Israel 1979: 391. Adjective. Meaning glossed as 'every; all'. Cf. also ɽapa 'adv. completely; adj. all' [Israel 1979: 407]; textual examples show that bare is used much more frequently, although it is difficult to establish precise semantic differences. Sunkarametta: bare 'all' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 283].
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 214. Cf. also darmu 'ashes' (dialectal form attested in the Kalahandi District; the authors propose that it was borrowed from Manḍa) [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 212].
Reddy 2009: 69. Plural: darmu-ŋ. This etymon is listed only as part of the compound niːy-darambu 'ashes' in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 268]; in [Reddy 2009: 79], this compound is listed as niːy darambu 'ashes formed by burning of charcoal'. Cf. also husu 'soot, ash' [Reddy 2009: 161].
Kui:naːɽi=duːli3
Winfield 1929: 83. Literally = 'fire-dust'; the word duːli by itself = 'dust' [Winfield 1929: 33]. Balliguda dialect: naːɖi=duːlli [Maheswaran 2008: 372].
Krishnamurti 1969: 390. Plural: poʈ-eŋ. Slightly dubious, since the word is only glossed as 'stomach'; however, no alternate word for 'belly' or 'abdomen' is attested. At least one of the textual examples shows that the word is also applicable to the external belly: "After you had eaten, am I to gaze at your mouth or lick your belly (poʈa)?" [Krishnamurti 1969: 82].
Israel 1979: 366. Meaning glossed as 'stomach'. Cf. also baɳɖi 'stomach' [Israel 1976: 390]. Sunkarametta, Parja: banɖi 'belly' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 283] vs. Sunkarametta: ʈuʈi 'stomach' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 277]. It remains unclear which of these two words is the original 'stomach' and which one is the original 'belly, abdomen'; tentatively, we include the one that is supported by external data (Kui).
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 203. Meaning glossed as 'big, large'.
Manda:dali3
Reddy 2009: 69. Meaning glossed as 'big, great, large, huge'. Cf. also beɖe, with polysemy: 'great / big / strong' [Reddy 2009: 109]. Cf. also gaz 'big' [Reddy 2009: 43]. No clear semantic difference between any of these words.
Kui:deri4
Winfield 1929: 28. Meaning glossed as 'large, great, chief, superior, important, extensive, exalted, elder, eldest'; cf. also the derived nominal stems der-anʓu 'big man or boy, etc.'; der-ari 'big woman or girl, big animal or thing, etc.' [ibid.]. There are at least two competing items: paːʈal 'large, big, great, huge' [Winfield 1929: 91] and roːʈa 'big, great, chief' [Winfield 1929: 102]. However, in the Balliguda dialect it is deri 'big' [Maheswaran 2008: 347] that is clearly the most basic, the most frequent and possibly the only equivalent for this Swadesh meaning. We select the item that is corroborated by both sources as the optimal candidate for inclusion.
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 199. Borrowed from Oriya. Cf. also the verbal stem kahraː 'to be black', with the adjectival derivative kahraː-ti 'black' [ibid.]. Analysis of textual evidence in the source shows that kala is the preferred equivalent for the neutral meaning 'black' (as opposed to other colors).
Reddy 2009: 30. Quoted as kaɽi-ndi in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 139]. Also attested simply as kaːɽi 'black, dark' [Reddy 2009: 29]. Cf. also kala 'black', kala-guɳɖa 'black design' [Reddy 2009: 26].
Kui:kaːli-1
Winfield 1929: 57. Borrowed from Oriya. Balliguda dialect: kaːli 'black, green' [Maheswaran 2008: 357]. Cf. also gandari 'black' [Winfield 1929: 39]; sroːbi, with polysemy: 'soot / black' (noun and adjective) [Winfield 1929: 114]. We select the equivalent on which Winfield and Maheswaran are in agreement as the primary choice.
Winfield 1929: 99. Balliguda dialect: raka ~ raʔta ~ rakʔa 'blood, red' [Maheswaran 2008: 383]. Kuṭṭiya dialect: rakaʔa 'blood' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 124]. Borrowed from Oriya (Indo-Aryan *rakta- 'blood'). The old Dravidian word for 'blood' is still preserved as Kui nederi in the function of a "balance word" [Winfield 1929: 84], but no longer serves as the basic equivalent.
Israel 1979: 380. Polysemy: 'blood / red colour'. Cf. also kasa 'blood', said to be "used in some areas" [Israel 1979: 346]. Sunkarametta: kassa 'blood' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 273], neteri 'blood' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 280] (no difference indicated). It seems that kas(s)a, a word of unclear origin, tends to replace the original word for 'blood' in some dialectal areas, but we include the inherited term, well attested in our main source.
Number:10
Word:bone
Konda:ɖumu1
Krishnamurti 1969: 372. Plural: ɖumu-k. The older equivalent is preserved in the Sova dialect: sg. pɽeː-nu, pl. pɽeː-ku 'bone, intestines' [Krishnamurti 1969: 391]; quoted as sg. peɽe-n, pl. peɽe-k in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 391].
Krishnamurti 1969: 355. Plural: eduram-ku. Distinct from paːlu 'breast / milk' [Krishnamurti 1969: 386]. Cf. also boːɾ-a, pl. boːɾ-eŋ 'chest' [Krishnamurti 1969: 395] (possibly borrowed from Telugu boːra id.?). Differently in Burrow & Bhattacharya's field records: guɳɖa 'chest' [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 155] (see also notes on 'heart'), as well as ninʓam 'chest' [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 333] - semantic difference between these two stems is unknown.
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 215. Also nenʓa ɖaki id. The word nenʓa per se means 'pith of tree' (i. e. < 'heart', although the anatomical meaning is not explicitly attested in the source).
Winfield 1929: 24. Plural: ɖaki-ŋga. Meaning glossed as 'breast bone, chest'. Distinct from sɽaːŋgu 'a breast' (female) [Winfield 1929: 114], attested as sraːŋgu for the Kuṭṭiya dialect [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 125]. Different opposition in the Balliguda dialect: ɖakki ~ daːki 'chest, shell, slough' [Maheswaran 2008: 351] vs. duːndu 'breast (female)' [Maheswaran 2008: 27, 349].
Israel 1979: 422. First part of this compound is not quite clear. Cf. also boko 'chest' [Israel 1979: 395]. Sunkarametta: hipa-ɖaki, Parja: siːpa-ɖaki 'chest' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 289]. Cf. Parja duːd-u 'breast' (female?) [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 279].
Krishnamurti 1969: 356. Polysemy: 'to kindle fire / to light, burn'. Possible alternate synonym: mar-g- 'to burn' (also marked as a transitive verb) [Krishnamurti 1969: 396]. Cf. also vey 'to be burnt' (intransitive verb) [Krishnamurti 1969: 406]. Several seemingly specialized synonyms are also available: aʈk- 'to burn (heaps of hacked forest-wood before starting cultivation), to set fire to' [Krishnamurti 1969: 347]; sur- '(meat, etc.) to roast; to burn (incense)' [Krishnamurti 1969: 411].
Winfield 1929: 79. Transitive verb; meaning glossed as 'to consume by fire, to burn; n. destruction by fire'. Balliguda dialect: mɽah- 'to burn (tr.)' [Maheswaran 2008: 371]. This seems to be a more likely candidate for the basic slot than kap-pa 'to cause to burn, to char, scorch' [Winfield 1929: 59], which is a regular transitive formation from kamb-a 'to be burned, injured by fire, consumed by fire' [Winfield 1929: 57] and attested as kap- 'to scorch' for the Balliguda dialect [Maheswaran 2008: 177]. Should also be distinguished from the intransitive riː-va 'to burn (fire)' [Winfield 1929: 101].
Israel 1979: 423. Polysemy: 'to fire (gun etc.) / to burn'. There are at least several additional entries in the source that also feature the meaning 'burn', e. g. ɽinʓ-i- 'to burn, flash, blaze' (transitive) [Israel 1979: 408], with an additional causative formation ɽiːh- 'to make fire burn, light fire' [ibid.]; cf. also the intransitive verb kaːɖ-i- 'to be burnt' [Israel 1979: 346]. Nevertheless, we select huːɖ- as the main entry because it is the only verb whose semantics is well confirmed by a textual example: "so the rajah said, 'put me also (in the hole) and burn me'" [Israel 1979: 273], where the listed imperative form is huːɖ-adu. Cf. Sunkarametta huːɖ- 'to burn, to shoot with gun' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 289].
Reddy 2009: 49; Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 55. Plural: guːr-ke. Distinct from mala, pl. mala-ŋ 'claw' [Reddy 2009: 113].
Kui:uŋgul-i-1
Winfield 1929: 126. Plural: uŋgul-aka. Balliguda dialect: uŋguːl-i [Maheswaran 2008: 331]. Kuṭṭiya dialect: unʓul-i [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 127]. In the latter work, the authors place under doubt Winfield's decision to define this word as a borrowing from Oriya, arguing that the corresponding Indo-Aryan word (Sanskrit aŋguli- and its descendants) not only has a different initial vowel, but also has a different meaning ('finger'), and that it makes more sense to compare uŋgul-i with the native Dravidian word for 'fingernail' (Tamil ukir, etc.). This alternate etymology is, however, untenable, since Tamil ukir, etc. corresponds to Kui goːra, pl. goːra-ŋga 'claw, talon, nail' [Winfield 1929: 44] = Balliguda goːra 'claw' [Maheswaran 2008: 365], a word that is still frequently preserved in its original polysemous meaning in many Gondi-Kui languages and dialects but seems to have largely become restricted to '(animal's) claw, (bird's) talon' in Kui proper. In the light of this, it does seem reasonable to view uŋguli as an Oriya borrowing: the semantic shift 'finger' > 'finger-nail' is trivial and often present in situations where it becomes necessary to separate 'human fingernail' from 'animal claw', and the vocalic change is easily explainable through assimilation (*aŋgul- > *uŋgul-).
Winfield 1929: 80. Meaning glossed as 'a cloud, the sky'. Balliguda dialect: muːɖeːŋgi 'cloud' [Maheswaran 2008: 369]. Different equivalent in Kuṭṭiya: ʓaggu 'cloud' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 133], cognate with Kuwi haːgu 'cloud, sky'.
Reddy 2009: 89. Dubious, since the meaning is only glossed as nominal: 'cold, winter'. However, no separate adjectival stem is attested in the dictionary. Also quoted as peni 'cold' in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 360].
Winfield 1929: 54. Cf. the derived forms: ʓili in-ba 'to be cold, cool'; ʓil-na 'coldly, coolly' (adv.) [ibid.]. Cf. also peːni 'cold weather, low temperature', (adjective) 'cold, chilly' [Winfield 1929: 92]; apparently, the main difference is that ʓili is applied to objects, whereas peːni refers to weather. Balliguda dialect: ʓilli 'cold' (e. g. ʓilli siru 'cold water') [Maheswaran 2008: 353] vs. peni ~ penni 'cold, winter' [Maheswaran 2008: 353]. Possibly a different equivalent in the Kuṭṭiya dialect: cf. kaːkori 'cold (of water)' in [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 133].
Israel 1979: 387. Used both as an adjective ('cold') and as a noun ('coldness'). Cf. Parja: hiːle 'cold' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 289] (it is not specified whether this is an adjective or a noun); Sunkarametta: peni 'cold' (noun) [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 282]. Additionally, cf. also hitɽi 'cold' [Israel 1979: 421], quoted the same way for the Sunkarametta dialect in [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 288].
Winfield 1929: 106. Polysemy: 'to die / to be ill / to suffer'. Balliguda dialect: saː- [Maheswaran 2008: 376]. Cf. also the periphrastic construction aːɽi aːva 'to die' [Winfield 1929: 7], where the first component probably goes back to the old Dravidian root *aɽ- 'to perish; to destroy'. Cf. also mruː-va, glossed in [Winfield 1929: 80] as a 'balance word of saːva' and confirmed in [Maheswaran 2008: 370] as mruː- 'to die' in the G.Udayagiri dialect. This latter entry is a rather obvious Indo-Aryan borrowing.
Israel 1979: 420. Cf. also ɖak- 'to die (often used in a light hearted manner)' [Israel 1979: 367]. Sunkarametta: haː- 'to die' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 288].
Krishnamurti 1969: 353. Polysemy: 'to drink / to eat' (since tin- is glossed as 'to eat solid food', this verb is likely applicable to various semi-liquid or soft substances). Past stem: ut-.
Israel 1979: 337. Cf. also goh-, glossed with polysemy: 'to drink / to smoke' in [Israel 1979: 359]. Sunkarametta: goh- 'to drink' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 276]. Judging by the texts in Israel's monograph, it seems that goh- (cognate with Kui goh-pa 'to swallow') has either already become the new default equivalent for 'to drink' in most Kuwi dialects, or is on the verge of replacing the old verb uɳ-. However, the latter is also occasionally encountered in textual examples, and the semantic difference remains unclear. We tentatively include uɳ- in the primary slot as a lexicostatistical match with Kui, but it is possible that in the light of future data this may have to be amended in favor of a non-match with goh-.
Krishnamurti 1969: 404. Intransitive verbal stem: 'to dry (in the sun); to get dried'. Derived forms include var̥-is- 'to let dry' (causative) and var̥-ti 'dried' (adjective).
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 228. Past stem: vaɕ-ɕ-. Meaning of this verbal stem is glossed as 'to dry up, wither, become emaciated'; analysis of textual examples shows that this word and its derivates are commonly used in the meaning 'dry, to become dry' (of smth. wet), as opposed to sukaː- 'to dry up, wither' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 229], meaning 'to become excessively dry, withered' and therefore ineligible for inclusion.
Manda:hurke ~ hukre2
Reddy 2009: 159, 160. Cf. also the verbal stem vas 'to dry up, wither' [Reddy 2009: 136].
Winfield 1929: 128. Verbal stem: 'to dry, wither; to be dried up, withered, thin, emaciated; n. dryness, leanness'. Balliguda dialect: bas- 'to be dry, wither' [Maheswaran 2008: 341]. There seems to be no difference between the neutral semantics of 'dry' and the "negative" semantics of 'dried up' in Kui.
Krishnamurti 1969: 368. Plural: gibi-ŋ. Cf. the Sova dialect form: gitoɳi, pl. gitoɳi-ŋ [Krishnamurti 1969: 368]. Cf. also mork-a, pl. mork-eŋ 'ear; upper part of ear' [Krishnamurti 1969: 400].
Reddy 2009: 44. Plural: gitul-iŋ. In [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 179], the Manda equivalent for 'ear' is listed as giy, pl. giy-ke (same root, but without the suffixal extension).
Winfield 1929: 130. Meaning glossed as 'earth, soil'. Kuṭṭiya dialect: viraʔa 'earth, soil' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 124]. Differently in the Balliguda dialect: ʈaːɖa 'earth, soil, ground' [Maheswaran 2008: 349], but also biraː 'ground' [Maheswaran 2008: 339]. The former word is probably the same as Kui ʈaːɳa 'land, ground' in [Winfield 1929: 117], but the consonantal correspondences are irregular; cf., perhaps, also Kui ʈaːɖa 'a large wide mouthed earthen-ware pot' [Winfield 1929: 116], said to be borrowed from Oriya. Current textual evidence does not allow us to properly assess whether there is a lexicostatistical difference between Winfield's and Maheswaran's Kui.
Krishnamurti 1969: 374. Polysemy: 'to eat (any solid food) / to inhale cigarette or beedi'. The meaning 'to eat soft / liquid food' is expressed by the same word as 'to drink' q.v. Cf. also re- 'to eat meat' [Krishnamurti 1969: 402].
Winfield 1929: 121. Plural: ʈoːla-ŋga. Polysemy: 'lump / excrescence / egg'. Balliguda dialect: toːla 'egg', but also baɖɖa id. [Maheswaran 2008: 341], with unclear distribution (only baɖɖa is encountered in textual examples). Still differently in the Kuṭṭiya dialect: sg. meːnʓu, pl. meːɕa-ka [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 128]. This seems to be the most archaic form, not only because of external data (the same basic equivalent for 'egg' in Gondi), but also because the plural form has served as the source of a back-formation in Kui proper: cf. sg. meːsa, pl. meːsa-ka 'testicle' in [Winfield 1929: 77].
Kuwi:guɖu-1
Israel 1979: 357. Plural: guɖu-yã. Cf. Sunkarametta: guɖɖu 'egg' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 276]; according to the authors, this is allegedly a recent borrowing from Telugu. An older equivalent may be toːla 'egg' [Israel 1979: 375], plural: toːla-yã, cf. also Parja: toːla 'egg' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 279]. However, in Israel's texts only the word guɖu is encountered.
Winfield 1929: 61. Plural: kel-ka. The meaning is glossed as 'a large feather', and there is also a dialectal variant keɖ-u, pl. keʈ-ka, glossed as 'a large feather, quill' [Winfield 1929: 60]. The other candidate for this slot is buːri 'a hair, fur, bristle, feather, wool, whisker' [Winfield 1929: 22]; however, even though the meaning here is more general ('feather' rather than 'large feather'), it seems somewhat too general and may, in fact, probably refer to the collective 'down, feathers' rather than the singulative 'feather'. For the moment, until detailed textual evidence is available, we prefer to fill this position with kel-u. The entry for the Balliguda dialect is questionable too: piːseːɖi 'feather' [Maheswaran 2008: 333] corresponds to Winfield's piːseri 'tail feather of a peacock' [Winfield 1929: 93], and the Balliguda entry may very easily reflect an incorrect generalization of the term 'peacock feather' to 'feather' as such. Finally, a completely different entry is attested for the Kuṭṭiya dialect: pɽuma 'feather' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 133].
Reddy 2009: 11. Meaning glossed as 'fire, burning charcoal, burning coal', but glossed simply as 'fire' in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 41]. Interestingly, the word hicu 'fire', reflecting the old etymon, is not attested in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984] at all. It is not clear whether this means that in basic usage, hicu has already been replaced by iske in Manda; for the moment, both terms have to be counted as technical synonyms.
Kui:
Kuwi:
Number:29
Word:fish
Konda:moy-a1
Krishnamurti 1969: 400. Plural: moy-eŋ. The old word miːn, pl. miːn-ga is still preserved in the dialect represented by Burrow & Bhattacharya's field records [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 436].
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 197. Same word as 'to swim' q.v. Past stem: uːm-t-.
Manda:uɖ aː-1
Reddy 2009: 13. Meaning glossed as 'to fly (as a bird)'. Complex form, consisting of the formally nominal stem uɖ 'flying' and the auxiliary verb aː 'to be, become, take place'. The nominal stem itself is a transparent borrowing from Indo-Aryan.
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 200. Meaning glossed as 'leg'; the meaning 'foot' is said to be expressed with the idiomatic formation kaːl pana, where pana = 'foot, sole; footprint' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 216]. However, perusal of textual evidence in the source clearly shows that (kaːl) pana is, at best, a "marked" (specialized) form, and that normally the simple word kaːl is applied to both 'legs' and 'feet' without semantic segmentation, as it does in the majority of other Dravidian languages as well.
Israel 1979: 351. Meaning glossed as 'leg'; but cf. also Sunkarametta koɖɖa 'leg, foot' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 275], and the more important fact that the only textual examples that specifically refer to 'feet' (e. g. 'webbed feet') in Israel's monograph all feature the word koɖa as well. Alternate synonym: paʔna [Israel 1979: 382], plural: paʔna-yã, meaning glossed as 'sole of foot'. Cf. Sunkarametta: paʔna, pl. paʔna-ŋa 'foot' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 280]. Cf. also kaːl-u 'leg' (Southern dialect) [Israel 1979: 347]. Cf. also Parja paːdomi 'foot' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 281], probably borowed from Indo-Aryan, distinct from kaːl-u 'leg' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 273]. On the whole, a rather complicated situation, exacerbated by few textual examples. Also, despite the phonetic similarity, Kuwi koɖa cannot be related to Kui kaːɖ-u.
Reddy 2009: 81. Verbal stem: 'to be filled, to be inserted, to be sufficient'. In [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 327], only the corresponding transitive stem is attested: neh- 'to fill, put in'.
Winfield 1929: 371. Transitive stem: nes-pa 'to fill, load' [ibid.]. Balliguda dialect: nenʓ- 'to be full', nes- 'to fill' [Maheswaran 2008: 371]. There is also another term which, upon first sight, looks more eligible: prusu ~ pruhu 'full, filled' [Winfield 1929: 97], prusu inba ~ pruhu inba 'to be full, filled' [ibid.]. However, it is suspiciously absent from Maheswaran's data for Balliguda. Additionally, Winfield also lists the Oriya borrowing puːri 'full' [Winfield 1929: 98], which corresponds to the Balliguda constructions puːri aː- 'to be full', puːri giː- 'to fill' [Maheswaran 2008: 216]. It seems that prusu ~ pruhu, lacking Dravidian correlates, is also a derived form from the same Indo-Aryan borrowing. This does not by itself disqualify it as a candidate for the primary slot, provided it has really replaced nenʓ- in basic usage, but we have no textual confirmations for that. For now, we cautiously retain the original Dravidian word as the basic equivalent.
Winfield 1929: 111. Meaning glossed as 'to give, grant, allow; n. the act of giving, bestowal'. There is also a (dialectal? positional?) variant ʓiː-va id., with secondary voicing [Winfield 1929: 54]. Balliguda dialect: siː- 'to give' [Maheswaran 2008: 413]. Kuṭṭiya dialect: hiː- 'to give' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 132].
Reddy 2009: 80. Meaning glossed as 'good, fine, well'. Derived from the verbal stem neg ~ nek ~ nik 'to be good' [ibid.]. Quoted as nek-ran (masc.), nek-del (fem.), nek-de (neut.) 'good' in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 333]. Cf. also bolo 'good, well' (< Oriya) [Reddy 2009: 110].
Winfield 1929: 84. Cf. neg-anʓu 'a good man or boy', neg-ari 'a good woman, girl or thing', etc. [ibid.]. Balliguda dialect: neg-i ~ negg-i [Maheswaran 2008: 371]. Kuṭṭiya dialect: neh-i [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 127].
Reddy 2009: 140. Borrowed from Oriya. Cf. also ʓiːani 'green, fresh (of leaves, etc.)' in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 342], glossed simply as ziyaːni 'unripe' in [Reddy 2009: 147].
Kui:
Not properly attested. Winfield lists a large number of adjectival stems with the meaning 'green', but it is not the primary meaning for any of them, and it is never evident whether his 'green' refers to color or (figuratively) to the state of being unripe. Possibly the best candidate is ʓibenɖi 'green, verdant; n. a species of grass growing in damp and moist places' [Winfield 1929: 54], but cf. also kesuɽi 'newly sprouting, green, tender, young' [Winfield 1929: 61]; koːɽu 'new, green, unripe, immature' [Winfield 1929: 65], siːɖi 'raw, unripe, green, sober' [Winfield 1929: 108]. In the Balliguda dialect, the only word that qualifies for inclusion is kaːli, glossed in [Maheswaran 2008: 357] as 'black, green' - although, naturally, this polysemy raises certain doubts.
Israel 1979: 421. Polysemy: 'green / fresh'. The exact same form is listed in the meaning 'unripe' for the Sunkarametta dialect [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 288].
Krishnamurti 1969: 414. In this dictionary entry, zut-u 'hair' is specifically opposed to kop-u 'braid of curly hair'. However, on p. 365 of the same source, the meaning of kop-u is glossed as 'hair (of men or women)'. Cf. also kukuʈi 'hair' in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 149].
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 211. The Kalahandi dialectal equivalent is tre-mul [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 212], indicating that the forms are related to Manda trey and go back to a compound formation (*trey-mul), the second part of which finds an external parallel in Konḍa muːla 'woman's hair-knot'.
Winfield 1929: 121. Plural: tlaː-mber-aka. Meaning glossed as 'a hair of the head'. Evidently derived from tlau 'head' q.v., which is itself glossed by Winfield with polysemy: 'head / hair of the head' [Winfield 1929: 121]. Balliguda dialect: tlaː-meːri [Maheswaran 2008: 347]. Additionally, cf. buːri 'hair, fur, bristle, feather' [Winfield 1929: 22] (obviously "body hair" rather than "head hair") and soːɽa 'a hair' [Winfield 1929: 113] with unclear semantic specifics (in [Maheswaran 2008: 379], only encountered as part of the complex formation soːɽa gaɖɖiːŋga 'beard').
Kuwi:baːɳa4
Israel 1979: 392. Plural: baːɳa-ŋga ~ baːɳa-yã. Sunkarametta, Parja: baːɳa, pl. baːɳa-ŋa 'hair, feather' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 283].
Reddy 2009: 31, 32. Plural: ki-ke ~ kiː-ke. The archaic morphophonological variant kay is only attested in compound formations [Reddy 2009: 26]. Quoted as kiy in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 183]. Distinct from maːra 'arm, wing' [Reddy 2009: 115].
Reddy 2009: 139. Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen / to ask / to tell (someone)'. Quoted as ven-, past stem veɕ- in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 502] (the meaning 'to ask', according to that source, is expressed by the derived stem ven-ba-).
Krishnamurti 1969: 417. Same word as 'chest' in Burrow & Bhattacharya's field notes; the equivalent for 'heart' there is the idiomatic expression guɳɖa kaːya, literally 'chest fruit' [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 155].
Reddy 2009: 55. Plural: ʈɳaːke-ŋ. Polysemy: 'heart / liver' (however, a separate lexical item also exists in the meaning 'liver' q.v.). Quoted as ʈɽaːke-ŋ 'liver' (plural form) in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 271].
Kui:tloːmba-ɖoːnɖi3
Winfield 1929: 121. The first part of this compound formation is unclear; the second one = ɖoːnɖi 'pumpkin' [Winfield 1929: 30]. This seems to be the basic equivalent for 'heart' as an anatomical term; in the figurative meaning ('heart' = 'mind, spirit, life, soul, feelings, seat of affection') the word ʓeːɖa is used instead [Winfield 1929: 52]. In the Balliguda dialect, only the Oriya borrowing ʓiːu 'life, heart' is attested [Maheswaran 2008: 353].
Kuwi:boːɳɖa4
Israel 1979: 395. Plural: boːɳɖa-yã. Sunkarametta: ʓiu 'heart' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 276] (borrowed from Oriya).
Krishnamurti 1969: 365. Plural: kom-ku. Cf. kom-a 'branch of a tree' [ibid.] with the same root. Cf. also the Indo-Aryan borrowing siŋgya 'horn' [Krishnamurti 1969: 409].
Israel 1979: 352. Plural: kom-u-ka. Sunkarametta, Parja: komm-u, pl. kom-ku 'horn' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 275]; cf. also Sunkarametta komma 'branch of tree' [ibid.].
Krishnamurti 1969: 369. Polysemy: 'to lie down / to sleep, sleep with'. This is the only word with the neutral semantics of 'lying down' attested in Krishnamurti's dictionary.
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 222. Past stem: maːk-t-. Meaning glossed as 'to lie, lie down, sleep' (not quite clear whether only the dynamic aspect is referred to or if this includes static 'to be lying' as well).
Reddy 2009: 66. Meaning glossed as 'to lie down, to relax' (not quite clear whether only the dynamic aspect is referred to or if this includes static 'to be lying' as well). Cf. also treːmb 'to lie down, to remain' [Reddy 2009: 67], historically derived from the same root with an additional verbal suffix. Quoted as teːr- 'to lie, lie down' in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 300].
Winfield 1929: 31. Meaning glossed as 'to lie down, recline, sleep; n. the act of lying down, sleep'. Balliguda dialect: ɖoː- 'to lie down' [Maheswaran 2008: 352]. Cf. also kuːr-a 'to fall over, fall down, tumble; to prostrate oneself, recline, lie down' [Winfield 1929: 69].
Kuwi:
Not attested.
Number:48
Word:liver
Konda:pit-a1
Krishnamurti 1969: 386. Plural: pit-eŋ. Glossed as 'liver (beside the heart; tastes bitter, will be removed while cooking)'.
Krishnamurti 1969: 381. Polysemy: 'straight / long / tall'.
Pengo:lama-1
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 227. Borrowed from Oriya. Cf. also lama-ʈi, lama-lama id. Additionally, cf. also ladeya 'long' [ibid.]; ɖeŋga 'long / deep' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 210]. All of these forms seem to be borrowings.
Manda:lama-1
Reddy 2009: 132. Borrowed from Oriya. Cf. also deha, glossed in [Reddy 2009: 74] as 'long (with reference to distance), distant, a far-off place'; however, this description seems to be more of a definition for 'far' q.v. rather than 'long'.
Kui:lamba ~ limba-1
Winfield 1929: 71, 72. Balliguda dialect: lamba [Maheswaran 2008: 381]. All forms borrowed from Oriya.
Winfield 1929: 92. Plural: peːn-ga. The meaning is glossed by Winfield as 'flea', but no separate equivalent for 'louse' or 'lice' is available in the dictionary. Additionally, for the Balliguda dialect Maheswaran quotes peːn-u 'louse' [Maheswaran 2008: 333]. It is possible that 'flea' and 'louse' have lexically merged in Kui, although such a lack of lexical distinction is typologically rare.
Israel 1979: 387. Plural: pɳeː-ka. Sunkarametta: peːn-u, pl. pɳeː-ka, Parja: peːn-u, pl. peːn-ka 'louse' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 282].
Number:51
Word:man
Konda:
Unclear. There is no separate word 'man (= male human being)' attested in Krishnamurti's dictionary, and most of the textual examples only refer to forms such as 'this man' or 'that man' (see 'this', 'that'), consisting of a pronominal stem plus a masculine suffix. It is possible that some Indo-Aryan borrowing might serve in contexts such as 'man and woman', but there is no confirmation in available data.
Pengo:aɳɖr-en1
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 193. Plural: aɳɖr-aŋ. Meaning glossed as 'male person, man'.
Krishnamurti 1969: 371. Adverbial form, glossed as 'too much, many; thickly'. Very rarely encountered in texts, but no better candidate for the required meaning could be located.
A wide variety of potential equivalents with the meaning 'many, much' are attested in Winfield's data: cf. deha 'many, more, most, much, very, mostly, greatly' [Winfield 1929: 27]; gaːme 'much, many, excessive, very, exceedingly, excessively' [Winfield 1929: 39]; maːro-ŋgi 'much, many, extensive, excessive' [Winfield 1929: 75]. Also in the Phulbani area: aːgal 'many, much' [Winfield 1929: 2]; ɖreha 'many, more, large, much' [Winfield 1929: 31]; ʓaːti 'many, much, great, large, extensive' [Winfield 1929: 52]. Without significant textual evidence, it is impossible to determine the most adequate equivalent, so we provisionally choose gaːme as the one form that has the best external correlates, and is also attested in the Balliguda dialect, albeit in the comparative meaning: gaːme 'more' [Maheswaran 2008: 363]. Maheswaran lists the Balliguda equivalent for 'many' as e-se [Maheswaran 2008: 252], but it corresponds to Winfield's eː-se 'that much, so much, so large, so many, as much, as large, as many' [Winfield 1929: 37] and clearly has an additional relative semantic component.
Krishnamurti 1969: 359. Meaning glossed as 'meat, flesh, muscle'. Plural: kaɳɖ-eŋ.
Pengo:ʓey2
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 208. Meaning glossed as 'flesh, muscle'. Additionally, cf. also mos 'flesh, meat' (< Oriya) [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 224]. Both of these forms are used in texts, but the borrowed term mos seems to be confined to bound expressions ('dried meat', etc.), although the evidence is restricted to just a small handful of examples and is not conclusive.
Krishnamurti 1969: 383. Plural: nel-eŋ ('months'). The Sova dialect form is leːnzu ~ leːnzi 'moon', pl. leːs-ku 'months' [Krishnamurti 1969: 404], representing an alternate morphological form of the same root (< *nel-eːnʓ-). Considering that the simple form nela, of all Gondi-Kui languages, is only found in certain dialects of Konda, it is not excluded that nela is a recent reborrowing from Telugu, and only the Sova dialect preserves the original morphologically extended form of Proto-Gondi-Kui.
Reddy 2009: 135. Plural: leːs-ke. Polysemy: 'moon / month' (although the meaning 'month' can also be expressed by the Oriya borrowing mah ~ maːso [Reddy 2009: 113, 116]). Quoted as leːnʓ in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 335].
Winfield 1929: 115. Plural: suɖa-ŋga. Polysemy: 'mouth / beak / brim'. Balliguda dialect: suɖɖa 'mouth / beak' [Maheswaran 2008: 379]. Kuṭṭiya dialect: suɖa 'mouth' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 120] (the authors note that regularly h- would be expected in Kuṭṭiya, and note this form as belonging to the Northern subdialect, although they do not explicitly list the form *huɖa; same situation with 'neck' q.v.). Another synonym for Kuṭṭiya is guti 'mouth' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 133], cognate with the common Kuwi word for 'mouth' and obviously more archaic in this meaning; it is, however, unclear whether it is suɖa or guti that is the more frequent and neutral equivalent for the Swadesh meaning in Kuṭṭiya.
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 209. Cf. also hak 'neck' (a form that seems to be generally used in compounds only: hak-naːɽa 'throat', hak-maɳi 'Adam's apple') [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 230].
Winfield 1929: 108. Plural: seːrki-ŋga. Glossed as 'the back of the neck'; absent in Maheswaran's data on the Balliguda dialect, but cf. in the Kuṭṭiya dialect: serki 'neck' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 120] (the authors note that regularly h- would be expected in Kuṭṭiya, and note this form as belonging to the Northern subdialect, although they do not explicitly list the form *herki; same situation with 'mouth' q.v.). There are at least two other candidates for this position: (a) nipi, also semantically glossed as 'the back of the neck' [Winfield 1929: 85], but in the Balliguda dialect corresponding to nipi 'shoulder, dew lap' [Maheswaran 2008: 371]; external parallels in Kuwi, all with the meaning 'shoulder' (in Kuṭṭiya Kui, nippi is also glossed as 'shoulder' in [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 134], seem to suggest that 'neck' or even 'back of the neck' is the result of inaccurate semantic glossing on Winfield's part; (b) ɖoːka, semantically glossed as 'the throat, front part of the neck' [Winfield 1929: 30], and corresponding to ɖoːka 'throat, neck' in the Balliguda dialect [Maheswaran 2008: 352]. This would rather seem to be the perfect equivalent for 'throat'. Nevertheless, advanced fieldwork is required to clear up the situation in different dialects and see whether there are some real, as opposed to inadequately described, usage discrepancies between them. Since the form serki in Kuṭṭiya is simply translated as 'neck' by Burrow & Bhattacharya, we currently cling to this circumstance and list Winfield's seːrki as the most basic equivalent for the required Swadesh meaning.
Krishnamurti 1969: 365. Borrowed from Telugu kotta id. The old equivalent for 'new' is still preserved in the Sova dialect: puːni [Krishnamurti 1969: 388].
Israel 1979: 409. Adverbial and nominal form. Sunkarametta: laʔaŋa, Parja laʔa 'night' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 286]. Cf. also the form neːkeri, with the meaning glossed as 'night (single)', in [Israel 1979: 380], and Sunkarametta: neːkeri 'night' in [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 280].
Krishnamurti 1969: 288-289. The most basic expression of verbal negation in Konda is by means of a morpheme that is defined as -ʔ- by Krishnamurti, but since it also gives an "e-coloring" to many of the following personal markers (e. g. 1st p. sg. affirmative: -a, 1st p. sg. negative: -ʔ-e), it is more preferable to analyze it, even on the synchronic level, as original -ʔe- with vocalic fusion between -e- and the initial vowel of the following person marker. Cf. also the negative verb sil- 'to be not' [ibid.], whose usage is largely restricted to indicating location (as in vaːnr-u inro sil-en 'he is not home').
Reddy 2009: 135. Negative marker suffixed to verbal root.
Kui:=aː-3
Maheswaran 2008: 150. This is the main negative marker in verbal stems, occasionally contracted to just =ʔ- before vowels.
Kuwi:=ʔa- / =ʔo-3
Israel 1979: 162. Verbal suffix. The two allomorphs are in complementary distribution (=ʔo- occurs in non-past negative finite verbs; =ʔa- occurs in all other formations).
Krishnamurti 1969: 358. Bound root; cf. oɾ-en 'one man', oɾ-neɳɖ 'one day', oɾ-su 'once'. The neuter gender form is u-nri ~ u-nre [Krishnamurti 1969: 353], originally contracted from *or-nd_i. Cf. also eːk 'one', borrowed from Oriya, and acting as a synonym in certain situations of counting [Krishnamurti 1969: 357]. Another loanword, this time from Telugu, is oko, found in certain compound forms [Krishnamurti 1969: 357].
Israel 1979: 407. Derived form: roː-ɳɖi 'one' (object or person). Cf. also eka 'one' [Israel 1979: 339], borrowed from Indo-Aryan. Sunkarametta, Parja: ro 'one'; Sunkarametta roʔ-osi 'one man', ro-ndi 'one (non-masc.)' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 285].
Number:64
Word:person
Konda:naɾuɳ ~ naɾuɳɖ-1
Krishnamurti 1969: 380. Meaning glossed as 'man (as opposed to gods)'. Transparent Indo-Aryan borrowing. Cf. also loːku 'person; persons, people' [Krishnamurti 1969: 404], also identifiable as an Indo-Aryan word.
Pengo:nar-1
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 213. Meaning glossed as 'man, human'. Borrowed from Oriya.
Manda:aɳɖr-en1
Reddy 2009: 2. Plural: aɳɖr-aŋ. Same word as 'man' (apparently, there is no lexical difference between 'human' and 'male human' in Manda).
Kui:
Not properly attested. In many cases, the meaning 'person' is simply expressed by the masculine animate suffix -anʓu [Winfield 1929: 6]. The autonomous meaning 'human being' (as opposed to 'male human being' or 'female human being') is not recorded in available texts or dictionaries.
Kuwi:maːneyi-1
Israel 1979: 399. Borrowed from Indo-Aryan. Cf. the collective plural form noːro ~ noro 'people' [Israel 1979: 381]. Cf. also loːku 'person (human being)' [Israel 1979: 411].
Reddy 2009: 95. Meaning glossed as 'path, way'. Cf. parla id. [Reddy 2009: 85].
Kui:paher-i3
Winfield 1929: 89. Meaning glossed as 'path, track, road'. Cf. also the Oriya (ultimately English) borrowing ruːʈu 'road, high-road' [Winfield 1929: 103]. This word is also attested in the Balliguda dialect: ruːʈu 'road' [Maheswaran 2008: 384].
Israel 1979: 363. Plural: ʓiːyu-yã ~ ʓiː-ŋga. Meaning glossed as 'path'. Cf. also ʓiːru, pl. ʓiːru-yã ~ ʓiːru-ka 'path' [ibid.]; both forms are actually variants of the same original root. Cf. the same phonetic difference in: Sunkarametta ʓiːy-u, Parja: ʓiːr-u 'road, path, way' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 277]. Additional synonym: paːheri 'road' [Israel 1979: 384] (this seems to be a more formal and specialized term). Sunkarametta: paher-i 'road, path' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 281].
Number:68
Word:root
Konda:
Not attested in Konda proper; cf. vel-a, pl. vel-eŋ 'root' (Sunkrapuṭ dialect) [Krishnamurti 1969: 406].
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 220. Borrowed from Oriya. A special "ritual" form baːli is also attested in idomatic expressions [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 220].
Manda:baliya-1
Reddy 2009: 100. Borrowed from Oriya.
Kui:baːlu-1
Winfield 1929: 10; Maheswaran 2008: 342. Borrowed from Oriya. Cf. also srogu 'rough surface; coarse sand or pebbles' [Winfield 1929: 114]. Cf. also in the Phulbani subdialect: vilu 'sand, dust' [Winfield 1929: 130].
Kuwi:baʔli-1
Israel 1979: 391. Also balʔ-uri id. Borrowed from Oriya. Sunkarametta: balʔuri, Parja: baːliʔi 'sand' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 283].
Winfield 1929: 49. Meaning glossed as 'to be articulate; to say, speak; n. articulation, saying, speaking'. Distinct from ves-pa 'to say, speak, tell; n. saying, speech, word' [Winfield 1929: 130], which seems a better equivalent for the basic meaning 'to speak' or 'to tell (smth.)'. Balliguda dialect: in- 'to say' [Maheswaran 2008: 324] vs. bes- 'to speak, tell' [Maheswaran 2008: 340]. The Kuṭṭiya form ves-teʔe 'I said' in [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 130] is probably to be understood as 'I told / I spoke'.
Israel 1979: 336. Sunkarametta: in-, past stem iɕɕ- 'to say' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 272]. Cf. also veh- 'to say' in the Sunkarametta dialect; this form is listed in the meaning 'to tell' in [Israel 1979: 414] and, on the whole, seems less eligible for inclusion (see notes on the same dichotomy in Kui).
Winfield 1929: 116. Kuṭṭiya dialect: huːɽ-oni 'to see' (infinitive) [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 131]. It is interesting that this verb is not at all mentioned for the Balliguda dialect, where the basic equivalent for 'to see', both in the dictionary and according to textual examples, seems to be meh-, glossed as 'to see' in [Maheswaran 2008: 410], but as 'to look (at)' throughout the grammar. In Winfield's dictionary, meh-pa is glossed as 'to look, see, observe, perceive, give attention to' [Winfield 1929: 76]. Historically, it is clearly suːɽ- that reflects the original basic verb 'to see', but it seems that in some dialects of Kui it is currently being replaced by or neutralized with meh- 'to look' (the same process is independently active in some dialects of Kuwi as well).
Krishnamurti 1969: 368. Plural: ginz-eŋ. Cf. also sg. vit-u, pl. vit-ku 'seed (for sowing)' [Krishnamurti 1969: 405] (derived from vit- 'to sow /seed/').
Pengo:biyan-1
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 221. Borrowed from Oriya. Cf. also biːɕi id. (also borrowed from Oriya) [ibid.].
Manda:biyan-1
Reddy 2009: 104. Meaning glossed as 'seeds, grains meant for sowing' (< Oriya). Cf. also pɽeː-n 'bone / seed' [Reddy 2009: 97]; ʈaːku 'the stone or seed of a fruit' [Reddy 2009: 51].
Winfield 1929: 65. Metathesis from *kok-p-a. Polysemy: 'to sit / sit down / sit on / settle down / subside'. Balliguda dialect: kok- 'to sit down' [Maheswaran 2008: 358].
Krishnamurti 1969: 369. Same word as 'to lie' q.v.; its basic usage in the meaning 'sleep' is well confirmed by numerous text examples in Krishnamurti's monograph. The Sova dialect form is sus- [Krishnamurti 1969: 411]; likewise, the dialect represented by Burrow & Bhattacharya's field records also preserves the more archaic stem: sunz- 'to sleep' [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 287].
Israel 1979: 422. Additional synonyms: (a) ɖur-i- [Israel 1979: 369], with the meaning glossed as 'to sleep, lie down to sleep'; (b) ɽaːŋg-i- 'to sleep' [Israel 1979: 407]. Semantic differences between all three items are unclear, but only hunʓ-i- has a transparent Kui-Kuwi and Common Gondwan etymology. Sunkarametta: hunʓ- 'to sleep' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 289].
Krishnamurti 1969: 353. Cf. also koko 'small; little (of rice, etc. mainly pertaining to quantity)' [Krishnamurti 1969: 364], and its derivate kog-ɾi 'younger; small' [ibid.].
Winfield 1929: 63. Also kog-eri id. Cf. also the related verbal stem koːg-a 'to become small; to be less, smaller' and nominal stems kog-anʓu 'small man, boy'; kog-ari 'small woman, girl' [ibid.]. Balliguda dialect: kogg-i 'small' [Maheswaran 2008: 135].
Kuwi:iɕi4
Israel 1979: 335. Cf. the emphatic form: iɕiː 'very small, very little', also iɕ-aːyi 'very very small'. Additional synonyms: uːɳa 'small, little' [Israel 1979: 338]; eɕ-ayi 'little, small' [Israel 1979: 339]. Sunkarametta: iɕɕi 'small' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 272].
Reddy 2009: 35. Cf. also duy̆ ~ duyyã [Reddy 2009: 72], borrowed from Oriya.
Kui:dua-li-1
Winfield 1929: 33. This seems to be derived from dua 'tobacco', borrowed from Oriya [ibid.]. Cf. also kuhula 'smoke' in the Barma dialect [Winfield 1929: 68]. No equivalent attested in Maheswaran's Balliguda dialect. The old Dravidian word for 'smoke' may, however, still be preserved in the Kuṭṭiya dialect: poːkaɽi 'smoke' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 133].
Reddy 2009: 78. Meaning glossed both as static ('to stand') and dynamic ('to stand up, to get up'). An alternate morphophonological variant is li- (< *nli-) 'to get up, to stand' [Reddy 2009: 133]. Only the second variant, glossed as li- 'to stand', is listed in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 325].
Winfield 1929: 85. Meaning glossed as 'to stand, stand still; to be set; n. the act of standing still'. Balliguda dialect: ni-s- 'to stand still' [Maheswaran 2008: 371].
Krishnamurti 1969: 411. Plural: suk-eŋ. The word is marked as reflecting the Sova dialect, but no different equivalent is given for Konda proper, and the word clearly goes back to Proto-Gondi-Kui (see cognates in Pengo, etc.), so we tentatively include it in the main list.
Israel 1979: 412. Plural: val-ka. For the Rayagada dialect, Israel notes preservation of the old root kalu, pl. kalu-ka 'stone' [Israel 1979: 346]. Sunkarametta, Parja: valli, pl. val-ka 'stone' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 287].
Reddy 2009: 140. Polysemy: 'sun / time / period / daytime / season'.
Kui:veːla2
Winfield 1929: 129. Polysemy: 'sun / time / hour / occasion / season'. Balliguda dialect: beːla 'moment, time' [Maheswaran 2008: 340], but the meaning 'sun' comes out in compounds, e.g. beːla peːnu 'sun deity', etc.
Kuwi:veːɽa2
Israel 1979: 414. Polysemy: 'sun / age'. Sunkarametta, Parja: veːɽa 'sun' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 287]. Additionally, cf. also gaːma [Israel 1979: 356], with polysemy: 'sun / perspiration'.
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 197. Same word as 'to fly' q.v. Past stem: uːm-t-. Cf. also keɽaː 'to swim (of fishes)' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 202], not applicable to people.
Manda:vaːrki ki3
Reddy 2009: 137. Also vaːrke ki id.; formed from the nominal stem vaːrki 'swimming' with the aid of the auxiliary verb ki 'to do'. Cf. also hiːndi, glossed in [Reddy 2009: 158] as a nominal stem with the meaning 'swimming'.
Kui:krah-a ~ kreh-a4
Winfield 1929: 66. Polysemy: 'to swim / to move with arms stretched out as when dancing'. Balliguda dialect: krah- 'to throw the arms about, swim' [Maheswaran 2008: 362].
Kuwi:poːr-5
Israel 1979: 388. The additional meaning 'to seek out information, enquire' probably reflects a homonym rather than polysemy.
Winfield 1929: 32. Plural: ɖreːʈ-ka. This word has numerous variants: cf. also ɖreːŋgon-i, pl. ɖreːŋgon-aka; ɖreːŋgun-i, pl. ɖreːŋgun-aka; ɖreːol-i, pl. ɖreːol-aka; ɖreːonʓ-i, pl. ɖreːonʓ-aka id. [ibid.]; also ɖreːl-u (Phulbani subdialect) id. [Winfield 1929: 31]. Kuṭṭiya dialect: ɖeːɖr-u, pl. ɖreːʈ-ku [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 127]. Not found in the Balliguda dialect, where the Oriya borrowing lenʓa for 'tail' is listed instead [Maheswaran 2008: 381] = lenʓa 'hairs of tail; hairs of eyelashes; tuft of hair; mane' [Winfield 1929: 71].
Krishnamurti 1969: 231, 347. Bound root: cf. complete forms such as a-di 'that one' (3rd non-masc. sg.), a-vi 'those' (3rd non-masc. pl.), a-tal 'that side', etc. The same root is implicitly present in forms where the synchronic root is vaː-: vaː-nru 'that man' < *a-va-nr_u, vaː-ɾu 'those men' < *a-va-ru (with apocopation of the word-initial vowel, typical of Gondi-Kui languages in many phonetic contexts). Since the historical root in these forms is a zero allomorph of *a-, we do not include it separately on the list.
Reddy 2009: 20. Meaning glossed as 'that, those, a distal demonstrative (with reference to non-visible persons, animals, objects or events)'. Attested only in bound stems in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 75]: e-van 'he, that man', pl. e-var; e-del 'she, that woman', etc. Cf. also deː id. [Reddy 2009: 74] (with a fossilized prefix?).
Winfield 1929: 34. According to Winfield's description, there are altogether four degrees of deixis in Kui, showing a straightforward correlation between the phonetic qualities of the root vowel and the degree of separation from the speaker, where *i 'this (here)' is the closest equivalent, *o 'that (yonder)' is the most far removed equivalent, and *e and *a represent participants/objects in between. In the Balliguda dialect, the system became simplified: *a fell out of use altogether, and *e and *o switched places (*o became "intermediate" and *e became "remote", in a shift very similar to Manda). For the root morpheme e(ː), Winfield's commentary is: "Denoting that which is not far away. Used by itself as a demonstrative adjective or compounded with gender and number suffixes to form demonstrative pronouns". Cf. further: e-anʓu 'that man or boy, he', pl. e-aru; eː-di 'that woman or girl or thing; she, it, that'; eː-i 'that thing, that, it', pl. eː-vi; [Winfield 1929: 34-35]. Balliguda dialect: e 'that (remote)', eː-aːnʓu 'he (remote)', eː-aːru 'they (masc., remote)', eː-bi ~ eː-bo 'they (non-masc., remote)', eː-di ~ eː-ri 'she/it (remote)', eː-ra ~ eː-ʔa 'that (adj.)' [Maheswaran 2008: 325-327].
Israel 1979: 82, 128. Intermediate degree of deixis ('that'). Demonstrative adjective, also used as basis for the formation of demonstrative/3rd p. personal pronouns: eː-vasi 'he, that man'; eː-vari 'they, those men'; eː-di 'she, it, that woman, that thing'; eː-vi 'they, those women, those things'. There also exists an "emphatic" version of the same pronoun, extended by means of an ("expressive?") laryngeal prothesis: heː 'that yonder, that a greater distance', with all the corresponding derivates (heː-vasi, etc.).
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 53. Attributive form. The full, gender-based forms are: a-van (masc. sg.), a-del (fem. sg.), a-di (neut. sg.), a-var (masc. pl.), a-vek (fem. pl.), a-vaŋ (neut. pl.). The semantic difference between the bases a- and e- is left unexplained in the source. We may surmise that one of them is 'that (far away)' and the other one is 'that (intermediate)', and, based on external data, even hypothesize that the former meaning is expressed by aː and the latter by eː, but this is uncertain.
Manda:uː3
Reddy 2009: 16. Meaning glossed as 'that, those (with reference to visible persons, entities or events), remote demonstrative'. Curiously enough, not attested in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984].
Winfield 1929: 1. Winfield: "Denoting that which is at a short distance away. Used by itself as a demonstrative adjective, or compounded with gender and number suffixes as a demonstrative pronoun". Cf. further: aː-anʓu 'that man or boy, he', pl. aː-aru; aː-ari 'that woman or girl, she; that thing, it, that', pl. aː-vi [Winfield 1929: 1]. This pronoun and its derivatives seem to have fallen out of use in the Balliguda dialect, since no mention of them is seen in [Maheswaran 2008].
Kuwi:uː3
Israel 1979: 82, 128. Remote degree of deixis ('that over there'). Demonstrative adjective, also used as basis for the formation of demonstrative/3rd p. personal pronouns: uː-vasi the man over there'; uː-vari 'the men over there'; uː-di 'the woman/thing over there'; uː-vi 'the women/things over there'. There also exists an "emphatic" version of the same pronoun, extended by means of an ("expressive?") laryngeal prothesis: huː 'that yonder, that a greater distance', with all the corresponding derivates (huː-vasi, etc.). Additionally, fossilized traces of the old deictic root *a- are seen in a few bound forms, such as a-tala 'that side' [Israel 1979: 331].
Number:85
Word:that3
Konda:
Pengo:
Manda:
Kui:oː3
Winfield 1929: 86. Winfield: "A demonstrative denoting that which is some distance or far away". Cf. further: oː-anʓu 'that man, that man yonder, he', pl. oː-aru; oː-ri ~ (Phulbani subdialect) oː-di 'that, she, it', pl. oː-vi [Winfield 1929: 86-88]. Balliguda dialect: oː-aːnʓu 'he (interm.)', oː-aːru 'they (masc., interm.)', oː-bi ~ oː-bo 'they (non-masc., interm.)', oː-di ~ oː-ri 'she/it (interm.)' [Maheswaran 2008: 330].
Krishnamurti 1969: 232, 351. Bound root: cf. complete forms such as i-di 'this one' (3rd non-masc. sg.), i-vi 'these' (3rd non-masc. pl.), i-tal 'this side', etc. The same root is implicitly present in forms where the synchronic root is veː-: veː-nru 'this man' < *i-va-nr_u, veː-ɾu 'these men' < *i-va-ru (with progressive vocalic assimilation and apocopation of the word-initial vowel, typical of Gondi-Kui languages in many phonetic contexts). Since the historical root in these forms is a zero allomorph of *i-, we do not include it separately on the list.
Israel 1979: 82, 128. Demonstrative adjective, also used as basis for the formation of demonstrative/3rd p. personal pronouns: iː-vasi 'he, this man'; iː-vari 'they, those men'; iː-di 'she, it, this woman, this thing'; iː-vi 'they, those women, those things'.
Krishnamurti 1969: 401. Cf. specific forms: ɾiʔ-er 'two men'; ɾiʔ-eʈ 'we two (incl.)'; ɾi-za 'twice', etc. Another variant of the same stem is found in ɾu-ɳɖi 'two' (neutral). Additionally, the Indo-Aryan borrowing duy ~ duyi 'two' "occurs only in folk tales" [Krishnamurti 1969: 378].
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 49. Cf. also the extended suffixal variants: feminine ri-nɖ-ek, neuter ri-nɖ-aŋ. The Indo-Aryan borrowing dui 'two' is mostly used "in combinations with higher numerals" [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 213].
Reddy 2009: 126; Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 46. Cf. also ri-ɳɖi 'two (referring to non-human entities) [Reddy 2009: 127]. Apparently, the Indo-Aryan word duy may also be used in certain contexts [Reddy 2009: 71].
Reddy 2009: 141, 155. Meaning glossed as 'to go, to move away'. This form is said to be restricted to 1st person future tense only; the other suppletive variant (historically formed from the same root) is san 'to move, to go, to proceed' [Reddy 2009: 140]. Quoted as hal-, past stem: ha-ɕ- in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 242].
Winfield 1929: 129. Verbal stem: 'to be hot (liquids, cooked food)'. Balliguda dialect: beh- 'to be hot (liquids, food, etc.)' [Maheswaran 2008: 406]. Additionally, cf. kaːnd-a 'to be hot' [Winfield 1929: 58] = Balliguda kaːnd- id. [Maheswaran 2008: 357]. The exact difference between the spheres of application of these two stems remain unclear. Also, neither of the two sources distinguishes properly between the ideas of 'hot' and 'warm'.
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 198. Plural: eːz-uŋ (the word is generally used as a plurale tantum; the singular form is only found in the idiomatic expression eːz iːba- 'to bathe').
Reddy 2009: 21. Plurale tantum. Quoted as ey in [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 468].
Kui:siɖru ~ siru2
Winfield 1929: 108, 110. Balliguda dialect: siru ~ siːru [Maheswaran 2008: 374]. This word seems to be a recent innovation, because the Kuṭṭiya dialect still preserves the original Gondi-Kui word for 'water': eːʓu [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 135], and also because the old word is still preserved in Kui compound formations, in the form eːsu, e. g. eːsu koːru 'hippopotamus', eːsu peːnu 'god of the marsh', etc. [Winfield 1929: 38].
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 51. Exclusive form. More usually encountered in the extended variant: aːp-eŋ. Accusative/dative: maŋgeŋ, genitive: maː [ibid.].
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 51. Inclusive form. More usually encountered in the extended variant: aːh-eŋ (with regular development *-s- > -h- in the intervocalic position, although the variant aːs-eŋ, levelled by analogy with aːs, is also attested). Paradigmatic forms (accusative, genitive) for this pronoun are the same as for the exclusive variety.
Winfield 1929: 3. Inclusive form. Oblique stem: maː- (same as with the exclusive pronoun) [Winfield 1929: 73-74]. Balliguda dialect: aːʓ-u [Maheswaran 2008: 80]. No special inclusive form recorded for the Kuṭṭiya dialect.
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 55. Formed from the general interrogative stem in- (cf. also 'who'); used in adjectival (in-a toːr 'what name?') as well as nominal (in-a kideŋ 'to do what?') functions.
Krishnamurti 1969: 376. Derived from the adverbial form telaŋ 'whitishly', which is itself derived from the verbal stem teli- 'to be known'. Cf. also oɽini ~ oɽini-ka 'white, bright' in Burrow & Bhattacharya's field records [Burrow & Emeneau 1984: 98].
Winfield 1929: 72. Meaning glossed as 'white, fair'. Balliguda dialect: loːŋgi 'white' [Maheswaran 2008: 382].
Kuwi:kum-ɳɖi #4
Israel 1979: 350. Another possible equivalent is dabla ~ dubla 'white' [Israel 1979: 375, 377]. Cf. also op- 'to become white', op-i ki- 'to make white or clean' in [Israel 1979: 342]; ɽoŋg-i- 'to be white; to be light skinned' in [Israel 1979: 408]; ɽiːnʓ-i- 'to burn, flash, blaze; to be white' in [Israel 1979: 408]. Sunkarametta: dobla 'white' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 279]. On the whole, a very confusing situation with this color term.
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 55. Masc. sg. form; the more commonly used form is masc. pl. in-er. Cf. also in-del 'who (fem. sg.)', in-dek 'who (fem. pl.)'.
Winfield 1929: 1336. Also e-mbai id. [Winfield 1929: 36]; o-mbai id. [Winfield 1929: 87]; u-mbai id. [Winfield 1929: 126]. Balliguda dialect: i-mbaːi 'who' [Maheswaran 2008: 324], a-mbaːi 'who' [Maheswaran 2008: 327]. The forms with initial a-, o-, u-, etc., are most likely the results of contamination with the various stems of demonstrative pronouns, which was triggered by the phonetic merger of the original interrogative stem *ya- with the original demonstrative stem *i-, upon which the suffixal morpheme -mba- became, in some dialects, the main carrier of the animate interrogative meaning, and the root morpheme became understood as expressing deixis (thus, 'who over here?', 'who over there?', etc.). Etymologically, however, it is the vowel *i that carries the original interrogative meaning. Should be distinguished from the interrogative adjective est- 'which?' (est-anʓu 'which man or boy?', est-ari 'which woman or girl or thing?', etc.) [Winfield 1929: 38].
Israel 1979: 86. The full paradigm is as follows: masc. sg. a-mba-ʔasi, masc. pl. a-mba-ʔari, non-masc. sg. a-mba-yi, non-masc. pl. a-mba-ʔi. The main monovocalic interrogative morpheme a- is in free variation with the equally frequent e- (thus, e-mba-ʔasi, etc.) and the somewhat less frequent i- (i-mba-ʔasi, etc.). The origin of this strange variation is probably the same as in Kui (see notes on Kui i-mbae).
Number:99
Word:woman
Konda:
Unclear. Just like in the case of 'man', most of the textual examples only refer to forms such as 'this woman' or 'that woman' (see 'this', 'that'), consisting of a pronominal stem plus a feminine suffix. Cf., however, the special form ayma 'woman' (Sova dialect) [Krishnamurti 1969: 349]. In any case, distinct from aːɽu ~ aːlu 'wife' [Krishnamurti 1969: 351].
Winfield 1929: 7. Plural: āsa-ska ~ āsa-saka. Polysemy: 'woman / female'. Balliguda dialect: aːsa (also aːsa miːɖa, aːsaː-maŋga id., where miːɖa = 'child, offspring') [Maheswaran 2008: 329]. Kuṭṭiya dialect: pl. aːɕa-ska [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 120]. Another equivalent is mɽeh-ali 'woman, girl, wife' [Winfield 1929: 79], formed from the adjectival stem mɽeh-a 'male' (sic!) and paradigmatically opposed to mɽeh-enʓu 'man, boy, husband' q.v. = Balliguda mɽeh-aːli 'woman' [Maheswaran 2008: 54]. This lexeme is clearly an innovation, formed by analogy with 'man' with the aid of a productive feminine suffix, and it seems to be in the state of replacing the original aːsa, but it is not entirely clear from available textual evidence if the replacement has already relegated aːsa to the status of a lexical archaism or not quite yet.
Israel 1979: 334. Plural: aːɕa-maːska. Polysemy: 'female / woman'. The second part of the compound is maːŋga 'daughter' [Israel 1979: 398]. Distinct from aːya, pl. aːya-ska ~ aːya-sika 'woman, wife' [Israel 1979: 334], iːya 'woman, mother' [Israel 1979: 337]; also from aːɽi, pl. aːɽi-ska 'woman, wife' [Israel 1979: 335].
Krishnamurti 1969: 385. Dubious; the word pasi-ŋ (clearly related to pasi 'green, fresh, tender') is only glossed as the noun 'turmeric' in the dictionary. However, on p. 95 it is encountered as a color term, opposed to 'black' and 'red' ("She spread a piece of black cloth, a piece of red cloth and a piece of yellow cloth"), which is a serious argument for considering this as a possible equivalent for 'yellow' in Konda.
Pengo:geːr-ka2
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 205. Meaning glossed as 'turmeric; yellow'.
Manda:koyra3
Reddy 2009: 41. Cf. also meːrke-ruŋg 'yellow color' [Reddy 2009: 123], derived from meːrke 'turmeric, saffron' [ibid.].
Kui:sɽiːŋga4
Winfield 1929: 114. Meaning glossed as 'the colour of turmeric, saffron, yellow'. Phulbani subdialect: siːŋga id. [Winfield 1929: 109]. Balliguda dialect: sɽiːŋga ~ siːŋga 'turmeric, yellow' [Maheswaran 2008: 381].
Krishnamurti 1969: 378. Meaning glossed as 'distance' (noun and adverb); the word is frequently encountered in texts in the adverbial meaning 'far (away)'. Transparent borrowing from Indo-Aryan.
Pengo:deːha1
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 213. Meaning glossed as 'long, far, distant'.
Manda:deha1
Reddy 2009: 74. Meaning glossed as 'long (with reference to distance), distant, a far-off place'.
Winfield 1929: 107. Adjective and adverb: 'distant, far, far away'. Balliguda dialect: seko 'far' [Maheswaran 2008: 375]. The adjective duru, borrowed from Oriya, may also be used in the meaning 'distant, far' [Winfield 1929: 34].
Winfield 1929: 92. Derived from the verbal stem piːg-a 'to be heavy' (the latter also functions as the noun 'heaviness'). Balliguda dialect: piːg- 'to be heavy' [Maheswaran 2008: 333]. Kuṭṭiya dialect: pikk- 'to be heavy' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1961: 134].
Reddy 2009: 47. Cf. panvati 'short' (literally 'not tall', derived from panti 'tall, high' with a negative affix) [Reddy 2009: 84].
Kui:
Impossible to determine the correct equivalent: there is a wide variety of adjectives with the meaning 'short' in Winfield's dictionary, but not a single one of them hints at being the most basic/neutral/primary equivalent for the required meaning. Cf. boʈoli ~ buʈuli 'short, thickset, stumpy' [Winfield 1929: 18, 23]; gapeːri 'short, stunted, dwarfish' [Winfield 1929: 39]; guːʈa 'stumpy, short, dwarfish' [Winfield 1929: 47]; ʈaːrperi 'short, stunted, dwarfish' [Winfield 1929: 118]; ʈupa 'short, dwarfish', ʈup-ri 'short' [Winfield 1929: 124].
Not attested. Cf., perhaps, palsa 'thin (of liquid)' [Krishnamurti 1969: 385], sometimes glossed simply as 'thin' in the book, but it is unclear if it applies to anything other than liquids.
Pengo:
Not attested.
Manda:paːtaːɽ-1
Reddy 2009: 87. Transparent Indo-Aryan borrowing (cf. Hindi patlaː, etc.).
Kui:ʓiːɖa ~ ʓiːla2
Winfield 1929: 54. Meaning glossed as 'thin, fine'. Cf. in the Balliguda dialect: ʓid-ra gaʈara 'thin garment' [Maheswaran 2008: 383]. Cf. also ʈiːʈeli ~ ʈiːʈeri 'thin, slender' [Winfield 1929: 121].
Kuwi:paːʈar-a-1
Israel 1979: 383. Meaning glossed as 'thin (paper, cloth, etc.)'. Borrowing from the same Indo-Aryan source as the Manda word q.v.
Israel 1979: 356. Polysemy: 'wind / air'. Sunkarametta, Parja: gaːli 'wind' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 275] (according to the authors, borrowed from Telugu; but this is not an absolute certainty).
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 201. Meaning glossed as 'earthworm'. Borrowed from Oriya. Distinct from the inherited form pɽiː 'worm / insect' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 219].
Manda:keːsva-1
Reddy 2009: 40. Plural: keːsva-ŋ. Meaning glossed as 'earthworm'. Borrowed from Oriya.
Winfield 1929: 97. Plural: pɽiː-ka. Polysemy: 'wingless insect; worm, maggot'. There is no indication in Winfield's dictionary that the meaning 'earthworm' may be expressed by a different root. In the Balliguda dialect, the word pɽiː-u is glossed as 'worm, insect' [Maheswaran 2008: 338], and the meaning 'earthworm' is rendered with the idiomatic expression kaːʈa pɽiː-u [Maheswaran 2008: 357], where kaːʈa probably = kaːʈa 'peg, short bar, bolt, hook' [Winfield 1929: 59], i.e. = 'hook-worm' (as bait). This also confirms the idea that pɽiː-u may be regarded as the primary equivalent for both the general 'worm' (incl. maggots, etc.) and the more specific 'earthworm'.
Israel 1979: 389. Plural: pɽiy-uli-ka ~ pɽiː-ka. Cf. also lodoɳa 'earth worm' [Israel 1979: 411], a word of unclear origin and status. Sunkarametta: pɽiy-uli, pl. pɽiː-ka 'worm' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 283].
Number:110
Word:year
Konda:samasɾam-1
Krishnamurti 1969: 408. Plural: samasram-ku. Borrowed from Indo-Aryan (cf. Sanskrit saṃvatsara-). The old Dravidian word for 'year' is still preserved as a bound morpheme in such compounds as niːr-uɳɖ 'last year', iy-oɳɖ 'this year', etc. Additionally, the word paɳʈa 'crop' may also be used in the meaning 'year', usually in the plural number, e. g. ruɳɖi paɳʈeŋ 'two years' [Krishnamurti 1969: 384].
Pengo:baras ~ barhu-1
Burrow & Bhattacharya 1970: 220. Borrowed from Indo-Aryan (cf. Hindi baras, etc.).
Manda:barhe-1
Reddy 2009: 99. Transparent borrowing from Indo-Aryan (cf. Hindi baras, etc.).
Kui:basari-1
Winfield 1929: 11. Borrowed from Oriya. Balliguda dialect: basaːri [Maheswaran 2008: 341]. The old Dravidian word for 'year' is still preserved in adverbial compounds: ɽ=aːnɖu 'last year' [Winfield 1929: 99], ɽ=oːnɖu 'the year before last' [Winfield 1929: 102].
Kuwi:barsa-1
Israel 1979: 391. Transparent borrowing from Indo-Aryan (cf. Hindi baras, etc.). Sunkarametta, Parja: barsa 'year' [Burrow & Bhattacharya 1963: 283].
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