg. riŋ-o, pl. riŋ in [Simeoni 1978: 105].
Number:54
Word:moon
Nuer:pai1
Kiggen 1948: 248. Plural: paː-t̪. Quoted as sg. pay, pl. paʰ-t̪ in [Frank 1999: 87]; as pʰaːy in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:pɛːi1
Nebel 1979: 69. Plural: pɛi. Polysemy: 'moon / month / tympanum (of ear)'. Quoted as pɛ̀ːy, pl. pɛ̀ʰi in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Phonetic variants in various dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 35] include pɛi ~ pɛːi ~ pɛiʰ ~ pɛːiʰ ~ pei ~ peiʰ.
Reel:pai1
Roettger 1989: 35.
Mabaan:paː-n-o1
Miller 2006: 89. Plural: pon-ko. Quoted as pâːn-nʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 100]; as paːn in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:pâː-n1
Andersen 2004: 137. Quoted as pǝ-n in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:paːɕ1
Bender 1971: 272. Quoted as pl. pàːɕ, sg. pàːy-it̪ in [Storch 2005: 108]. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:dwaʰy2
Heasty 1937: 28. Plural: dwa-d. Polysemy: 'moon / month / egg-yolk'. Quoted as sg. dway, pl. dwa-t in [Gilley 1992: 86]; as sg. dway ~ dwey, pl. dwa-t in [Kohnen 1994: 48].
Anywa:dwʌ̀y2
Reh 1999: 25. Plural: dwʌ̀-dè.
Pari:dwʌ̀ːy #2
Andersen 1989: 18. Plural: dwè-dì ~ dwʌ̀-dì. Only attested in the meaning 'month' in the quoted source, as well as in [Simeoni 1978: 106] (sg. dwʌy, pl. dwʌ-di), but since no other equivalent for 'moon' is recorded and no examples of lexical differentiation between 'moon' and 'month' are known for this area, it is reasonably safe to assume that the word means 'moon' as well.
Number:55
Word:mountain
Nuer:pam1
Kiggen 1948: 249. Plural: paːm. Same word as 'stone' q.v. Quoted as sg. paʰm, pl. paːʰm in [Frank 1999: 87]; as pʰɛm in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:gɔt2
Nebel 1979: 33. Plural: gat. Quoted as gɔt in [Roettger 1989: 37], but only for the Rek dialect. The majority of other Dinka dialects and subdialects (including even the Malual subdialect of Rek) have kur ~ kuːr as 'mountain', i. e. the same word as 'stone' q.v.
Reel:pɛm1
Roettger 1989: 37.
Mabaan:poːm-o1
Miller 2006: 92. Polysemy: 'stone / mountain'. Plural: pom-ko. Quoted as sg. pʌ̂ːm-ʌ̀, pl. pʌ̂ːm-kʌ̀ [Andersen 2006: 16]; as pʋm-ʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:pʌ̂ːm1
Andersen 2004: 137, 144. Plural: pʌ́m-kʌ̀. Quoted as pǝm in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:pʌ́ːm1
Andersen 2007b: 51. Plural: pʌ́m-ít̪.
Mayak:pʌːm1
Andersen 2000a: 39. Plural: pʌm-it̪. Also quoted as pǝm in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:kiʰt3
Heasty 1937: 45. Same word as 'stone' q.v. Plural: kiʰt-i. Quoted as sg. kid-i, pl. kit-i 'stone, mountain, hill' in [Kohnen 1994: 83].
Anywa:kìd-ì3
Reh 1999: 36. Plural: kít-é. Same word as 'stone' q.v.
Pari:kid-i3
Simeoni 1978: 103. Plural: kitt-e. Meaning glossed as 'hill'. Same word as 'stone' q.v.
Number:56
Word:mouth
Nuer:t̪ok1
Kiggen 1948: 315. Plural: t̪uːɣ. Polysemy: 'mouth / opening / edge / lip / language / gate'. Quoted as sg. t̪ok, pl. t̪uːk in [Frank 1999: 87]; as t̪ɔːkʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:t̪ok1
Nebel 1979: 88. Plural: t̪oːk. Polysemy: 'mouth / opening / border / language / news'. Quoted as t̪òʰk in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Quoted as t̪ok for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33].
Reel:t̪ok1
Roettger 1989: 33. Quoted as t̪ók in [Reid 2010: 37].
Mabaan:t̪uk-u ~ t̪uk-ɛ1
Miller 2006: 100. Plural: t̪uggu ~ t̪uggɛ. Quoted as t̪úk-ʌ́ in [Andersen 1999a: 101]; as t̪ukʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:pɔŋe #139
Bender 1971: 268. The common West Nilotic equivalent for 'mouth' is glossed as t̪ùk 'lip' in [Andersen 2004: 137].
Kurmuk:t̪ʋ́k1
Andersen 2007b: 50.
Mayak:t̪ʋk1
Andersen 1999c: 72. Quoted as tɔk in [Bender 1971: 272]. Cf. also pɔk 'mouth' in [Andersen 1999c: 3]; semantic difference is unclear.
Shilluk:d̪ɔk1
Heasty 1937: 31. Plural: d̪ɔk-i. Polysemy: 'mouth / language / entrance / door'. Quoted as sg. d̪ɔ́g, pl. d̪ɔ̀g in [Gilley 2000: 1]; as d̪ɔ́k in [Gilley 1992:23]; as sg. d̪ok ~ d̪o, pl. d̪og ~ d̪o 'mouth, muzzle, beak; language, advice, counsel, opinion, order, pronunciation, declaration, statement; beginning, end, border, edge, brim, margin, opening, hole' in [Kohnen 1994: 53].
Andersen 1999e: 265. Quoted as sg. d̪ok, pl. d̪og-i in [Simeoni 1978: 106].
Number:57
Word:name
Nuer:ɕoːʈ1
Kiggen 1948: 63. Plural: ɕoːd. Quoted as sg. ɕiʋʰt, pl. ɕiʋːʰt in [Frank 1999: 87]; as ɕuu̯tʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:rin2
Nebel 1979: 77. Plural: riɛn (only attested in [Duerksen 2005: 151]; according to Nebel, in some dialects the basic form rin already behaves as a formal plural). Quoted as rın ~ rin for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 38].
Reel:rın2
Roettger 1989: 38.
Mabaan:yen-t̪-o2
Miller 2006: 114. Plural: yen-g-o. Quoted as yyɛn-tʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:yʌ̀n̪-t̪ʌ́ŋ2
Andersen 2004: 135, 148. Plural: yʌ̀nt̪ʌ́ŋ-gʌ́. Quoted as yǝn-t̪ǝŋ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:mʋ̀ŋ-gɔ̀n3
Andersen 2007b: 63.
Mayak:mʋŋ-ɔn3
Andersen 2000a: 35. Plural: mʋŋ-ın. Quoted as mɔŋ-ɔn in [Bender 1971: 272]; as moŋ-ɔn in [Storch 2005: 104].
Shilluk:ɲiʰŋ4
Heasty 1937: 67. Quoted as ɲiŋ in [Kohnen 1994: 142]. The word is homonymous with the suppletive plural form of the word 'eye', q.v., but we have no reason to suppose that this is a case of polysemyCf. also ɕyaʰk, pl. ɕyaʰkː-iʰ 'name' in [Gilley 1992: 82] - clearly a nominal derivate from the verbal root ɕaʰk 'to name' [Heasty 1937: 18] = ɕak 'to compose songs, to make poetry, to sing of' [Kohnen 1994: 26], but no such nominal derivates are actually attested in Heasty's or Kohnen's dictionary.
Anywa:ɲɛ̄ŋ4
Reh 1999: 53.
Pari:ɲiŋ4
Simeoni 1978: 106. Not attested in Andersen's papers.
Number:58
Word:neck
Nuer:ŋuak1
Kiggen 1948: 228. Quoted as sg. ŋuaʰk, pl. ŋuæʰk in [Frank 1999: 87]; as ŋʷɔːk in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:yet̪2
Nebel 1979: 97. Quoted as yɛt̪ for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 34]. Additionally, cf. ŋoːk 'nape (of neck)' [Nebel 1979: 64; Duerksen 2005: 134], possibly related to ŋuk 'neck (of fish)' [Duerksen 2005: 136]; and ŋguik 'vertebra (backbone) near the head' [Nebel 1979: 64].
Reel:ŋuɛk1
Roettger 1989: 34.
Mabaan:ɖwaŋ-u3
Miller 2006: 40. Plural: ɖɔːg-gɔ. Quoted as sg. dúaŋ-ʌ́, pl. dɔ̂ːg-gʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 101, Andersen 2006: 11]; as dwɔŋ-ɔ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:dɔ́ŋ3
Andersen 2004: 137. Cf. the possessive: dóŋ-ú 'your neck' [ibid.]. Differently in [Bender 1971: 268]: bǝlbɔl-e 'neck'.
Kurmuk:ɗɔ̀k3
Andersen 2015: 537.
Mayak:ɗɔk3
Andersen 1999c: 22; Bender 1971: 272. Quoted as sg. dɔk, pl. dóːg-én in [Storch 2005: 118].
Shilluk:mut-o ~ mun-o4
Heasty 1937: 61. Plural: mut-i. Quoted as sg. mūd-ɔ̀, pl. mùd in [Gilley 2000: 16]; as mut-o ~ mun 'neck' in [Kohnen 1994: 122]. The alternation between -t- and -n- is irregular and unexplained, but the two forms are still clearly variants rather than different roots.
Anywa:ʓı̄ɛt̪2
Reh 1999: 31. Plural: ʓı́ɛt̪-ı́.
Pari:ŋut5
Simeoni 1978: 106. Plural: ŋud-i. Not attested in any of Andersen's papers.
Number:59
Word:new
Nuer:
Not attested in Kiggen's dictionary (most of the English textual examples with the word 'new' correspond to various idiomatic constructions in Nuer). In [Bender 1971: 271], the meaning 'new' is glossed as miː=paːyʓɛkʰ, where the first morpheme is a relativizer and =paːy-, most likely, is 'moon' q.v., i. e. probably something that has to do with the new moon, cf. Kiggen's pai-ɛ bi tɛd̪i 'at next new moon, next month' [Kiggen 1948: 249], etc., although the last component in Bender's equivalent remains unclear.
Dinka:ɲal1
Nebel 1979: 65. Cf. also the verbal stem yam 'begin, start, found, invent', also functioning as the adjective 'new, modern' [Nebel 1979: 96]. Dialectal equivalents: ʓot 'new' in Jieng [Nebel 1979: 36], possibly related to ʓɵt 'young man' [ibid.]. In [Roettger 1989: 38], the word ɲal is not attested at all. Instead, the situation is as follows: (a) all of the Alor and Rek subdialects feature the form yam; (b) all of the Agar and Bor subdialects feature the form ʓot ~ ʓut; (c) for many of the Padang and Ageer subdialects, the word is not attested at all, but cf. Dongjol and Pan gɔl 'new' = gɔl ɕok 'to begin' in [Nebel 1979: 32]; Ngok-Sobat a=peloi ~ a=peyik (no parallels in [Nebel 1979]). On the whole, this is clearly an unstable item, but only Nebel's ɲal does not have a clearly secondary verbal origin, so we preserve it as the default equivalent.
Reel:
Not attested.
Mabaan:woːn-ɛ2
Miller 2006: 111. Cf. the simple adverbial stem woːn 'recently; newly' [ibid.]. Quoted as wwɔn-ɔ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:a=kik-ɕan-de #3
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. Initial a= is probably a copula.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:a=keɕ3
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:ɲaʰn1
Heasty 1937: 65.
Anywa:ɲʌ̀ːn1
Reh 1999: 52. Qualifying verb. Plural stem: ɲʌ́r-ó.
Pari:ɲʌ̀ːn1
Andersen 1988a: 94. Quoted as ɲʌn in [Simeoni 1978: 106]. The same source adds ando as a synonym [ibid.].
Number:60
Word:night
Nuer:waːr1
Kiggen 1948: 323. Quoted as sg. wæːʰr, pl. wæːʰr-iʰ in [Frank 1999: 87]; as wæːˤr in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:wɛr1
Nebel 1979: 93. In [Roettger 1989: 37], this item is only listed as wɛːʰr ~ wɛːʰ for the Ruweng subdialect, and as an alternate synonym wɛʰːr ~ wɛʰr for the Rek proper and Twic subdialects of Rek. For all the subdialects except for Ruweng, a different form is attested: wakou ~ wɔkɔu ~ wakɔu ~ mɔkɔu, corresponding to wakɔu 'at night' [Nebel 1979: 91], i.e. a special adverbial form. Roettger's wordlists make it impossible to understand if the noted form is a former adverb that has replaced the original noun in all these dialects, or if it is still an adverb, glossed instead of the required noun.
Reel:wɛr1
Roettger 1989: 37. Quoted as wɛ́ɛːʰr in [Reid 2010: 55].
Mabaan:nin2
Miller 2006: 79. Plural: nin-ko. Differently in [Bender 1971: 269]: aɕa 'night' (not confirmed in Miller's dictionary). Cf. also the adverbial form weːnʓi 'in the night' [Miller 2006: 107].
Jumjum:wir-in #1
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:wʌːr-in1
Andersen 1999c: 22. Quoted as sg. wár-ìn, pl. wàr-dín in [Storch 2005: 111]. Differently in [Bender 1971: 272]: aban 'night'.
Shilluk:waʰr ~ waːʰ1
Heasty 1937: 99, 101. Quoted as war in [Kohnen 1994: 206].
Anywa:wʌ̀ʌ́r1
Reh 1999: 80. Plural: wʌ́rr-é.
Pari:wʌ́ʌ̏r1
Andersen 1999e: 265.
Number:61
Word:nose
Nuer:wum1
Kiggen 1948: 330. Plural: wuːm-ni. Quoted as sg. wum, pl. wuːm in [Frank 1999: 88]; as wʋm in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:wum1
Nebel 1979: 94. The plural form is listed as wuːm in [Duerksen 2005: 187]. Quoted as wum for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33].
Reel:wum1
Roettger 1989: 33.
Mabaan:ʔwum-gu1
Miller 2006: 112. Plural form, glossed in the dictionary as 'noses'; however, a more correct glossing would be 'nostrils (pl.) = nose (sg.)', cf. the notation ʔûʌm-mʌ̀ 'nostril' in [Andersen 1999a: 101]. Quoted as wʋm-gʋ in [Bender 1971: 269]. The form liːɛ̂ɲ-ʌ̀, glossed as 'nose' in [Andersen 2006: 8] = liɛːɲ-u 'bridge of nose' in [Miller 2006: 66].
Jumjum:om-don-de #1
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:ʔʋ́m-bɔ́n1
Andersen 2007b: 59.
Mayak:ʔum-ʌn1
Andersen 2000a: 35. Plural: ʔum-ak. Quoted as om-an in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. ʔúm, pl. ʔúm-àk in [Storch 2005: 121].
Andersen 1988a: 67. Quoted as sg. um, pl. umb-i in [Simeoni 1978: 106].
Number:62
Word:not
Nuer:=V̄-1
Kiggen 1948: 48, 54, 55. The most standard way of expressing negation in a Nuer sentence is raising of intonation on the pronominal marker in the verbal construction. Cf. the examples in [Nyang 2013: 63]: č-ɛ̀ mìt̪ 'he ate' vs. č-ɛ̄ mīt̪ 'he cannot eat' (where č- is the perfective marker and -ɛ is the 3rd p. sg. marker). In Kiggen's dictionary, this is reflected in the form of dictionary entries ɕ=à "neg. part. 1st pers. sing.", ɕ=è ~ ɕ=ì "particle used for negative past tense", as opposed to "unaccented" ɕ=a, ɕ=e ~ ɕ=i for the corresponding affirmative forms.
Dinka:ɕi ~ a=ɕi1
Nebel 1979: 3, 19. This is the basic negative particle for present (non-perfect) tense forms (a=ɕi bɔ 'he does not come'). In [Andersen 2007: 95], it is glossed as ɕèʰ ~ à=ɕèʰ. In [Roettger 1989: 30], this is the most common equivalent for basic negation, usually glossed as a=ɕi ~ a=ɕie, more rarely as a=ɕi-n, a=ɕieyɛ, a=ɕeyɛ-n, a=ɕı-n. In a few dialects, most notably some subdialects of Agar and Bor, the form a=liu 'not' is listed as an additional synonym. This form is cognate with the negative verb liu 'be absent, missing; not to be' in [Nebel 1979: 50] and is probably not eligible for the position of basic negation.
Reel:t̪iɛl3
Roettger 1989: 30. Quoted as =t̪íl- in [Reid 2010: 164], where the morpheme is described as a negation particle (morphologically, it seems to be incorporated within the verbal form).
Mabaan:bɛː4
Miller 2006: 6. Quoted as bɛ̂ː in [Andersen 1992: 186].
Jumjum:
Not attested.
Kurmuk:áná5
Andersen 2015: 514.
Mayak:
Not attested.
Shilluk:pa ~ ba6
Heasty 1937: 12, 80. Negative particle. Quoted as pa ~ fa in [Kohnen 1994: 155].
Anywa:bà6
Reh 1999: 9. Negative particle, used with verbs in the imperfective aspect.
Pari:bàá6
Andersen 1988c: 315. Negative particle, used with verbs in the imperfective (non-completive) aspect. Quoted as ba in [Simeoni 1978: 49].
Number:62
Word:not
Nuer:ke2
Kiggen 1948: 138. Glossed as "neg. past act. partic."; seems to correspond to the negative particle that is glossed in [Nyong 2013: 63, 64] as kı́n-. The semantic difference between simple tone lowering and this special particle is not well understood.
Dinka:keɕ2
Nebel 1979: 39. This is the basic negative particle for perfective tense forms (a=keɕ bɛ-n 'he did not come'). In [Andersen 2007: 95], it is glossed as kêːʰɕ and identified as an auxiliary verb.
Reel:
Mabaan:
Jumjum:
Kurmuk:
Mayak:
Shilluk:
Anywa:kɛ̀r2
Reh 1999: 36. Auxiliary verb, used in the past tense and in the prohibitive function.
Pari:kı́rı̀ ~ kı́ı̀2
Andersen 1988c: 314. Auxiliary verb, used in completive constructions. Described as "the neg. particle 'k + vowel + r + vowel'" for past tense constructions in [Simeoni 1978: 50].
Number:63
Word:one
Nuer:kɛl1
Kiggen 1948: 141. Quoted as kʰɛl in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:tok2
Nebel 1979: 84. Consistently listed as tok for all subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 31].
Reel:kɛl1
Roettger 1989: 31.
Mabaan:ɕyɛːlɔ1
Miller 2006: 29. Quoted as ɕiːɛ́lɔ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 104]; as ɕɛlɔ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:kɛ́ːlɔ̀k1
Andersen 2004: 142. Quoted as kɛ́lòkʰ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:kɛ̀ːl1
Andersen 2015: 541.
Mayak:a=kɛl #1
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:a=kyɛl ~ a=ɕyɛl1
Heasty 1937: 7. Quoted as a=kyel in [Kohnen 1994: 6].
Anywa:ā=ɕı́ɛ̀l1
Reh 1999: 2. Without the prefix, cf. the noun ɕı̀ɛl 'solitariness' [Reh 1999: 16].
Pari:à=ɕıɛ̀lɔ́ #1
Andersen 1989: 9. Quoted as a=ɕyelo in [Simeoni 1978: 31]. The same source also lists toːk as an alternate synonym, "presumably taken from Dinka".
Number:64
Word:person
Nuer:raːn1
Kiggen 1948: 265. Suppletive plural: naːd̪. Quoted as sg. raːn, pl. naːt̪ in [Frank 1999: 88]; as rrɛn in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:raːn1
Nebel 1979: 75. Suppletive plural: kɔɕ. Quoted as sg. raàːn, pl. kɔ́ɕ in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Cf. also ʓaŋ, pl. ʓieŋ 'people, Jange tribe, tribesman' [Nebel 1979: 35].
Reel:nwɛ̂ɛːr #2
Reid 2010: 18. Suppletive plural: nêːy [Reid 2010: 33]. Only the plural form is attested in Roettger's materials, quoted as nei 'people' in [Roettger 1989: 38].
Mabaan:me-ni ~ me-na3
Miller 2006: 73. Plural: ma ~ ma-ka. Quoted as sg. mé-nʌ́, pl. má-kʌ́ in [Andersen 1999a: 102]; as mɛ-n̪n̪u in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:mɛ̀n3
Andersen 2004: 137. Quoted as mɛn in [Bender 1971: 268].
Andersen 1999c: 66. Quoted as t̪aːrɔk in [Bender 1971: 272]; as t̪arɔ́k in [Storch 2005: 114], with suppletive plural ʔʋ̀lʌ̀l.
Shilluk:d̪an̪-o5
Heasty 1937: 30. Polysemy: 'person / child, baby'. Suppletive plurals: (a) tɛdo 'people' [Heasty 1937: 91]; (b) ʓi, with the accompanying note: "tɛdo is a more general term than ʓi; ʓi are generally known to the people discussing them" [Heasty 1937: 39]. Quoted as sg. d̪ān̪ɔ̀, pl. ʓī in [Gilley 2000: 19]; as d̪an-o, pl. ʓi 'human creature, person, man, woman, child; one, somebody, anyone, someone' in [Kohnen 1994: 51]. Cf. also ŋan 'person (the person is someone not known)' [Heasty 1937: 70] = ŋān 'person' [Gilley 1992: 23] = ŋan 'anyone who, the one that, who' [Kohnen 1994: 131].
Anywa:d̪àːn-ɔ́5
Reh 1999: 20. Suppletive plural: ʓɛ̀y 'people'.
Pari:d̪áːn̪-ɔ́5
Andersen 1999e: 265. Suppletive plural: ʓìy 'people' [Andersen 1999e: 254]. Quoted as d̪an̪-o, pl. ʓou 'man' in [Simeoni 1978: 105].
Number:65
Word:rain
Nuer:n̪ial1
Kiggen 1948: 234. Plural: n̪il-i. Polysemy: 'rain / weather'. Quoted as niyaːl in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:deʰŋ2
Nebel 1979: 23. Polysemy: 'rain / thunderstorm / rainy season'. Cf. also Deŋ 'ancestor of the Jang and Jieng tribes and worshipped; believed to have been taken to heaven during a storm' [Nebel 1979: 24]. Quoted as dèːʰŋ in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Quoted as deŋ for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 36]. In [Duerksen 2005: 43], the paradigm for several dialects is quoted as sg. deŋ, pl. dɘŋ, with polysemy: 'rain / sky' (although the usual word for 'sky' is n̪iaʰl [Nebel 1979: 65] = n̪ial [Duerksen 2005: 129]).
Reel:kot̪3
Roettger 1989: 36. Quoted as kwôt̪ in [Reid 2010: 56].
Mabaan:ɲaːl-o1
Miller 2006: 82. Plural: ɲol-d̪in. Quoted as ɲaːl-u in [Bender 1971: 269]. Cf. also koːriya 'rain; west' in [Miller 2006: 59].
Jumjum:ɲál-1
Andersen 2004: 145. The exact quoted form is plural: ɲál-kʌ̀ 'rains'. Quoted as ɲaːl in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:kʋ̀t̪4
Andersen 2007b: 41; Andersen 2015: 518.
Mayak:kɔt #4
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Andersen 1988a: 67. Quoted as kot̪ in [Simeoni 1978: 108].
Number:66
Word:red
Nuer:loal1
Kiggen 1948: 179. Quoted as =lwal in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:lual1
Nebel 1979: 52. Nominal form; the complete adjectival form is ma=lual. The dialectal equivalent in Bor is glossed as ɕir [Nebel 1979: 20]. Cf. also t̪it̪ 'reddish, rose colour' [Nebel 1979: 88]. In [Roettger 1989: 37], the situation is as follows: (a) lual ~ ma=lual 'red' is only listed as an alternate synonym for the Gɔk subdialect of Agar, the Ngɔk subdialect of Ageer, the Twic subdialect of Bor, and the Malual ('Red') subdialect of Rek; (b) the most frequent equivalent for 'red' is t̪it̪ ~ t̪it ~ t̪iːt̪ ~ t̪iɛt ~ t̪iɛt̪ ~ tiɛt̪ ~ a=t̪it̪ ~ kʋ=t̪it̪ ~ kɛ=t̪it̪ ~ kɘ=t̪it̪, attested in one of these variants everywhere except for Gɔk; (c) another rare equivalent is a=luat ~ kɘ=luat (Gɔk and Agar proper subdialects of Agar) = luat 'become reddish, yellow' [Nebel 1979: 52]. Judging by external comparanda (Nuer), lual is clearly the most archaic equivalent for 'red', and it remains unclear if Roettger's semantic glossing is perfectly accurate and whether (b) does not really denote some specific shade of 'red'.
Reel:lual1
Roettger 1989: 37.
Mabaan:t̪it̪-t̪id̪2
Miller 2006: 98. Reduplicated stem. Cf. also t̪i-nna 'very red' [ibid.]. Quoted as tìd̪-án in [Andersen 1992: 203]; as t̪it̪id̪ʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:t̪id̪-aŋ #2
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:mı́ɲ-3
Andersen 2007b: 73.
Mayak:mɛɲ-mɛɲ #3
Bender 1971: 272. Reduplicated stem. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers, but cf. mı́ɲ-ɔ̀n 'redness', mı́ŋ-mı́ŋ 'red' (ŋ may be a typo for ɲ) in [Storch 2005: 103].
Shilluk:kwar4
Heasty 1937: 48; Kohnen 1994: 90.
Anywa:kwáːr4
Reh 1999: 40. Qualitative verb. Plural: kwáy-ɔ́.
Pari:kwʌ̀ʌ̏r4
Andersen 1999e: 270. Quoted as kwar, pl. kwayy-o in [Simeoni 1978: 108].
Number:67
Word:road
Nuer:duɔb1
Kiggen 1948: 87. Plural: dup. Meaning glossed as 'path, road'. Quoted as duʔpʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:d̪ɵl2
Nebel 1979: 28. Plural: d̪ol. Meaning glossed as 'path, road; way'. Cf. the dialectal form puor 'cleaned road' in the Agar dialect = 'cultivation, farming' in the other dialects [Nebel 1979: 72]; this word is quoted as sg. puôːʰr, pl. piàːʰr 'road' in [Andersen 1987: 15]. Cf. also Agar and Rueng kuer 'road, path, river' < kuer 'to flow, run (water), leak' [Nebel 1979: 44]; this word is quoted as kuèːʰr 'path' in [Andersen 1987: 15]. In [Roettger 1989: 36], the situation is as follows: all the subdialects of Padang-Ageer, as well as the Luac subdialect of Rek, the Twic and Nyarweng subdialects of Bor, and most of the subdialects of Agar, have kuer ~ kuɛr ~ kuɛʰr 'path'; the variant d̪ɘl ~ d̪ɛl ~ dɘl is essentially confined to most of the subdialects of Rek, the Bor proper subdialect of Bor, and (as an additional synonym) some of the subdialects of Agar. It is unclear, as usual, just how accurate this representation is, but at least the information on Rek seems to be consistent with the information in Nebel's dictionary (where the main focus is also on the Rek dialect).
Reel:kuɛr3
Roettger 1989: 36.
Mabaan:pɔy4
Miller 2006: 93. Plural: pɔː-ko. Meaning glossed as 'path'. Quoted as sg. pʌ́y-ʌ́, pl. pɔ̂ː-kʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 14]; as pɔy-ʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:pʌ́y4
Andersen 2004: 141. Meaning glossed as 'path'. Quoted as pǝi in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:pʋr4
Andersen 1999d: 3. Plural: pʋːr-ın [Andersen 2006: 16]. Quoted as pɔr in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:yo5
Heasty 1937: 108. Plural: yieʰt̪. Quoted as sg. yoː, pl. yeʰːt̪ in [Gilley 1992: 86]; as sg. yōó, pl. yēèd̪ in [Gilley 2000: 6]; as sg. yo, pl. yiet̪ in [Kohnen 1994: 222].
Andersen 1988: 72. Meaning glossed as 'road'. Quoted as a=lola 'path' in [Simeoni 1978: 107]. The same source also lists yoː 'path' as a synonym. The latter is clearly the old equivalent for this notion, as confirmed by external Luo data; however, it is never found in any of Andersen's papers, and it remains unclear if its meaning has narrowed down or become figurative in modern Päri. Additionally, cf. gʌr 'path' in [Andersen 1988b: 303].
Number:68
Word:root
Nuer:mie-t̪1
Kiggen 1948: 201. Plural: mit̪. Polysemy: 'roots of plant / feelers of fish'. Quoted as mei- in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:mei1
Nebel 1979: 57. Polysemy: 'root / tendril of climbing plants'. Quoted as sg. meèːy, pl. mêːy in [Andersen 2002: 21]. Phonetic variants of this root in [Roettger 1989: 32] include mei ~ meʰi ~ meːi ~ meːiʰ.
Reel:miɛ-t̪1
Roettger 1989: 32.
Mabaan:bɛːŋ-ɲan ~ bɛːŋ-nɛ2
Miller 2006: 7. Plural: bɛː-kɛ. Miller notes the presence of the more rare equivalent bɛːk-ɕan in the speech of younger people; this is probably an analogical innovation based on the re-analyzed plural form bɛː-kɛ. Quoted as bɛ̀ːŋ-ɲán in [Andersen 1992: 192]. Cf. also kerke 'root' in [Bender 1971: 269], corresponding to kɛrkɛ 'branches of tree' in [Miller 2006: 56].
Jumjum:bìːɕ-ɕàn2
Andersen 2004: 156. Quoted as biɕ-an in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:biːr-it̪2
Andersen 1999c: 83. Plural: bıːr. Quoted as ber-it̪ in [Bender 1971: 83]. Clearly the same word (sg. bìr-it̪, pl. bır) is listed in [Storch 2005: 107] in different meanings, allowing to postulate polysemy: 'root / vein / sinew / muscle'. (She does list a separate pl. biːr, sg. bir-it̪ 'root' on p. 108, but considering the frequency of such a polysemy, it is reasonable to suggest that this is really the same word).
Shilluk:byɛr-o2
Heasty 1937: 18. Plural: byɛr-i. Polysemy: 'root / source (of smth.)'. Cf. also tyɛl-o 'foot', with polysemy: 'foot / foundation / root' [Heasty 1937: 96], although the English-Shilluk part of the dictionary explicitly states that byɛr-o is 'root of plants'. Quoted as sg. byèːr-ɔ̀, pl. byēr in [Gilley 1992: 82]; sg. byɛr-o, pl. byɛr-i 'root; womb, afterbirth' in [Kohnen 1994: 25].
Anywa:lwɛ́ːd-ɔ́3
Reh 1999: 45. Plural: lwɛ̀ːd-ı́. Polysemy: 'finger / root'. The old root bìer-ò seems to have only been preserved in the meaning 'placenta, afterbirth' [Reh 1999: 10].
Pari:
Not attested.
Number:69
Word:round
Nuer:roŋ-roŋ1
Kiggen 1948: 280. Cf. another reduplicated stem with the same meaning: gul-gul ~ gɔl-gɔl 'round, rolled up' [Kiggen 1948: 116].
Dinka:roŋ-roŋ1
Nebel 1979: 79. Cf. roŋ 'stone of a fruit; nut' [ibid.].
Reel:
Not attested.
Mabaan:kuor-kwor #2
Miller 2006: 62. Reduplicated adjectival stem. Meaning glossed as "rounded" (as in "the back of the kola shell is rounded"), so the inclusion is somewhat dubious.
Jumjum:
Not attested.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:
Not attested.
Shilluk:a=duːlo3
Heasty 1937: 4. Noun and adjective ('round, circular; a ring or circle'). Quoted as a=dulo 'round, circular; cipher, zero' in [Kohnen 1994: 4].
Anywa:
Not attested.
Pari:à=duːnd-ò4
Andersen 1988b: 308. Meaning glossed as 'round thing' (nominal). However, the same word is quoted as a=dundo 'round' in [Simeoni 1978: 109].
Number:70
Word:sand
Nuer:lied1
Kiggen 1948: 175. Plural: lid. Quoted as sg. liɛt, pl. lit in [Frank 1999: 88]; as lʸɛtʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:liɛt1
Nebel 1979: 49. Polysemy: 'dust / sand'. Quoted as liɛɛ́ːt 'sand' in [Andersen 1987: 16]; as sg. liɛːt, pl. lit in [Duerksen 2005: 101]. Quoted as liɛt ~ liɛʰt ~ liɛːt ~ liɛːʰt for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 36].
Reel:liɛt1
Roettger 1989: 36.
Mabaan:ŋɔm-mɛ2
Miller 2006: 81. Plural: ŋom-gɔ ~ ŋɔp. Quoted as ŋɔm-ʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:tı́ŋ-àl3
Andersen 2004: 155. Quoted as tɛŋal in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:teŋ-ɔl3
Bender 1971: 272. Quoted as teːŋ-ɔ̀l (collective), teːŋ-ɔ̀l-ɛ́t̪ (singulative) in [Storch 2005: 108]; cf. also the plural form teːŋ-it̪ 'heaps of sand' [ibid.], allowing to segment out -ɔl as a suffix. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:kwɔʰʓ-o4
Heasty 1937: 49. Meaning glossed as 'sand' or 'sandy soil'. Quoted as sg. kwōʓ-ɔ̀, pl. kwóòʓ in [Gilley 2000: 11]; as kwiʓ-o ~ kuoʓ-o in [Kohnen 1994: 93].
Andersen 1989: 17. Plural form; the singulative is ŋòːm-ó. Quoted as ŋom in [Simeoni 1978: 109]. The same source also adds 'earth' as an additional meaning, although the word is not found in this meaning in any of Andersen's papers.
Number:71
Word:say
Nuer:weːɣ1
Kiggen 1948: 320. 3rd p. sg.: waːɣ-a. This is the main verb that introduces direct speech, distinct from several other verbs with meanings closer to 'tell', 'inform', etc., e. g. lar 'to say, to recommend' [Kiggen 1948: 168]. The latter is listed in [Bender 1971: 271] as larre 'to say', but Kiggen's data show that it is hardly eligible for inclusion.
Dinka:luel2
Nebel 1979: 53. Polysemy: 'to say / to think'. Distinct from lek 'to tell, order (a person)', lɛk 'to say (tell)' [Nebel 1979: 48], cf. also in [Duerksen 2005: 99]: lek 'to confess, order, tell (a person)', lɛk 'informing; information' (noun). Phonetic variants luɛl ~ luel (also luıl in the Nyarweng subdialect of Bor) are attested in the majority of dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 35]. For the Luac subdialect of Rek and the Aliab subdialect of Agar, the same source lists ʓam as the default equivalent; in [Nebel 1979: 35], this verb is glossed with the meaning 'talk, speak', and it is uncertain how accurate the semantic glossing in [Roettger 1989: 35] actually is.
Reel:lad-ɛ3
Roettger 1989: 35.
Mabaan:gɔk-4
Miller 2006: 45. Morphophonological variants of the root include gwag-, gwaŋ-, gɔː-, gɔːg-. Cf. gɔ́k-ʌ̀ 'I say', gûːag-ɛ́ 'they said' in [Andersen 1999a: 111]. Quoted as gɔk-t̪i in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ʓaʓ-ǝ #5
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:ʓay-ar #5
Bender 1971: 272. Probably a nominalized form. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:kop ~ ko6
Heasty 1937: 45. Participial form: kob-o. Quoted as ko ~ kop ~ kob-o 'to say, to speak, to tell; to think, to imagine' in [Kohnen 1994: 85]. Cf. yi kob adi "what did you say?", etc. Another equivalent is ɕa ~ ɕama 'to say' [Kohnen 1994: 26], often used to introduce direct speech; but it seems to be limited to specific bound contexts, and is not at all found in this meaning in [Heasty 1937].
Anywa:kóː6
Reh 1999: 37. The semantically close verb wāːɕ 'to say smth., to speak, to talk, to tell smth.', judging by the examples, is more frequently used in the latter meanings than in the function of the most basic direct speech marker [Reh 1999: 80].
Pari:kʋɔb-6
Andersen 2000b: 77. Quoted as kob-o in [Simeoni 1978: 109].
Number:72
Word:see
Nuer:nen1
Kiggen 1948: 212. 3rd p. sg.: nɛːn-ɛ. Intransitive verb; the transitive correlate 'to examine, inspect, witness' is listed as nɛn, 3rd p. sg. nɛn-ɛ [ibid.]. Quoted as nɛːn-i in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:tiŋ2
Nebel 1979: 83. Polysemy: 'to see / to look'. Quoted as tîːʰŋ in the phrase "the woman saw the girls" in [Andersen 1987: 22]. Quoted as tiŋ ~ tıŋ for the majority of dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 34], but a couple alternate synonyms are attested as well: (a) the Ruweng subdialect has daʰi 'see' instead of tiŋ, and the form dai is also listed as an alternate synonym for tiŋ in Agar; in [Nebel 1979: 22], the word daʰi is glossed as 'look at, observe'; (b) in the Aliab subdialect of Agar, the equivalent is ŋem, and the form ŋɛm is also listed as an alternate synonym for tiŋ in the Bor proper subdialect of Bor; this form finds no equivalent in Nebel's dictionary.
Reel:ʓuiɕ3
Roettger 1989: 34.
Mabaan:yuar-4
Miller 2006: 121. Quoted as yûːar- in [Andersen 1992: 197]. Differently in [Bender 1971: 269]: gɔr-ɕa 'see' = gɔr-ɕa 'look at, see' [Miller 2006: 46].
Jumjum:yɔ̀ːr-rʋ́4
Andersen 2004: 145. Nominalized form. Quoted as yɔr-ro in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:d̪áːm-5
Andersen 2015: 519. Cf. also ʔɔ́ːk- 'to see', attested in one textual example in [Andersen 2015: 550]; difference between the two items remains unclear.
Mayak:
Not properly attested. Cf. ɔukud̪ar 'see' in [Bender 1971: 272], a form with unclear morphological segmentation.
Shilluk:nen ~ nɛn1
Heasty 1937: 63. Meaning glossed as 'look at, see, expect, look for, wait for'. Quoted as nen 'to see, to look; to live, to feel; to wait for' in [Kohnen 1994: 125].
Anywa:ʓʋ̀ːt3
Reh 1999: 33. Detransitivized form: ʓít-ó. Cf. also nɛːn 'to see (smth.), to look (at smth./smbd.)' [Reh 1999: 51]. Text examples in [Reh 1996] show clearly that ʓʋ̀ːt is the main equivalent for 'to see'; nɛːn seems to have more of a directional meaning ('to look').
Pari:nɛːn1
Andersen 1989: 13. Quoted as nen-o 'look' in [Simeoni 1978: 105]. Textual examples in Andersen's papers clearly show that the word is the basic equivalent for both 'to see' and 'to look'.
Number:73
Word:seed
Nuer:kuai1
Kiggen 1948: 154. Polysemy: 'seed / remnants (of cloth)'. Quoted as kʷai in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:kau1
Nebel 1979: 39. Plural: kɔ-t̪. Quoted as sg. káːʰw, pl. kɔ́ːʰ-t̪ in [Andersen 1987: 15]. Cf. also t̪eːl, pl. t̪ɛl 'seed' in [Duerksen 2005: 171] (not confirmed in Nebel's dictionary). In [Roettger 1989: 32], singular and plural variants are listed rather chaotically across dialects; singulative variants include kau ~ kauʰ, and plural variants include kɔt̪ ~ kɔʰt̪ ~ kɔʰːt̪. Only in the Ruweng subdialect, instead of this common root, we find ɲın 'eye' in the meaning 'seed'.
Reel:kuai1
Roettger 1989: 32. Listed as kɔ-t̪ / kuai, where the first form is probably plural (see external parallels in Dinka).
Mabaan:kɛːy #1
Miller 2006: 56. Meaning glossed as 'seed (e.g. pumpkin)'. Singulative: kɛː-ɲan. Differently in [Bender 1971: 269]: pʸeɕa 'seed' (cf. pyeɕɕa bora 'to spread out' in [Miller 2006: 95]).
Andersen 2000a: 33. Plural: kʌp. Quoted as kab in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:kɔʰ-t̪1
Heasty 1937: 95. Quoted as kod̪ ~ koːd̪ in [Kohnen 1994: 85]. The form seems to be a plurale tantum.
Anywa:kú-nnʰó1
Reh 1999: 38. Plural: kòː-d̪ì.
Pari:kô-n̪n̪ó1
Andersen 1989: 5.
Number:74
Word:sit
Nuer:ɲuːr1
Kiggen 1948: 244. 3rd p. sg.: ɲuːr-ɛ. Quoted as ɲuːr-i in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:ɲuɕ1
Nebel 1979: 67. Meaning glossed as 'sit, sit down, establish'. Cf. also t̪oɕ 'to sit down; to be buried alive', listed in [Duerksen 2005: 174] for the Northwestern dialect; it corresponds to t̪ɔɕ 'to squat (on tiptoe)' in [Nebel 1979: 88]. Most of the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 35] have the variant ɲuɕ; only in the Agar proper subdialect of Agar the attested form is ɲɔʓ-ɛ.
Reel:ɲuɲi1
Roettger 1989: 35.
Mabaan:ɕi-2
Miller 2006: 20, 22. Quoted stems include ɕi-en, ɕiy-o, ɕoː-n. Quoted as ɕǝɕa in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ɕʌ́ːy-2
Andersen 2004: 147. Quoted as ɕǝ-ʓinʔiɲi in [Bender 1971: 268] (unclear morphological composition).
Kurmuk:kı́ː #2
Not attested properly, but cf. t̪aːrak kɪː kʌ d̪ɔːl "the man is sitting", literally "the man is staying on [his] anus" [Andersen 2015: 515]; this example shows that the general meaning of 'sitting' is rendered by the verb kı́ː 'to stay, be located' with certain nominal-adverbial modifiers.
Mayak:ke-kɛr #2
Bender 1971: 272. Probably a nominalized form. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:pek3
Heasty 1937: 82. Participial form: pek-o. Quoted as pek-o, also pek-a piɲ (where piɲ = 'earth' q.v.) 'to sit down' in [Kohnen 1994: 158].
Anywa:pì-pɛ̄ɲ3
Reh 1999: 66. The verbal root is pì; pɛ̄ɲ is the nominal modifier 'earth' q.v.
Pari:piːni-piɲ #3
Simeoni 1978: 110. The second word is 'earth, ground'. Additional synonym: bed-o [ibid.]. Not attested in any of Andersen's papers.
Number:75
Word:skin
Nuer:guɔb1
Kiggen 1948: 116. Plural: guːp. Meaning glossed as 'skin; leather'; cf. guɔb waŋ 'eye lid' (lit. = 'skin (of) eye'), showing that the word is applicable to humans. Quoted as sg. guɔʰp, pl. guːp in [Frank 1999: 88]. Different equivalent listed in [Bender 1971: 271]: kɛl 'skin'. No such word is found in Kiggen's dictionary, but cf. perhaps kol 'skin of animal' [Kiggen 1948: 149], not applicable to humans.
Dinka:dɛl2
Nebel 1979: 23. Meaning glossed as 'skin (of men)'. Distinct from bioːk 'skin, hide' (animal) [Nebel 1979: 16]. Cf., however, dɛ̂ːʰl 'skin' in [Andersen 1987: 25], quoted in the sentence "the man is giving a skin" (this shows that in at least some dialects, such as Agar, the word is also applicable to animal skin). Phonetic variants of the root in [Roettger 1989: 32] include dɛl ~ dɛʰl, also dɛn in one subdialect of Padang. The form biok ~ bioʰk is listed as an alternate synonym for three additional subdialects, and the form guop is listed as an alternate synonym only for the Abiliang subdialect of Padang; it corresponds to guop, pl. gup 'body, oneself' in [Nebel 1979: 34], and, although clearly cognate with Nuer guɔb 'skin', cannot be judged as a lexicostatistical match with Nuer.
Reel:guop1
Roettger 1989: 32. Quoted as gwɔ̂ʰp in [Reid 2010: 30].
Mabaan:bɛː-nan3
Miller 2006: 6. Plural: bey-yo. Quoted as sg. bɛ̂ː-nán, pl. bɛ̂y-yʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 5]. Differently in [Bender 1971: 269]: minwarɛ 'skin' (an unclear compound form).
Jumjum:bɔ́n̪-n̪àn3
Andersen 2004: 139. Plural: bɔ́y-gʋ̀. Quoted as bɔ-n̪ɔn-de in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:rɔdɛ #4
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:del2
Heasty 1937: 24; Kohnen 1994: 42. Polysemy: 'skin / hide / body / whip made of hippo hide'.
Anywa:pìen5
Reh 1999: 66. Plural: péːn-è. Meaning glossed as '(thin) skin'. Distinct from '(thick) skin': sg. kùot, pl. kóːd-é [Reh 1999: 38]. It is unclear which of these two terms should be considered the default one for denoting human skin, but since the second term is also glossed as 'hide', it might be presumed that it more often refers to animal than human skin.
Pari:dèːl2
Andersen 1988a: 67. Plural: dènd-ì [Andersen 1989: 4]. Quoted as sg. del, pl. dend-i in [Simeoni 1978: 110]. The same source also adds sg. pien, pl. peːn-e as a synonym.
Number:76
Word:sleep
Nuer:nien1
Kiggen 1948: 214. 3rd p. sg.: niːn-ɛ. Quoted as niyɛn in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:niːn1
Nebel 1979: 61. The nominal equivalent is nin 'sleep (n.)' [ibid.]. Attested as niːn ~ nin in all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 35].
Reel:niɛn1
Roettger 1989: 35.
Mabaan:niːn1
Miller 2006: 79. Cf. also nin-d̪o 'to lie down, sleep, stay (e.g. overnight)' [ibid.]. Quoted as nin-kʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ʔɔ́ːt̪- #2
Andersen 2004: 154. Attested in the phrase "but he is not sleeping". Differently in [Bender 1971: 268]: nin-kǝ 'sleep' (probably a verbal noun). The fact that Bender's alternative is etymologically supported with data from Mabaan and Buruun makes Andersen's entry somewhat dubious; however, pending the publication of more accurate data on Jumjum, we go along with Andersen's selection since this is our primary source.
Andersen 2000a: 31. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'. Quoted as nen-e in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:nɛn1
Heasty 1937: 63. Quoted as nenn-o 'to sleep, to fall asleep' in [Kohnen 1994: 126].
Anywa:bút-ó2
Reh 1999: 12. Intransitive verb.
Pari:bùt-ò2
Andersen 1988c: 304. Attested in the phrase lwàːk bùt-ò kı́ wʌ́ːr ̀"people sleep at night". Quoted as but-o in [Simeoni 1978: 110]. The latter source also lists nin-e as a synonym, but it looks like the lexical distribution between these two forms in Päri might be the same as in Anywa ('lie' vs. 'sleep').
Number:77
Word:small
Nuer:tɔ-t1
Kiggen 1948: 301. Adverbial and adjectival stem (ke=tɔ-t 'a little, a while'; me=tɔ-t, pl. te=toa-ni 'small'). Quoted as =tʰɔtʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:t̪i1
Nebel 1979: 86. Plural: t̪iː. Cf. also kor 'be small, little, young' [Nebel 1979: 42] (applied not only to age, cf. the example "the cloth is too small"; however, the primary semantics of this stem seems to refer to more abstract qualities than physical size). It is only this second root, however, that is listed as the equivalent for 'small' in [Roettger 1989: 31]: kor ~ kur ~ a=kor ~ a=koːr ~ kǝ=kor.
Reel:i=ɕiut2
Roettger 1989: 31.
Mabaan:ɖier-ɖier3
Miller 2006: 36. Reduplicated stem. Quoted as diɛr-ɕe in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:dɛ́ːd-3
Andersen 2004: 142. The listed form is dɛ́ːd-àŋ 'it is small'. Quoted as dɛd-aŋ in [Bender 1971: 142].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak: lɛke #4
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. Cf. tʋ́l-ɔ̀k 'smallness' in [Storch 2005: 114].
Shilluk:t̪in̪1
Heasty 1937: 98. Plural: t̪ɛn̪-i ~ t̪ɔn̪-o. Quoted as t̪îʰn̪ in [Gilley 1992: 23]; as t̪in, pl. t̪onn-o ~ t̪onn-i ~ t̪enn-i in [Kohnen 1994: 198]. Cf. also ɲa, pl. ɲwɔli 'small' (prepositional adjective, seemingly acting as a diminutive morpheme or having the meaning 'young') [Heasty 1937: 65].
Anywa:t̪ı̀ı́n̪1
Reh 1999: 75. Qualitative verb. Plural: t̪ɛ́r-ɔ́. Cf. the reduplicated stem: t̪ı̀ːn̪-t̪ı́ːn̪ 'to be very small, to be tiny'.
Pari:t̪ı̀ːn̪1
Andersen 1988a: 94. Cf. t̪ı̀n̪ 'be few' (with a short vowel) [ibid.]. Quoted as t̪in̪ 'small' in [Simeoni 1978: 110].
Number:78
Word:smoke
Nuer:toːl1
Kiggen 1948: 299. Pl.: toɔl. Quoted as tʰol in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:tol1
Nebel 1979: 84. Quoted as tòːl, pl. twɔ̀ːl in [Andersen 1987: 4; Andersen 2002: 6]. Quoted as tol ~ toʰl for all the subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 36].
Reel:tol1
Roettger 1989: 36.
Mabaan:ʓie-n2
Miller 2006: 50. Plural: ʓie-t̪an. Quoted as ʓɛ-nu in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ʓe-ŋǝ #2
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:riː-t2
Andersen 1999c: 3. Quoted as rɛ-t̪ in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:yiʰr-o2
Heasty 1937: 108. Quoted as ir-o ~ yir-o in [Kohnen 1994: 69].
Anywa:ʓìr-ò2
Reh 1999: 31. Polysemy: 'smoke / steam'.
Pari:yir-o2
Simeoni 1978: 110. Not attested in Andersen's papers.
Number:79
Word:stand
Nuer:ɕuɛŋ1
Kiggen 1948: 67. 3rd p. sg.: ɕuːŋ-ɛ. Transitive and intransitive stem, with polysemy: 'to stand up / to stop / to correct'. Quoted as ɕʋŋ-ni in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:kɔɕ2
Nebel 1979: 41. Indicative form: a=kaɕ. Meaning glossed as 'stop, wait' in the main body of the dictionary, but also as 'stand' in the English-Dinka index [Nebel 1979: 190]. Morphological and phonetic variants of this stem in [Roettger 1989: 35] include kɔːɕ ~ kɔʰːɕ ~ koʰːɕ ~ kaːɕ ~ kaʰːɕ ~ kaʰːʓ-ɛ, but the root is always the same.
Reel:ʓero3
Roettger 1989: 35.
Mabaan:yɔːd̪4
Miller 2006: 20. Additional morphological variant: yɔːn-ni [ibid.]. Quoted as yɔː-n̪ɛ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:yʋ̀d̪-4
Andersen 2004: 141. The quoted form is yʋ̀d̪-ı̀t̪ 'they are standing'. Quoted as yud̪-d̪in in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:yɔd-ɛ #4
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:ɕuŋ1
Heasty 1937: 22. Polysemy: 'stop / wait / stand / stay'. Quoted as ɕuŋ-o 'to stand (still), to stop, to remain standing; to wait' in [Kohnen 1994: 33].
Anywa:ɕuŋ-1
Reh 1996: 275 (quoted as ā=ɕúŋ-á 'I am standing'). For some reason, the word is not attested in [Reh 1999] except in the meaning 'to end (of things)': ɕùŋ [Reh 1999: 17]. Nevertheless, this and several other examples in [Reh 1996], agreeing with external data as well, clearly show that this is the default equivalent for the static meaning 'to be standing' in Anywa.
Pari:ɕuŋ-o1
Simeoni 1978: 110. Not attested in Andersen's papers.
Number:80
Word:star
Nuer:ɕier1
Kiggen 1948: 57. Plural: ɕer. Cf. a different equivalent in [Frank 1999: 89]: sg. kuel, pl. kuel-iʰ, also quoted as kwɛl in [Bender 1971: 271]. In Kiggen's dictionary, the meaning for this word is specialized: kuel 'big star near the Southern Cross', cf. also kueːl-ɛ 'Pleiades star' [Kiggen 1948: 157].
Dinka:kuɘl2
Nebel 1979: 44. Plural: kuɔl. Quoted as sg. kuèl, pl. kuɛ̀ːl in [Andersen 1987: 14, 15]. Quoted as kwɛl ~ kwɘl ~ kuıl ~ kwıl for various dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 36]. A completely different equivalent, however, is attested for the Ruweng-Pan-Aru subdialect: ɕiɛr ~ ɕiɛːr ~ ɕiɛʰr ~ ɕiɛ̂, and the same root (ɕiɛʰr) is also attested for the Twic subdialect of Bor. This word, glossed as ɕier, is also attested in [Nebel 1979: 44] in the meaning 'Venus, evening star; big star'. Cf. similar competition between these two words in various dialects of Nuer.
Reel:kwɛl2
Roettger 1989: 36.
Mabaan:kɛːl-o2
Miller 2006: 55. Plural: kɛl-t̪an. Quoted as sg. kɛ̂ːl-lʌ̀, pl. kɛ̂l-t̪án in [Andersen 2006: 5]; as kɛl-tǝn in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:kı̀t-tʌ̀3
Andersen 2004: 144. Quoted as kit-ǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:kɛt-ın-ɛt̪3
Andersen 2000a: 32. Plural: kɛt-ın. Quoted as kɛt-ɛn-ɛt in [Bender 1971: 272]; as pl. két̪-íɲ, sg. két̪-ı́ɲ-ɛ̀t̪ in [Storch 2005: 109].
Shilluk:kyɛl-o2
Heasty 1937: 50. Plural: kyɛl. Quoted as sg. kyel-o ~ kiel-o, pl. kiel in [Kohnen 1994: 95].
Anywa:ɕèːr-ò1
Reh 1999: 14. Plural: ɕɛ̀ːr. Polysemy: 'star / type of eye disease'.
Pari:ɕèːr-ó1
Andersen 1988a: 67. Plural: ɕɛ̀ːr. Quoted as sg. ɕier-o, pl. ɕier in [Simeoni 1978: 110].
Number:81
Word:stone
Nuer:pam1
Kiggen 1948: 249. Plural: paːm. Same word as 'mountain' q.v. Quoted as pʰɛm in [Bender 1971: 271]. Different equivalent in [Frank 1999: 89]: sg. doʰl, pl. dʋːʰl 'stone'. The closest equivalent to this in Kiggen's dictionary is dol, pl. doːl 'heap of earth to support cooking pot' [Kiggen 1948: 81].
Dinka:kur2
Nebel 1979: 46. Plural: kuor. Polysemy: 'stone / hill'. Quoted as kuúːr 'stone, rock' in [Andersen 1987: 16]. Judging by the data in [Roettger 1989: 36], this item is notoriously unstable between Dinka dialects. No less than four different equivalents are found in Roettger's lists: (1) Nebel's kur is typical of all three subdialects of the Bor dialect (as kur); of the Dongjol and Ngok subdialects of Padang (as kuːr); and is also encountered in the Gok subdialect of Agar (as kur). (2) The form kɔi is attested in the Abiliang subdialect of Padang and in the Alor subdialect of Ruweng (as kɔːi). It corresponds to Nebel's koi 'gravel', attested only for the Agar dialect [Nebel 1979: 41]. (3) The form doʰt ~ doːʰt is scattered throughout six various subdialects of Padang, Ruweng, and Agar. It finds no equivalent in Nebel's dictionary. (4) The form alɛl is the main equivalent for 'stone' in all the subdialects of the Rek dialect, as well as one of the main equivalents for 'stone' in most of the subdialects of Agar. In [Nebel 1979: 8], this word, quoted as alɛl, pl. aleːl, is glossed as 'haematite, red stone; ironstone country'. As usual, it remains unclear and unconfirmed whether all these additional forms really function as the base equivalents of the Swadesh meaning 'stone' in all the individual subdialects. In any case, distribution-wise, kur is clearly the optimal candidate for the original 'stone' on the Proto-Dinka level.
Reel:a=ŋual3
Roettger 1989: 36.
Mabaan:guo-nan4
Miller 2006: 47. Plural: gui-yo ~ guo-yo. Quoted as gwe-yu in [Bender 1971: 269]. In T. Andersen's works, a different word is listed with the neutral meaning 'stone': sg. kɛ́l-lʌ́, pl. kɛ̂l-kʌ̀ [Andersen 2006: 10]. The closest equivalent to it in Miller's dictionary is sg. kɛl ~ kɛllo, pl. kɛːl-ko 'dirt mound to hold pot in place on fire' [Miller 2006: 56].
Jumjum:gu-n̪aŋ #4
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:gúr-ít̪2
Andersen 2007b: 39. Plural: gúr-ʌ́n.
Mayak:gur-it #2
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. Cf. wúr-it̪, pl. wúr-ín 'rock, stone' in [Storch 2005: 108].
Shilluk:kiʰt5
Heasty 1937: 45. Same word as 'mountain' q.v. Plural: kiʰt-i. Quoted as sg. kid-i, pl. kit-i 'stone, mountain, hill' in [Kohnen 1994: 83]. Distinct from lɛʰl-o 'gravel' [Heasty 1937: 52], quoted as lèːl-ɔ̀ 'stone' in [Gilley 1992: 47].
Anywa:kìd-ì5
Reh 1999: 36. Plural: kít-é. Same word as 'mountain' q.v.
Pari:kìd-í5
Andersen 1999e: 256. Quoted as sg. kid-i, pl. kiːt-e ~ kitt-e in [Simeoni 1978: 108].
Number:82
Word:sun
Nuer:ɕaŋ1
Kiggen 1948: 52. Plural: ɕaŋ-ni. Quoted as sg. ɕaʰŋ, pl. ɕaʰŋ-niʰ in [Frank 1999: 89]; as ɕɛŋ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:a=kɔl2
Nebel 1979: 7. Glossed as akɔl ~ akɔʰl in the majority of Dinka dialects in [Roettger 1989: 35]. However, most of the subdialects of Agar (with the exception of Aliab) feature a different lexeme: ruɛl ~ a=ruɛl. In [Nebel 1979: 7], the verb ruel is glossed as 'to shine, be hot (of sun)'; no nominal usage is attested there.
Reel:ɕiaŋ1
Roettger 1989: 35. Quoted as ɕɛ̂ʰŋ in [Reid 2010: 30].
Mabaan:oŋ1
Miller 2006: 86. Polysemy: 'sun / day / time'. Plural: oŋ-ko. The meaning 'sun', contrastive with 'day', may also be expressed by the compound form oŋ waŋɛ, literally = 'sun's eye'; this is quoted as ɔŋ-waːŋe in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ʔʌ́ŋ-1
Andersen 2004: 159. The listed form is plural: ʔʌ́ŋ-kʌ̀ 'suns'. Quoted as ʔǝŋ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:ǝŋ #1
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:ɕaʰŋ1
Heasty 1937: 19. Polysemy: 'sun / day'. Quoted as ɕʸâʰŋ in [Gilley 1992: 25]; as ɕaŋ, pl. ɕaŋ ~ ɕyaŋ 'sun, day; time'.
Anywa:ɕʌ̀ŋ1
Reh 1999: 13. Plural: ɕʌ́ŋŋ-é. Polysemy: 'sun / day / yolk of egg'.
Pari:ɕʌ̀ŋ ~ ɕèŋ1
Andersen 1988a: 67; Andersen 1989: 5. Quoted as ɕʌŋ in [Simeoni 1978: 111].
Number:83
Word:swim
Nuer:keːd1
Kiggen 1948: 139. 3rd p. sg.: ked-ɛ. Quoted as kʰıtʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:kuaŋ2
Nebel 1979: 43. Quoted as kuáːŋ in [Andersen 1987: 21]. Quoted as kuaŋ for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 35].
Reel:kɛt1
Roettger 1989: 35.
Mabaan:kaŋ- #2
Miller 2006: 506. Attested only in [Andersen 1999a: 506] (ʔìyà kâŋ-d̪ʌ̀ 'I will swim'). In [Bender 1971: 269], the equivalent is ɲei pyetin, a compound form probably meaning 'to roll / play in the water', cf. ɲiey 'to play; to roll, push' [Miller 2006: 83] + 'water' q.v.
Jumjum:ɲǝi-pek #3
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. The second part is 'water' q.v.; the first part is clearly the same as ɲiey 'to play' in Mabaan.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:kaŋ #2
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Andersen 1988c: 296. Quoted as kwaŋ-o ~ kwaŋg-o in [Simeoni 1978: 111].
Number:84
Word:tail
Nuer:ʓuaːl1
Kiggen 1948: 130. Plural: ʓual. Quoted as ʓuɛl in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:yɔl1
Nebel 1979: 98. Quoted as yɔ̀ːʰl in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Quoted as yɔʰl for most subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33], although a few of them lose the aspiration (yɔl in the Dongjol subdialect of Padang, the Lua subdialect of Rek, etc.; cf. also yuɔʰl in Agar proper).
Reel:ʓuɛl1
Roettger 1989: 33.
Mabaan:wiːl-ɛ1
Miller 2006: 109. Plural: wil-kɛ. Quoted as wîːl-ʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 100]; as y'il-e in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:wìːl1
Andersen 2006b: 13. Cf. the possessive form: wìːl-è 'its tail' [Andersen 2004: 135]. Quoted as wil-e in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:wı̀ːl1
Andersen 2007b: 57. Plural: wíl-ín.
Mayak:wıːl1
Andersen 2000a: 32. Plural: wıːl-ak ~ wil-it̪ ~ wıl-d̪ın. Quoted as βel-e in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:yiʰp2
Heasty 1937: 108. Plural: yiːʰp. Quoted as sg. yéb, pl. yēèb in [Gilley 2000: 5]; as yéʰp, pl. yèʰːp in [Gilley 1992: 64]; as yiep, pl. yieb in [Kohnen 1994: 220].
Anywa:ʓīp2
Reh 1999: 31. Plural: ʓíp-í.
Pari:yíp2
Andersen 1999e: 254. Quoted as sg. yib, pl. yip-i ~ yipp-i in [Simeoni 1978: 111].
Number:85
Word:that1
Nuer:=ɔ1
Kiggen 1948: 19. Intermediate deictic stem, usually preceded by a number marker and postfixed to the determined noun: =m=ɔ ~ =ɛm=ɔ 'that' (e. g. d̪oːl-ɔ ~ d̪oːl-ɛmɔ ~ d̪oːl-ɔmɔ 'that boy over there'; mɔm=ɔ 'that (subj.)', pl. tɛt=ɔ).
Dinka:=eʰ2
Not properly attested in [Nebel 1979], where only the complex nominalized form is specified: kɛnɛ 'that' [Nebel 1979: 40]. Andersen defines it as a high tone breathy vowel: =éʰ [Andersen 1987: 5].
Reel:mi3
Roettger 1989: 30.
Mabaan:wa=n4
Miller 2006: 106. Also wan-na id. Quoted as wán in [Andersen 1992: 186]; as wánnà ~ wáːyè in [Andersen 2006: 24].
Jumjum:yâː=nnà4
Andersen 2006: 24. Plural: yâː=kk=à.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:
Not attested.
Shilluk:=an=i #2
Existing sources give either insufficient or confusing information on deictic systems in Shilluk. In the old grammar [Westermann 1911: 17-18], the system is given as follows: à-n 'this' (pl. à-k ~ à-n ~ à-gàk), ɛ́ní 'that, those', à-čà 'that / those over there'. None of these forms, however, are found in the same meaning in Heasty's or Kohnen's dictionaries. Heasty gives mɛn, pl. mɔk as the default form for both 'this' and 'that', also listing the complex forms mɛn-aɕa 'that one there', mɛn-aɕinɛ 'that one yonder', mɛn-an 'this one', mɛn-ani 'that one'. However, mɛn is a nominal rather than adjectival form - cf. men, pl. mog 'who, which, that; whoever, whatever, whose, wherewith, whereby, whereupon; one who, anybody who, everyone who' [Kohnen 1994: 116]; men-an 'this one here', men-ani 'that one there' [ibid.]. We tentatively include an as the equivalent for near deixis and its extension an=i (= Westermann's ɛ́ní) as the equivalent for distal deixis, but this would need to be confirmed by data from newer sources (unfortunately, as of now, no modern-level grammar of Shilluk is available).
Anywa:=ɔ́g-ɔ̀5
Reh 1996: 140. Demonstrative suffix, indicating distance from speaker and proximity to hearer, e.g. t̪ɔ́ːr-ɔ́gɔ̀ 'that rope', etc. Plural: =ɔ́g-ı̄ ~ =ɔ́g-ɔ̀. The corresponding demonstrative pronoun is mán=ɔ́gɔ̀ 'that' [Reh 1996: 169]; according to Reh, the underlying form is *mā=nı̀=ɔ́gɔ̀, where mā is the nominalizing element, nı̀ is the number-sensitive linker element, and the superficially deleted root ɔ́gɔ̀ is the old deictic element meaning 'near the hearer'. Cf. the corresponding plural form: mʋ̀ɔ́gɔ̀ < *mʋ̄=gı̄-ɔ́gɔ̀.
Pari:=go #5
Simeoni 1978: 38. The source's listings and textual examples for the demonstrative deictic suffixes are not entirely clear and accurate, so we are filling these slots largely under the assumption that the system of deictic morphemes in Päri is not too different from the one in Anywa. Thus, Simeoni assigns both the meanings 'this' and 'that' to the morpheme =go (e.g. yad̪-i-go 'this tree', but ʓo-go 'those men'), which probably agrees with the definition of =ɔ́g-ɔ̀ in Anywa as intermediate (distant from speaker and close to hearer). Cf. also the corresponding demonstrative pronouns: ma=ʓa 'that (far from both speaker and person spoken to)'; man-dó 'that (near you)' [ibid.].
Number:85
Word:that2
Nuer:=i2
Kiggen 1948: 19. Distant deictic stem, usually preceded by a number marker and postfixed to the determined noun: =m=i ~ =ɛm=i 'that' (e. g. d̪oːl-i ~ d̪oːl-ɛmi 'that boy farthest away'; mim=i 'that (subj.)', pl. tit=i).
Dinka:
Reel:
Mabaan:
Jumjum:
Kurmuk:
Mayak:
Shilluk:
Anywa:=ı̀ɕɛ́6
Reh 1996: 140. Demonstrative suffix, indicating distance from both speaker and hearer, e.g. t̪ɔ́ːr-ɛ́ɕɛ́ 'that rope', etc. Plural: =ı̀kɛ́ ~ =ı̀ɕɛ́. The corresponding demonstrative pronoun is màn=ı̀ɕɛ́ 'that' [Reh 1996: 169]; according to Reh, the underlying form is *mā=nı̀=ı̀ɕɛ́, where mā is the nominalizing element, nı̀ is the number-sensitive linker element, and ı̀ɕɛ́ is the old deictic element meaning 'far from speaker and hearer'. Cf. the corresponding plural form: mɔ̀kɛ́ < *mʋ̄=gı̄-ı̀kɛ́.
Pari:=ɕa #6
Simeoni 1978: 38.
Number:86
Word:this
Nuer:ɛ ~ ɛmɛ1
Kiggen 1948: 19. Proximal deictic stem, usually preceded by a number marker and postfixed to the determined noun: =m=ɛ ~ =ɛm=ɛ 'that' (e. g. d̪oːl-ɛ ~ d̪oːl-ɛmɛ 'this boy'; mem=ɛ 'this (subj.)', pl. tit=i). Cf. n=ımıh 'this' in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:=e1
Nebel 1979: 29. Grammatical marker, postfixed to the determined noun. Andersen defines it as a low tone breathy vowel: =èʰ [Andersen 1987: 5]. The nominalized form ('this thing') is kɘn ~ kɘnɘ [Nebel 1979: 40], a contraction with ka ~ ke 'thing'.
Reel:yɛ-nɛ1
Roettger 1989: 30.
Mabaan:neː=n=i1
Miller 2006: 79. Quoted as néːnè in [Andersen 1992: 204]. Cf. gɛnɔnɔ 'this' in [Bender 1971: 269]; the first morpheme here is clearly gen 'thing' [Miller 2006: 43].
Jumjum:yâː=nn=ı́1
Andersen 2006: 24. Plural: yâː=kk=ı́. Quoted as ya=nni in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:ʔı̀=n=ı̀1
Andersen 2007b: 73. Plural: ʔı́=k=ı̀.
Mayak:ɛn #1
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:=an #1
See notes on 'that'.
Anywa:=ı́1
Reh 1996: 140. Demonstrative suffix, indicating proximity to speaker, e.g. máː-ı́ 'this fire', etc. The corresponding demonstrative pronoun is mǎ=n 'this' [Reh 1996: 169]; according to Reh, the underlying form is *mā=nı̀-ı́, where mā is the nominalizing element, nı̀ is the number-sensitive linker element, and the superficially deleted root ı́ is the old deictic element meaning 'near the speaker'. Cf. the corresponding plural form: mʋ̀ʋ́y < *mʋ̄=gı̄-ı́.
Pari:=i1
Simeoni 1978: 38. Demonstrative suffix, indicating proximity to speaker, e.g. yad̪-i 'this tree'; cf. ɕʋ̀ːr-ı́ 'this vulture' in [Andersen 1988a: 70]. The corresponding demonstrative pronoun is ma=n 'this' [Simeoni 1978: 38] (see notes on Anywa for internal structure). Cf. also man-dò 'this (near us)' [ibid.].
Number:87
Word:thou
Nuer:ʓi-n1
Kiggen 1948: 18. Object form: ʓi; verbal suffix i. Quoted as ʓıː-n in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:yi-n1
Nebel 1979: 97. Possessive prefix: yi- [ibid.]. Phonetically realized as yi-n or yiː-n in various dialects [Roettger 1989: 30].
Reel:yi-n1
Roettger 1989: 30.
Mabaan:i1
Miller 2006: 48. Quoted as ʔì in [Andersen 1992: 186]; as e-ke in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ík=í #1
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:ı̀1
Andersen 2007b: 42. Short form; the full stem is ʔı̀-nı̀ [Andersen 2007b: 38].
Mayak:e-neɕ #1
Bender 1971: 272. Full stem.
Shilluk:yi1
Heasty 1937: 106; Kohnen 1994: 219. Quoted as yiʰ in [Gilley 1992: 99].
Anywa:īː-nī ~ yīː-nī1
Reh 1996: 164. Emphatic "long" form; the corresponding short (clitical) stem is simply ī ~ yī.
Pari:ʔíː-ní1
Andersen 1988c: 297. Full stem. Quoted as i-ni in [Simeoni 1978: 114]. The corresponding short (clitical) stem is simply i ~ ı.
Number:88
Word:tongue
Nuer:lep1
Kiggen 1948: 172. Plural: leːb. Quoted as sg. lɛp, pl. leːʰp in [Frank 1999: 89]; as lɛpʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:liep1
Nebel 1979: 49. Quoted as sg. liép, pl. liéːʰp in [Andersen 1987: 4, 14]. Quoted as liɛp ~ liep for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33].
Reel:liɛp1
Roettger 1989: 33.
Mabaan:lɛm-mu1
Miller 2006: 66. Plural: lɛp-u. Quoted as sg. lɛ́m-mʌ́, pl. lɛ́p-ʌ́ in [Andersen 2006: 9]; as lɛm-mʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:lɛ́m-mʌ̀1
Andersen 2004: 149. Plural: lɛ̀p. Quoted as lɛm-mǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:lɛp1
Andersen 1999c: 3. Quoted as lɛb-ɛ in [Bender 1971: 3]; as sg. lɛ́p, pl. lèb-én in [Storch 2005: 100]. According to Storch, with polysemy: 'tongue / lip'.
Shilluk:lɛʰp1
Heasty 1937: 52. Plural: lɛp-i. Quoted as sg. lɛ́b, pl. lɛ̄ɛ̀b in [Gilley 2000: 1]; as lɛp in [Kohnen 1994: 101].
Anywa:lɛ̄ːp1
Reh 1999: 42. Plural: léːp-í.
Pari:lɛ́ːp1
Andersen 1999e: 265. Quoted as sg. lep, pl. lep-i in [Simeoni 1978: 112].
Number:89
Word:tooth
Nuer:lei1
Kiggen 1948: 171. Plural: le-ɕ. Quoted as sg. leɕ, pl. lɛːɕ in [Frank 1999: 89]; as lei in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:leːɕ1
Nebel 1979: 48. Plural: leɕ. Quoted as sg. lêːʰɕ, pl. lèɕ in [Andersen 1987: 2]. Quoted as leʰɕ ~ leɕ for most dialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33], but as lei for the Bor dialect.
Reel:lei1
Roettger 1989: 33.
Mabaan:lɛŋ-ɲo1
Miller 2006: 66. Plural: lɛk-ɛ. Quoted as sg. lɛ́ŋ-ɲʌ́, pl. lɛ́k-ʌ́ in [Andersen 2006: 5]; as lɛk-ʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:lɛ́ŋ-ŋʌ̀1
Andersen 2004: 149. Plural: lɛ̀k. Quoted as lɛk-ɛ in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:lèg-ìt̪1
Andersen 2007b: 43.
Mayak:leɣ-it̪1
Andersen 1999c: 68; Storch 2005: 99. Plural: lɛk. Quoted as leg-it in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:lɛːʓ-o1
Heasty 1937: 52. Plural: lɛk. Quoted as sg. lèːʓ-ɔ̀, pl. lēk in [Gilley 1992: 86]; as sg. lēʓ-ɔ̀, pl. lɛ̄g in [Gilley 2000: 15]; as sg. lɛʓ-o, pl. lɛk in [Kohnen 1994: 100].
Andersen 1999e: 265. Plural: làk [Andersen 1988a: 67]. Quoted as sg. le-o, pl. la-k in [Simeoni 1978: 112].
Number:90
Word:tree
Nuer:ʓia-t1
Kiggen 1948: 125. Polysemy: 'tree / wood / timber'. Plural: ʓe-n. Quoted as sg. ʓia-t̪, pl. ʓiɛ-n in [Frank 1999: 89]; as ʓia-t̪ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:tim2
Nebel 1979: 83. Plural: tiːm. Polysemy: 'tree / wood'. Quoted as sg. tìːm, pl. tiíːm in [Andersen 1987: 4]; as tim in [Roettger 1989: 32].
Reel:ʓa-t̪1
Roettger 1989: 32. Quoted as ʓáʰ-t̪ in [Reid 2010: 36].
Mabaan:ʓaː-n-o1
Miller 2006: 49. Polysemy: 'tree / wood / log / pole / post'. The same source also lists the form sg. ʓaːm-o, pl. ʓaːm-go 'tree' [ibid.]; it is unclear whether this is a different root (not highly unlikely) or a dialectal variant (which would still require an explanation for the strange shift n > m). Quoted as sg. ʓâː-n-ʌ̀, pl. ʓâ-n-gʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 14]; as ʓaː-n-ʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ʓâː-n1
Andersen 2004: 139. Plural: ʓɛ̀-n-gʌ̀. Quoted as ʓaː-n in [Bender 1971: 268].
Andersen 1999e: 254. Plural: yı́-n [Andersen 1988a: 67]. Quoted as sg. ya-t̪, pl. yi-n 'tree, wood' in [Simeoni 1978: 112].
Number:91
Word:two
Nuer:rɛu1
Kiggen 1948: 268. Quoted as rrɛu in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:rou ~ reu1
Nebel 1979: 76, 79. Also ka=reu id. Quoted as ròw in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Consistently listed as rou for all subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 31], except for the Twic subdialect of Bor, where the same word has the (more archaic) phonetic shape rɛu.
Reel:rou1
Roettger 1989: 31.
Mabaan:yyɛːwɔ1
Miller 2006: 123. Quoted as yawǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:yɛ́wwɛ̀1
Andersen 2004: 145. Quoted as yàúwè in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:rɛ́ː1
Andersen 2007b: 83.
Mayak:rɛː1
Andersen 1999c: 95. Quoted as a=rɛ in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:a=ryo1
Heasty 1937: 10 (the phonetic variant a=yo is also listed). Quoted as a=ryow in [Kohnen 1994: 10].
Anywa:ā=rı̀áw ~ ā=rı́àw1
Reh 1999: 7.
Pari:á=rı̀ɔ́1
Andersen 1988c: 303. Quoted as a=ryo ~ a=ryou in [Simeoni 1978: 30]. The corresponding "quick count" equivalent is ireːk.
Number:92
Word:walk (go)
Nuer:w-a1
Kiggen 1948: 319. Alternate stems are listed as w-i, w-ɛ, etc.; cf. also imperative we-r. Quoted as wi-rr (imperative form) in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:lɔ2
Nebel 1979: 50. Indicative form: a=la. Quoted as à=lɔ́ "he is going" in [Andersen 2002: 12]. Quoted as lɔ for the majority of dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 35]; some subdialects also feature the morphological variants la and lɔ-r of the same stem. The only true exception is the Luac subdialect of Rek, where the equivalent is ʓal = ʓal 'go away, leave' in [Nebel 1979: 35].
Reel:wɛ-r1
Roettger 1989: 35.
Mabaan:at̪3
Miller 2006: 3. Quoted as ʔat̪- in [Andersen 1999a: 512]. Cf. ʋ:ti 'go' in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ǝt̪-ǝ #3
Bender 1971: 268. Probably a verbal noun. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers, but external data confirms that this is the likeliest neutral candidate for the meaning 'go' in the language.
Kurmuk:ʔad̪-3
Andersen 2015: 516. Attested in the form: áː=ʔád̪-ı́ "I will go".
Mayak:ad-ɛr #3
Bender 1971: 272. Probably a verbal noun. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers, but external data confirms that this is the likeliest neutral candidate for the meaning 'go' in the language.
Shilluk:kɛt̪4
Heasty 1937: 44. Imperative form; the participle is kɛd̪-o. Quoted as ket̪, part. ked̪-ɔ in [Gilley 1992: 110]; as ked̪-o ~ kɛd̪-o 'to go, to walk, to enter, to continue' in [Kohnen 1994: 80].
Anywa:ɕɔ́ː5
Reh 1999: 16. Meaning glossed as 'to go (somewhere)'; cf. also ɕóː 'to go to some place' [ibid.].
Pari:ɕı́-5
Andersen 1988a: 83. Attested as part of the form á=ɕı́-ɔ̀ "he went". Quoted as ɕi-o in [Simeoni 1978: 101].
Number:93
Word:warm
Nuer:t̪ɔːl-ɛ1
Kiggen 1948: 316. Verbal stem; meaning glossed as 'to be hot (of liquids, sun etc.)'. Distinct from mor-mɔr 'lukewarm' [Kiggen 1948: 206], quoted as mɔr-mɔr 'warm' in [Bender 1971: 271]. Cf. also bor-bor 'warm' [Kiggen 1948: 41] (derived from the verb bor- 'to burn').
Dinka:tuɕ2
Nebel 1979: 84. Meaning glossed as 'hot, warm' (also nominal: 'heat, sweat, perspiration'). Allegedly distinct from mɵr 'lukewarm, tepid' [Nebel 1979: 59]. Cf. à=tùʰɕ "it is hot" in [Andersen 1987: 12]. Quoted as tuɕ ~ tuoɕ ~ tuiɕ ~ tuɔɕ ~ a=tuɕ ~ a=tuiɕ ~ kɛ=tuɕ ~ kʋ=tuiɕ ~ tuɔi for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 37]; all forms represent phonetic and morphological variants of the same root.
Reel:lɛt̪3
Roettger 1989: 37. Meaning glossed as 'hot'.
Mabaan:ɕar-ɕin4
Miller 2006: 19. Verbal stem (3rd p. sg. form). Meaning glossed as 'hot' (e. g. of 'water'). Cf. mɛl-ɕɛn 'warm' in [Bender 1971: 269] (no separate word for 'warm' is listed in Miller's dictionary, and Bender's form finds no confirmation in that source).
Jumjum:miʓ-aŋ #5
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:miʓ-miʓ #5
Bender 1971: 272. Reduplicated stem. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. Cf. mı́y-ɔ̀n 'warmth, fever' in [Storch 2005: 103].
Shilluk:lɛt̪3
Heasty 1937: 52. Meaning glossed as 'hot, sore'. Quoted as lɛt̪ ~ lɛːt̪ 'warm, hot' in [Kohnen 1994: 102]. Distinct from mɔr 'warm' [Heasty 1937: 61], quoted as mor (verbal stem) 'to warm up, to make lukewarm, to make tepid' in [Kohnen 1994: 120].
Anywa:líet̪3
Reh 1999: 43. Verbal stem and noun ('heat'). Distinct from mɔ́r 'to be warm' [Reh 1999: 49].
Pari:lìet̪3
Andersen 1988a: 93. Meaning glossed as 'be hot'. Quoted as lyet̪ 'hot' in [Simeoni 1978: 103]. Distinct from mɔ̀r 'be warm' [Andersen 1988a: 84].
Number:94
Word:water
Nuer:pi1
Kiggen 1948: 254. Quoted as piʰw in [Frank 1999: 89]; as pʰi: in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:piu1
Nebel 1979: 71. Plurale tantum. Quoted as pîːʰw [in Andersen 2002: 9]. Quoted as piu for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 36].
Reel:pi1
Roettger 1989: 36. Quoted as pîːʰ in [Reid 2010: 30].
Mabaan:pie-go1
Miller 2006: 91. Formally a plural form. Quoted as pîːe-g-ʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006a: 15]; as pʰiǝ-gʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:pı̂ː-k1
Andersen 2004: 141. Quoted as pe-k in [Bender 1971: 268].
Kurmuk:píː1
Andersen 2015: 516. Plurale tantum.
Mayak:piː1
Andersen 1999c: 66. Quoted as pi in [Bender 1971: 272].
Shilluk:pi1
Heasty 1937: 82. Quoted as pi ~ pi-n ~ pi-g ~ pi-k in [Kohnen 1994: 160].
Anywa:pìː1
Reh 1999: 66.
Pari:pìː1
Andersen 2000b: 69. Quoted as piː in [Simeoni 1978: 113]. Plurale tantum.
Number:95
Word:we1
Nuer:kɔ-n1
Kiggen 1948: 18. Exclusive form. Object form and verbal suffix: kɔ. Quoted as kʰɔn in [Bender 1971: 271] .
Dinka:o-k ~ o-g2
Nebel 1979: 68. Prefixal shortened form is simply o (o-n̪iːm 'in front of us', o-d̪ie 'we all', etc.). No clusivity. Various dialectal realizations of the stem include o-k ~ oː-k ~ woː-k ~ wɔː-k ~ ɣo-k [Roettger 1989: 30].
Reel:kɔ1
Roettger 1989: 30.
Mabaan:ɔː-n2
Miller 2006: 89. Exclusive form. Quoted as ʔɔ̌ːn in [Andersen 1992: 186].
Jumjum:ʔı̀k=ɔ̂ː-n2
Andersen 2004: 156. Exclusive form.
Kurmuk:ı́3
Andersen 2007b: 42. Inclusive form. The exclusive correlate is ı́-n.
Mayak:ɔ-nɔk #2
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:wɔ2
Heasty 1937: 104. Exclusive form. Quoted as wo in [Kohnen 1994: 211].
Anywa:wāː-nī4
Reh 1996: 164. Exclusive form in its emphatic ("long") variant. The corresponding short (clitical) stem is simply wā.
Pari:wá-nı́4
Andersen 1988c: 297; Andersen 1999e: 265. Exclusive form. The short (clitical) equivalent is simply wa. Quoted as wa-ni (full form), wa (prefix / suffix form) in [Simeoni 1978: 33].
Number:95
Word:we2
Nuer:kɔː-n1
Kiggen 1948: 18. Inclusive and dual form. Object form: kɔː-n. Verbal suffix: ne.
Dinka:
Reel:
Mabaan:ik=i-n3
Miller 2006: 48. Inclusive form. Quoted as ikin 'we' in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:ʔìk=îː-n3
Andersen 2004: 135. Quoted as ìkíːn in [Bender 1971: 268].
Reh 1996: 164. Inclusive form in its emphatic ("long") variant. The corresponding short (clitical) stem is simply ɔ́.
Pari:ʔɔ̀ː-nı́2
Andersen 1988c: 297. Inclusive form. Full stem; the corresponding short (clitical) stem is simply ɔ ~ o. Quoted as o-ni (full stem), o (short form) in [Simeoni 1978: 33].
Number:96
Word:what
Nuer:ŋu1
Kiggen 1948: 227. Quoted as ɛ=ŋuh in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:ŋo1
Nebel 1979: 63. Quoted as ŋo ~ ŋu ~ e=ŋo ~ e=ŋu ~ ye=ŋu in different subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 30]; also as kɛ=no, ke=ŋŋo, e kan ŋɔ, ye ka=ŋɔ, etc. All of these forms seem to contain the same root with minor phonetic variations, sometimes in conjunction with a preceding copula.
Reel:adia=ŋu1
Roettger 1989: 30. The first component is probably a copula, cf. the external parallels in Nuer and Dinka.
Mabaan:=à2
Andersen 1999a: 102. The inanimate interrogative pronouns in Mabaan are formed on the basis of the suppletive noun 'thing' (sg. gé-n-ʌ́, pl. wáː-k-ʌ́): sg. gè=n=à, pl. wàː=k=à, where, apparently, the main carrier of the interrogative meaning is the final monovocalic morpheme with low tone. In [Miller 2006], special interrogative forms derived from 'thing' are not recorded explicitly, but are sometimes encountered in textual examples. Cf. also genɔ 'what' in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:a=ŋaː-ka #1
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:ŋòː1
Andersen 2007b: 41.
Mayak:ŋǝ #1
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:a=ŋo1
Heasty 1937: 115. Quoted as sg. a=ŋo, pl. o=ŋo in [Kohnen 1994: 9].
Anywa:ŋɔ̀1
Reh 1996: 171. Glossed as the "general" interrogative pronoun, opposed to the "selective" form (ā=)gíné, lit. 'which thing?'; we only include the former variant.
Pari:ŋɔ̀1
Andersen 1988c: 314. Quoted as a=ŋo in [Simeoni 1978: 39].
Number:97
Word:white
Nuer:boːr1
Kiggen 1948: 41. Polysemy: 'white / clear and new'. Quoted as =bɔrr in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:ma=bior1
Nebel 1979: 55. The Agar form is ma=bor [ibid.]. Cf. also yar 'white, pale' [Nebel 1979: 96]. As is typical of color terms, the data in [Roettger 1989] are significantly different: ma=bior ~ ma=bor is only listed as an alternate synonym for 'white' for the Rek proper and Malual subdialects of Rek, whereas the most common equivalent is ɣɛr ~ ɣɛːr ~ ɣɛːʰr ~ ɣɘr ~ a=ɣɛr ~ ɣer ~ a=ɣır ~ ke=ɣɛr ~ kɘ=ɣɛr ~ kɛ=ɛr ~ kʋ=ɣɛːr = ʕeːr 'light', ʕer 'clean, white, pure' [Nebel 1979: 74]. As usual, it is unclear if the Rek dialect is really alone in preserving the archaic Nuer-Dinka equivalent for 'white', or if the rest of the dialects were inaccurately glossed in [Roettger 1989] (e. g. 'bright, pure' instead of proper 'white').
Reel:bor1
Roettger 1989: 37.
Mabaan:bɔw-an1
Miller 2006: 13. Cf. also the verbal stem: bɔː-d̪o 'to become white' [Miller 2006: 12]. Cf. also bɔː-na-bɔː-no 'white, very' [ibid.]. Quoted as bɔ̀w-án in [Andersen 1992: 203]; as bɔ-šin in [Bender 1971: 269].
Jumjum:bɔw-aŋ #1
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Kurmuk:bɔ̀1
Andersen 2007b: 78. Attested in the predicative form bɔ̌ː-kı́ "it is white".
Mayak:bɔ-1
Andersen 1999c: 95. The exact quoted form is bɔ-ɔ-bɔ 'is white'. Cf. baːbɔ 'white' in [Bender 1971: 272]; bɔ́ːw-ɔ̀n 'whiteness' in [Storch 2005: 103].
Shilluk:tar2
Heasty 1937: 91. Polysemy: 'white / pure / clean / holy'. Quoted as tar ~ tarr 'white, clean; clear, light' in [Kohnen 1994: 182].
Anywa:tár2
Reh 1999: 73. Qualitative verb ('to be white') and noun ('whiteness').
Pari:tàr2
Andersen 1989: 12. Quoted as tar in [Simeoni 1978: 113].
Number:98
Word:who
Nuer:ŋa1
Kiggen 1948: 218. Quoted as ɛ=ŋah in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:ŋa1
Nebel 1979: 62, 204. Plural: yi=ŋa ~ yik=ŋa. In [Roettger 1989: 30], glossed as ŋa ~ e=ŋa ~ ye=ŋa in various subdialects; e= is really a prefixed copula, as in Nuer.
Reel:ŋa1
Roettger 1989: 30.
Mabaan:a=menɛ2
Miller 2006: 75. The first morpheme is probably the same interrogative morpheme as in 'what?' q.v.; the second is clearly the word 'person' q.v. In [Bender 1971: 269], the equivalent is simply listed as mɛnɛ 'who?'.
Jumjum:a=ŋa:-ni #1
Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. Clearly a complex form, where *=ŋaː- is probably the archaic inherited root.
Kurmuk:ŋáː1
Andersen 2015: 546. Also contracts with the nominative preposition ŋʌ̀ to form the complex lexeme ŋá-ŋ [ibid.].
Mayak:ŋa #1
Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Shilluk:a=mɛn2
Heasty 1937: 8. Quoted as a=men ~ a=men-a, pl. a=mog ~ a=mog-a in [Kohnen 1994: 8]. Essentially a combination of the general interrogative morpheme a= with the relative pronoun men, pl. mog [Kohnen 1994: 116] 'who, which'.
Anywa:ŋà1
Reh 1996: 171. Glossed as the "general" interrogative pronoun, opposed to the "selective" form mánɛ́, lit. 'which person?'; we only include the former variant.
Pari:ŋá1
Andersen 2000b: 71. Quoted as a=ŋa in [Simeoni 1978: 39]; the plural form is a=yaŋe.
Number:99
Word:woman
Nuer:ɕiek1
Kiggen 1948: 56. Polysemy: 'female / woman / wife'. Suppletive plural: maːn. Quoted as sg. ɕiek, pl. män in [Frank 1999: 90]; as ɕɛkʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].
Dinka:tik1
Nebel 1979: 83. Suppletive plural: diar (also collective dior). Polysemy: 'woman / wife'. Quoted as tìːk in [Andersen 1987: 4]; as tik for all Dinka dialects in [Roettger 1989: 31].
Reel:ɕiek1
Roettger 1989: 31. Quoted as ɕèʰk, genitive ɕêːw in [Reid 2010: 53].
Mabaan:ɛːŋo2
Miller 2006: 42. Quoted as ʔɛ̂ːŋ-ʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 100]; as ɛŋ in [Bender 1971: 269]. Suppletive plural: moːn-go [Miller 2006: 75].
Jumjum:ʔı̀ːŋ2
Andersen 2004: 137. Suppletive plural: mʌ̀ːn-gʌ̀ [Andersen 2004: 145]. Quoted as eːŋ in [Bender 1971: 268].
The singular form is not properly attested; cf. the compound form mɛn-marak in [Bender 1971: 272]. Plural: mʌːn 'females' [Andersen 1999c: 3].
Shilluk:d̪aɕ-o4
Heasty 1937: 30. Suppletive plural: maʰn ~ womaʰn. Quoted as sg. d̪áʓʓ-ɔ̀, pl. mǝ́n in [Gilley 2000: 19]; as sg. d̪aʓ-o, pl. man in [Kohnen 1994: 51].
Kiggen 1948: 333. Cf. also ɲiɲaːr 'yellow' [Kiggen 1948: 240].
Dinka:ma=yɛn1
Nebel 1979: 56, 206. Feminine: a=yɛn. Plural: mi=yen. In [Roettger 1989: 37], this stem is listed as the main equivalent for 'yellow' only for the Ngok-Sobat subdialect of Ageer (ke=yɛn) and the Alor and Ngɔk subdialects of the same (kan=yɛn), as well as one of two synonyms for the Ruweng subdialect (yɛn). Other than that, the most frequent equivalent listed is kɛt̪ ~ ket̪ ~ kan=ket̪ ~ ma=ket̪ ~ ma=kɛt̪, corresponding to ket̪ 'be rusty (vb.), bile (n.)' in [Nebel 1979: 40], a word that probably may denote a special shade of 'yellow', cf. la leɕ ket̪ 'have yellow teeth' [ibid.]. Additional variants include (a) kan=lau (Abiliang subdialect of Ageer; no parallels in [Nebel 1979]); (b) a=tuol (Ageer proper subdialect of Ageer; no parallels in [Nebel 1979]); (c) keɕ ~ ma=keɕ (several subdialects of Bor), probably = keɕ 'bitter' in [Nebel 1979: 39]. On the whole, this is clearly an unstable etymon, and the degree of semantic accuracy in Roettger's lists is unknown.
Reel:a=yan1
Roettger 1989: 37. Differently in [Reid 2010: 31]: makéɕ 'yellow' (cf. the same word in Dinka dialects).
Mabaan:ɕway-ɕwayo #2
Miller 2006: 28. Reduplicated stem. Meaning glossed as 'yellow, light colour, whitish'. Cf. also ɕway-an 'yellowish, muddy colour' [ibid.]. Cf. also garan 'yellow thing (e.g. bronze, brass)', garŋa-a-garŋo 'yellow, jaundiced' [Miller 2006: 43]; also ʈi-ʈiː 'yellow; wet' [Miller 2006: 102], ʈui-ʈui 'yellow, golden, green' [Miller 2006: 103]. It remains unclear which of these words is better applicable to quintessentially yellow objects (e.g. 'sun', etc.).
Jumjum:
Not attested.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:
Not attested.
Shilluk:tibwɔʰr #3
Heasty 1937: 118 (English-Shilluk section). Dubious inclusion; the word is only listed in the English-Shilluk, but not in the Shilluk-English section of Heasty's dictionary, and is not confirmed at all in [Kohnen 1994]. The latter source only lists the following items with close semantics: (a) aŋaw 'whitish grey, yellowish' [Kohnen 1994: 8] (not found in Heasty's data); (b) mar 'green, blue, yellow' [Kohnen 1994: 114] (only in the meaning 'green' in Heasty's data). For now, we leave Heasty's dubious entry as the default inclusion, pending additional verification.
Anywa:
Not attested.
Pari:uri-a4
Simeoni 1978: 114. Plural: uri-e. Not attested in Andersen's papers.
Number:101
Word:far
Nuer:nɔan ~ nan1
Kiggen 1948: 210, 214. Adjectival and verbal stem (cf. 3rd p. sg. nɔan-ɛ ~ nan-ɛ 'to be far, distant').
Dinka:meɕ2
Nebel 1979: 57. Polysemy: 'far / rare'. Quoted as à=mèɕ "(he is) far" in [Andersen 2002: 12]. Quoted as meɕ ~ mɛɕ ~ a=meɕ for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 43].
Reel:nan1
Roettger 1989: 43.
Mabaan:loːn-ɔ3
Miller 2006: 67. Verbal stem. Cf. also the reduplicated form loːn-a-loːn-o 'far, distant, difficult' [ibid.].
Jumjum:
Not attested.
Kurmuk:lʌ̀w-ʌ̀ɲ3
Andersen 2015: 550. Adverbial form.
Mayak:
Not attested.
Shilluk:laʰːw-i3
Heasty 1937: 51. Adverbial form. Quoted as law-i 'far, far away, distant, remote; deep' in [Kohnen 1994: 99].
Anywa:bʌ́ːr4
Reh 1999: 9. Qualitative verb. Plural: bʌ́y-ó. Same word as 'long'. Cf. also lwɛ́t 'to be fairly long; to be fairly far away' [Reh 1999: 46].
Pari:bʌ́ːr4
Andersen 1988c: 303. Same word as 'long'.
Number:102
Word:heavy
Nuer:t̪ieɣ1
Kiggen 1948: 311. Polysemy: 'heavy / generous / magnanimous'. Verbal stems: t̪ieh-ɛ 'to be heavy', t̪iɛɣ-ɛ 'to make, cause to be heavy' [ibid.].
Dinka:t̪iek1
Nebel 1979: 87. Polysemy: 'heavy / difficult'. Quoted as à=t̪ièːʰk "it is heavy" in [Andersen 1987: 15].
Reel:
Not attested.
Mabaan:ɕyɛg-ɕyɛg-o1
Miller 2006: 29. Reduplicated adjectival stem; cf. also the verbal stem ɕyɛg-d̪o '(to be) heavy' [ibid.]. Quoted as ɕìɛg-án in [Andersen 1992: 203].
Jumjum:
Not attested.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:
Not attested.
Shilluk:pɛk2
Heasty 1937: 82; Kohnen 1994: 158. In Kohnen's dictionary, with polysemy: 'heavy / difficult / important'.
Anywa:pɛ́ːk2
Reh 1999: 66. Qualitative verb. Plural: pɛ́ːg-ɔ́.
Pari:pɛ̀ːk2
Andersen 1988a: 94. Quoted as pek, pl. pekk-o in [Simeoni 1978: 102].
Number:103
Word:near
Nuer:t̪iaɣ-ɛ ~ t̪ieɣ-ɛ1
Kiggen 1948: 310, 311. Cf. also the adverbial form t̪iak-a 'near'.
Dinka:t̪iok1
Nebel 1979: 87. Quoted as à=t̪iòːʰk "it is near" in [Andersen 1987: 13].
Reel:
Not attested.
Mabaan:ɕwal-o2
Miller 2006: 26. Meaning glossed as 'near (direction not indicated)'. Verbal stem; cf. also ɕwal-ɕwal 'near', adv. ɕwal-ŋan 'near'.
Jumjum:
Not attested.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:
Not attested.
Shilluk:ɕaʰk-i3
Heasty 1937: 18. Adverbial form. Quoted as ɕyak-i 'near, close (locally and temporally)' in [Kohnen 1994: 37].
Anywa:ɕʌ́ːn3
Reh 1999: 13. Qualitative verb. Plural: ɕʌ́r-ó.
Pari:ɕʌ̀ːn3
Andersen 1988a: 94. Quoted as ɕʌn in [Simeoni 1978: 106]. The latter source also adds ɕwok as a synonym [ibid.].
Number:104
Word:salt
Nuer:milɛ-1
Kiggen 1948: 202. Borrowed from Arabic. Cf. also kaːde 'salt, vegetable alkaline' [Kiggen 1948: 134]; on p. 202, it is stated that this form is characteristic of the Thiang dialect.
Dinka:awai1
Nebel 1979: 13. Meaning glossed as 'ash-salt' (but simply 'salt' in the English-Dinka index on p. 182). Also awa-n kartum id. (literally "the awai of Khartoum", referring to imported salt). For the Agar dialect, the same index yields the equivalent mela ~ melh 'salt', borrowed from Arabic. In [Roettger 1989: 42], the situation is as follows: (a) awai is listed as the only equivalent for all the subdialects of Bor and Rek Dinka, but is also encountered in at least several subdialects of Agar and Padang-Ageer as well; (b) mılı is listed as the only equivalent for the Alor, Ngɔk, and Dongjol (quoted as mɛlɛ for the latter) subdialects of Padang-Ageer, and is also sporadically encountered in other subdialects; (c) a third, most rare, equivalent is kata ~ kada ~ kaʰt (Abiliang, Ageer, Ruweng, Pan subdialects), corresponding to kada ~ kadda 'sauce, salt' in [Nebel 1979: 37] (probably a specialized term).
Reel:mɛlɛ-1
Roettger 1989: 42. Borrowed from Arabic.
Mabaan:eː-ɲan2
Miller 2006: 41. Quoted as sg. ʔêː-ɲán, pl. ʔêy-yʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 103].
Jumjum:ʔʌ̀y-yʌ́2
Andersen 2004: 146.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:
Not attested.
Shilluk:kaːd-o3
Heasty 1937: 40. Heasty mentions that the Shilluk more commonly use the Arabic word for 'salt' (unlike the Anywa); however, the word is also confirmed in [Gilley 2000: 18] as kàd-ɔ̀ and in [Kohnen 1994: 75] as sg. kad-o, pl. kat-i 'salt, alkaline salt (prepared from the ashes of some plants)'.
Anywa:ā=ɕʌ̀b-ó4
Reh 1999: 2. Plural: ā=ɕʌ̀p. Cf. also sg. kàd-ɔ̀, pl. kʌ́ːnn-í, with polysemy: 'stew / salt' [Reh 1999: 34]. Since the latter word more consistently appears throughout the dictionary in the meaning 'stew', we do not include it into comparison.
Pari:liŋg-o5
Simeoni 1978: 109. Plural: liŋg-e. Not attested in Andersen's papers.
Number:105
Word:short
Nuer:ɕieɣ1
Kiggen 1948: 56. Meaning glossed as 'small, short'.
Dinka:ɕiek1
Nebel 1979: 19. Polysemy: 'short / low'.
Reel:
Not attested.
Mabaan:ɖuːl-ɖul-o2
Miller 2006: 39. Reduplicated adjectival stem; cf. also the verbal stem ɖuːl-o 'to be short' [ibid.].
Jumjum:
Not attested.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:
Not attested. Cf., however, dʋ́m-ɔ́n 'shortness' in [Storch 2005: 103].
Shilluk:ɕɛk1
Heasty 1937: 20. Quoted as ɕik 'short (pl.)' in [Gilley 2002: 24]; as ɕyɛk, pl. ɕyekk-o ~ ɕyekk-i 'short, low (not high)' in [Kohnen 1994: 38].
Simeoni 1978: 109. Not attested in Andersen's papers.
Number:106
Word:snake
Nuer:t̪ɔl1
Kiggen 1948: 315. Plural: t̪ɔːal. Quoted as sg. t̪ɔʰl, pl. t̪ɔːʰl in [Frank 1999: 88].
Dinka:ke=raɕ2
Nebel 1979: 40. Plural: kaːraɕ. The Agar equivalent is given as sg. ko=ror, pl. ka=ruor [Nebel 1979: 188]; quoted as kéʰ=roóːʰr in [Andersen 1987: 2]. Roettger's comparative materials [Roettger 1989: 31] list as many as four possible equivalents: (a) kɛ=raɕ ~ kɘ=raɕ ~ kǝ=raɕ is typical of most of the subdialects of Padang and Rek dialects; (b) kǝ=piɲ ~ kɛ=piɲ, listed as a synonym for the Rek dialect; the form ke=piɲ 'snake' is also listed in Nebel's English-Dinka section of the dictionary [Nebel 1979: 188], but not in the main body of the dictionary. It may be related to piɲ 'earth' q.v.; (c) gɔʰːr, only listed as a synonym for kɛ=raɕ for the Ruweng-Pan-Aru subdialect of Padang (no parallels in Nebel's dictionary); (d) ke=roːr ~ kǝ=roːr ~ kɛ=roːr ~ ke=roːt - this is the only equivalent for 'snake' in Agar Dinka, thus marking one of the few certain lexicostatistical discrepancies between Agar and the rest of Dinka.
Reel:t̪ɔl1
Roettger 1989: 31.
Mabaan:kaːŋ3
Miller 2006: 53. Plural: kog-go. Quoted as sg. kâːŋ-ʌ̀, pl. kʌ́g-gʌ́ in [Andersen 1999a: 103].
Andersen 2006: 15. Plural: kʌɣ-it̪. Quoted as sg. káːk, pl. kʌ́g-ìt̪ in [Storch 2005: 119]. The situation is not quite clear, since in two of T. Andersen's papers on Mayak proper, the meaning 'snake' is only associated with the word nanaːn (sg.), nʌnun ~ nonun (pl.) [Andersen 1999c: 9; Andersen 2000a: 39]. If this latter word is really a generic term for 'snake', it is a lexical innovation, since only kaːk has reliable external parallels in other Mabaan-Burun languages. It is, however, unclear from existing publications which of the two items is truly the most neutral and frequent equivalent for this Swadesh meaning. In this situation, we provisionally select the etymologically archaic equivalent for inclusion, pending further clarifications.
Shilluk:t̪wɔʰl1
Heasty 1937: 99. Plural: t̪ɔʰl-i. Quoted as sg. t̪wōl, pl. t̪ōll-ì in [Gilley 2000: 7]; as t̪ʷɔ̄ʰl in [Gilley 1992: 25]; as t̪wol, pl. t̪ol-i in [Kohnen 1994: 200].
Anywa:t̪ùol1
Reh 1999: 76. Plural: t̪úoll-é ~ t̪úor-é.
Pari:t̪ùol1
Andersen 1988a: 78. Quoted as sg. t̪wol, pl. t̪won̪-d̪e in [Simeoni 1978: 110].
Number:107
Word:thin
Nuer:bieo1
Kiggen 1948: 36. Polysemy: 'thin / lean'. Cf. ɕiw-ɕiw 'thin' in [Bender 1971: 271] (same word as 'short' q.v.).
Dinka:t̪oi2
Nebel 1979: 88. Meaning glossed as 'small, thin'. Cf. also yem 'thin, frail' (e.g. of vessels) [Nebel 1979: 96]. Quoted as t̪ui ~ t̪oi ~ t̪ɔi ~ a=t̪ɔi ~ kɛ=t̪ɔi ~ ke=t̪ɔi ~ kʋ=t̪ɔi for the majority of Dinka dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 37] (all forms represent phonetic and morphological variants). The same source also lists some additional synonyms: (a) nɔl ~ a=nɔl (additional synonym for the Bor and Twic subdialects of Rek; the only equivalent for the Dongjol subdialect of Padang) = nɔl 'thin, lean' in [Nebel 1979: 62]; (b) guak ~ gueʰk (main equivalent for the Gɔk subdialect of Agar and alternate equivalent for the Ciec subdialect of Agar) - no direct parallels in Nebel's dictionary, but cf. perhaps the expression guek kɔu 'to chip wood' [Nebel 1979: 33]? Unfortunately, there are too few diagnostic textual contexts in Nebel's data to ascertain the proper semantics for every one of these items.
Reel:guak3
Roettger 1989: 37.
Mabaan:bom-bom-o4
Miller 2006: 9. Reduplicated adjectival stem. Additional morphological variants include bom-an and bom-ɕin [ibid.].
Jumjum:
Not attested.
Kurmuk:
Not attested.
Mayak:
Not attested. Cf., however, dém-ɔ̀n 'thinness' in [Storch 2005: 103].
Shilluk:rɛp5
Heasty 1937: 87. Applied, e.g., to boards. Quoted as rɛp ~ rɛb-o 'thin, weak, feeble' in [Kohnen 1994: 170]. Cf. also pot 'slim, slender, thin' (of people) [Heasty 1937: 83] = pot ~ poːt, pl. pot-i ~ pott-i 'thin, narrow, small; fine, slender' [Kohnen 1994: 162].
Anywa:dwàt #6
Reh 1999: 25. The semantics are not clear; the only example in the dictionary shows that the word is applicable to animals ("the dog became thin because there was no food"). Another candidate is wı́ːt 'to be slim, to be thin' [Reh 1999: 82], applicable to people. It is unclear which one of the two is more easily applicable to inanimate objects.
Pari:
Not attested.
Number:108
Word:wind
Nuer:ʓiɔm1
Kiggen 1948: 127. Quoted as sg. ʓiɔʰm, pl. ʓɔam in [Frank 1999: 90].
Dinka:yoːm1
Nebel 1979: 98. Quoted as yôːm in [Andersen 1987: 15].
Reel:
Not attested.
Mabaan:ʓwam-mo1
Miller 2006: 52. Plural: ʓɔm-an ~ ʓwɔp-ko. Quoted as ʓúam-mʌ́ in [Andersen 1999a: 101].
Jumjum:
Not attested.
Kurmuk:yɛ̀m-ı̀t̪1
Andersen 2015: 550. Meaning glossed as 'air', but the word is used in conjunction with the verb wíːp- 'to blow' and is clearly polysemous ('air / wind').
Mayak:yàm-ít #1
Storch 2005: 113. Plural: yàm-ìd-ín. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.
Miller 2006: 74. Plural: myɛlla-n. Cf. also sg. ywo-ɲan, pl. yuow-o 'worm, maggot' [Miller 2006: 121, 122]. Insufficient semantic information makes it unclear which of these equivalents better correlates with the expected meaning of 'earthworm'.
Jumjum:
Not attested.
Kurmuk:zàːgúl3
Andersen 2007b: 47.
Mayak:ruːy-ʌt̪4
Andersen 1999c: 13. Plural: ruːɕ.
Shilluk:ɲwɛl-o5
Heasty 1937: 69. Meaning glossed as 'earthworm'. Quoted as ɲʷɛl-ɔ 'earthworm' in [Gilley 1992: 25]; as ɲwɛl-o, pl. ɲoɛl-i 'earth-worm' in [Kohnen 1994: 144]. Distinct from twoʰŋ-o 'a worm, an insect, a cavity in the tooth' [Heasty 1937: 95] = twoŋ-o 'insect, worm, chafer' [Kohnen 1994: 193].
Anywa:
Not attested.
Pari:
Not attested.
Number:110
Word:year
Nuer:ruɔn1
Kiggen 1948: 285. Plural: ruːn.
Dinka:ruon1
Nebel 1979: 80. Plural: run. Quoted as rùʰn 'years' (pl.) in [Andersen 1987: 14].
Reel:
Not attested.
Mabaan:yuon-no1
Miller 2006: 8. For some reason, the word is only found in textual examples and not as a primary entry. Quoted as yûʌn-nʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 101].
Jumjum:yʋ́n1
Andersen 2006b: 15.
Kurmuk:rún-1
Andersen 2007b: 63. Only attested in the plural form: rún-d̪ʌ́n.
Mayak:run1
Andersen 2000a: 38. Plural: run-d̪in.
Shilluk:run1
Heasty 1937: 89. Heasty also notes phonetic variants un ~ wun. Quoted as run ~ run-o, pl. run-i in [Kohnen 1994: 176]. Alternate synonym: waŋ 'year' [Heasty 1937: 101; Kohnen 1994: 206]. The difference is unclear, but Kohnen's examples suggest that run is better applied to 'year' as a measure of time (e.g. 'two years'), whereas waŋ is more commonly used in temporal constructions and clauses (e.g. 'this year', 'in the year when...').
Anywa:rùːn1
Reh 1999: 72. Plural: rùːnn-ì. Alternate synonym: ɕwı̀ːr, pl. ɕwı̀ːr-ı́ 'rainy season, year' (cognate with Shilluk ɕwir 'rainy season'). It may be presumed that the latter word more generally refers to 'rainy season' in particular.
Pari:waŋ2
Simeoni 1978: 114. Suppletive plural: run. (Cf. the difference between the two stems in Shilluk; it is not quite clear if the usage in Päri is really the same or if they have become parts of a genuine suppletive paradigm).