Henderson 1997: 38. Two forms are attested:, probably sharing the same root morpheme: ɕá-ɕɛ̄ 'all' and ɕá-lé-gwı̀ ~ ɕá-lé-ɕá-gwı̀ 'all' (difference as well as internal structure is not quite clear). Additionally, cf. gǝyá 'all, every, the whole lot' [Henderson 1997: 125]; lólò 'all, everything' [Henderson 1997: 220].
Geba Karen:ló=sá-sɛ̀ʔ1
Shee 2008: 167. Obviously a compound form; external comparison with Bwe Karen allows to extract the same root segment =sa- as in Bwe Karen ɕa q.v. ("prefixal" ló= is unclear, but it could be the same as in Bwe Karen ló-lò 'all, everything' q.v.).
Eastern Kayah Li:pwā2
Solnit 1997: 203, 353. This is a quantifier, glossed as 'every' (e. g. pwā pʰre 'every person') and distinct from ɕʰī 'whole, the entire' (e. g. 'all' as totus rather than omnis). Differently in Fraser Bennett's notes: lɔ̄ʰ=plȉ 'all' [Bennett Ms.]. However, according to Solnit, this would rather be an adverbial form, composed of lɔ̄ 'to exhaust, expend, use up' and plī 'clean, slippery' [Solnit 1997: 348, 354].
Western Kayah Li:
Not properly attested. Cf. the expression lɔ̄=plī, glossed as 'all' in [Bennett Ms.], and notes on its equivalent in Eastern Kayah Li.
Kayah Monu:lɤ́-bɔ̀3
Myar 2004: 168. Quoted as ló-bɔ̀ in [Wai 2013: 39].
Brek Kayaw:lɤ̄ʰ3
Myar 2004: 168.
Yintale:lū-lù ~ lù-plī3
Myar 2004: 168.
Pekon Kayan:lóʰ3
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:lū3
Ywar 2013: 26, 56.
Yinbaw:pwáiʰ-trʋ̀2
Manson Ms.
Number:2
Word:ashes
Bwe Karen:pʰɛ̄1
Henderson 1997: 291. Polysemy: 'ashes / dust'. Also exists as a compound: pʰɛ̄-kʰō 'earth, dust, ashes'. Distinct from the more specialized term kʰlɛ́ 'ash from a fired clearing when washed by the rain, which is recognized as a good fertilizer; lye' [Henderson 1997: 182].
Geba Karen:pʰɛ́ʔ1
Shee 2008: 165.
Eastern Kayah Li:mì=pi̯à1
Solnit 1997: 349. A compound formation with mì= 'fire' q.v. Different compound in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 70]: kú=pʰèʔ (Huai Phung), kó=pʰēèʔ (Huai Chang Kham), kű=pʰȅ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 70].
Western Kayah Li:kɔ̋=pʰɛ̏1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 70.
Kayah Monu:pʰá1
Myar 2004: 165.
Brek Kayaw:pʰà1
Myar 2004: 165.
Yintale:pʰā1
Myar 2004: 165.
Pekon Kayan:méʰ=pʰâ ~ méʰ=pʰó1
Manson Ms. The first component is 'fire' q.v.
Lahta Kayan:pʰà1
Ywar 2013: 51.
Yinbaw:pʰȁ1
Manson Ms.
Number:3
Word:bark
Bwe Karen:=pʰē1
Henderson 1997: 290. Polysemy: 'skin / hide / bark / scales'. Cf. also the more specialized term θrɔ̄ 'fibrous bark of a tree of the sterculia family; any kind of fibrous material used to make ropes etc., e.g. hemp' [Henderson 1997: 369].
Geba Karen:θò=ɓèʔ1
Shee 2008: 163. The first part = θóʔ 'tree' q.v.
Eastern Kayah Li:
Not attested.
Western Kayah Li:
Not attested.
Kayah Monu:ʂɤ̀=pʰé1
Myar 2004: 161. The first part = ʂɤ́ 'tree' q.v.
Brek Kayaw:θɯ̀=pʰé1
Myar 2004: 161. The first part = θɯ̀ 'tree' q.v.
Yintale:sěin=bēi1
Myar 2004: 161. The first part = sěin 'tree' q.v.
Pekon Kayan:θǝ̂ŋ=pêŋ2
Manson Ms. The first part = 'tree' q.v. Cf. also θâu 'fibrous bark' in [Manson 2007: 13].
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:θɯ̃̏...=pʰe̋1
Manson Ms. The first part = 'tree' q.v.; the second part = 'skin' q.v.
Number:4
Word:belly
Bwe Karen:=gǝ̀=pʰú1
Henderson 1997: 124. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Bound usage only. The first component is a fossilized prefix, as seen from external comparison.
Geba Karen:pʰú1
Shee 2008: 164.
Eastern Kayah Li:hɔ́=pʰú1
Solnit 1997: 343. The first morpheme is glossed individually as hɔ́ 'stomach'. It may be a constituent of two compounds: hɔ́-kū 'stomach (organ)' (where kū = 'hole; inside') and hɔ́-pʰú 'the organ, belly, abdomen (external area)'. External data show that =pʰú in the second compound is the original root for 'belly'; thus, 'belly' literally = 'stomach-belly'. Glossed with the meaning 'abdomen' as hɔ́ʔ (Huai Phung, Huai Chang Kham), hɔ̋ˤ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 62]; in the light of Solnit's data, this looks like a possible semantic inaccuracy.
Western Kayah Li:hɔ̋ #2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 62. Meaning glossed as 'abdomen'. Since the same word means 'stomach' in Eastern Kayah Li and only means 'belly, abdomen' as part of a compound, the accuracy of semantic glossing in Western Kayah Li is also placed under doubt.
Kayah Monu:pʰù1
Myar 2004: 163. Quoted as hī=pʰù in [Wai 2013: 70].
Brek Kayaw:pʰɯ̋1
Myar 2004: 163.
Yintale:hú2
Myar 2004: 163.
Pekon Kayan:pʰǝ́u1
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:fō1
Ywar 2013: 18.
Yinbaw:pʰű1
Manson Ms.
Number:5
Word:big
Bwe Karen:ɗō1
Henderson 1997: 89. Polysemy: 'big / great / important / older'. As a verbal stem, also means 'to grow, enlarge, increase'. With a different tone, cf. also ɗó 'to swell, be big' [Henderson 1997: 87].
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=dòʔ1
Shee 2008: 167. Verbal stem: 'to be big'.
Eastern Kayah Li:dù1
Solnit 1997: 342. Quoted as ȁ=dȕ in [Bennett Ms.].
Western Kayah Li:dȕ1
Bennett Ms.
Kayah Monu:ʔà=dó1
Myar 2004: 168. Quoted as dó 'big' in [Wai 2013: 15].
Brek Kayaw:ʔà=dù1
Myar 2004: 168. The form ʔà=pʰrū is listed as synonymous.
Yintale:pʰá=dū1
Myar 2004: 168.
Pekon Kayan:dóʰ1
Manson 2007: 12.
Lahta Kayan:dù1
Ywar 2013: 16.
Yinbaw:dȕ1
Manson Ms.
Number:6
Word:bird
Bwe Karen:ɕūɓá-pʰō1
Henderson 1997: 49. The component -pʰō = 'child, young one, little one' [Henderson 1997: 296].
Geba Karen:tʰò-pʰōʔ1
Shee 2008: 164. The component -pʰōʔ = 'small' q.v.
Myar 2004: 162. Cf. ʔá 'to bite' in [Wai 2013: 22], essentially the same form as ʔá 'to eat' q.v. Not yet clear if this reflects a merger of the two meanings in one original verbal form, or if this is simply a case of secondary homonymy in a particular dialect of Kayah Monu.
Brek Kayaw:ʔè1
Myar 2004: 162.
Yintale:ʔēi1
Myar 2004: 162.
Pekon Kayan:êŋ1
Manson Ms. Cf. also kʰáŋ 'bite' in [Manson 2007: 15].
Lahta Kayan:ēi̯ŋ1
Ywar 2013: 71.
Yinbaw:ʔe̋1
Manson Ms.
Number:8
Word:black
Bwe Karen:θí1
Henderson 1997: 362. Polysemy: 'black / dark'.
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=θí-pàʔ1
Shee 2008: 168. Meaning of the component -pàʔ is unclear.
Manson 2007: 21. Quoted as sʰwìʰ in [Manson Ms.].
Lahta Kayan:šwí1
Ywar 2013: 19.
Yinbaw:šʰwe̋1
Manson Ms.
Number:11
Word:breast
Bwe Karen:=áʆɔ̄1
Henderson 1997: 196. Polysemy: 'chest / breast'. Alternate synonym: θā dǝnɛ́ 'chest, breast' [Henderson 1997: 353], where θā = 'heart' q.v. The meaning 'female breast' is also expressed by the equivalent =nū [Henderson 1997: 265].
Geba Karen:
Not attested.
Eastern Kayah Li:
Not attested. The word for 'female breast' is ʔì=nú [Solnit 1997: 351].
Western Kayah Li:
Not attested.
Kayah Monu:
Not attested.
Brek Kayaw:
Not attested.
Yintale:
Not attested.
Pekon Kayan:
Not attested.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:
Not attested.
Number:12
Word:burn tr.
Bwe Karen:gɛ̀1
Henderson 1997: 107. Meaning glossed as 'to burn, be alight'. Transitive formation (ʆú gɛ̀ 'to kindle, burn, light') is achieved by adding the auxiliary verb ʆú 'to prepare' [ibid.]. Cf. also ú 'to burn, catch fire' [Henderson 1997: 391].
Geba Karen:šwéʔ-m̥èʔ2
Shee 2008: 167. The second component is an assimilated variant of the noun 'fire' q.v. It is not clear whether the verb is transitive, intransitive, or both.
Eastern Kayah Li:ɕʰɯ́2
Solnit 1997: 341. Glossed as 'kindle', but textual examples throughout the book show that this is probably the main transitive equivalent for the basic 'to burn' (cf.: "she burned up two of mine [blankets]"; "his brother-in-law burnt (up) his head-skin"; "when we've finished burning (it) we chop up the brush again", etc.), as opposed to kɛ́ 'to burn (intr.)' [Solnit 1997: 344]. Quoted as čɯ̋ʔ (Huai Phung), čɯ̋ʔ (Huai Chang Kham), ȉ=ʆʰɯ̋ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 64].
Western Kayah Li:ȉ=sʰɯ̏2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 64.
Kayah Monu:mí=kɛ̀1
Myar 2004: 167. The first part is 'fire' q.v.
Brek Kayaw:mì=kɛ̄1
Myar 2004: 167. The first part is 'fire' q.v.
Yintale:míʰ=kâi1
Myar 2004: 167. The first part is 'fire' q.v.
Pekon Kayan:sǝ̄u2
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:tʰàŋ3
Ywar 2013: 15, 121. Seemingly a transitive verb, since it is attested in the VP "burn the candle".
Yinbaw:cùʰ-kàiʰ2
Manson Ms.
Number:12
Word:burn tr.
Bwe Karen:
Geba Karen:
Eastern Kayah Li:
Western Kayah Li:
Kayah Monu:cʰó-mí2
Myar 2004: 167. The second part is 'fire' q.v. Unfortunately, the source does not specify the semantic difference between the two complex stems; it is possible that one is transitive and one is intransitive, but there is no way to prove that without solid textual evidence. We tentatively accept both forms as synonymous, pending future clarification.
Brek Kayaw:ǯū-mì2
Myar 2004: 167. The second part is 'fire' q.v. Same situation with quasi-synonyms as in Kayah Monu.
Yintale:sʰú-mīʰ2
Myar 2004: 167. The second part is 'fire' q.v. Same situation with quasi-synonyms as in Kayah Monu.
Pekon Kayan:
Lahta Kayan:
Yinbaw:
Number:13
Word:claw(nail)
Bwe Karen:=ɕū=θǝ́=mī1
Henderson 1997: 107. The first component is =ɕū 'hand' q.v.
Geba Karen:sù=θí=mìʔ1
Shee 2008: 164. The first component is su= 'hand' q.v.
Eastern Kayah Li:kú=mʌ̀1
Solnit 1997: 345. The first component is a productive body part prefix. Quoted as kű=mǝ̄-bàʔ (with an additional suffixal component) (Huai Phung), kú=mǝ̄ǝ̀ (Huai Chang Kham) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61]. Fraser Bennett's equivalent for the same meaning seems to contain a different root: kǝ̏=nɔ̄-bȁ [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61] (cf. also his data for Western Kayah Li).
Western Kayah Li:kǝ=nɔ̄=bȁ2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61.
Kayah Monu:kʰɔ́=mù=bé2
Myar 2004: 163. The first bimorphemic component is kʰɔ́=mù 'finger' (literally: 'hand-finger').
Brek Kayaw:ǯɯ̄=θì=mì1
Myar 2004: 163. The first component is ǯɯ 'hand' q.v.
Yintale:ǯáu=mēin1
Myar 2004: 163. The first component is ǯau 'hand' q.v.
Pekon Kayan:sǝ̀u=mû1
Manson Ms. The first component is a general root with the meaning 'arm, hand'.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:cǝ=mīʰ1
Manson Ms.
Number:14
Word:cloud
Bwe Karen:dɛ̄=ō1
Henderson 1997: 61. Productive nominalization of the verbal stem ō 'to be cloudy, overcast, dull' [Henderson 1994: 269].
Geba Karen:dɛ̀=tǝ̄ɓòʔ2
Shee 2008: 163. The morpheme dɛ= is a generic classifier.
Myar 2004: 160. The isolated root lù 'cloud' is also quoted in the work several times; pò= is clearly a prefix.
Brek Kayaw:ká=ʔɯ̀-tɤ́4
Myar 2004: 160. The root =ʔɯ̀- is tentatively isolated based on comparison with the Yintale equivalent.
Yintale:kān=ʔúŋ4
Myar 2004: 160. The first syllable is a nominal prefix (cf. kān=ǯù 'rain', kān=tà-ǯɛ̀n 'mist' [ibid.]).
Pekon Kayan:lā=ʔó1
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:cǝ̏=ʔʋó1
Manson Ms.
Number:15
Word:cold
Bwe Karen:ɕō1
Henderson 1997: 44. Meaning glossed as 'to be cold, cool' (applied to all sorts of objects, e.g. water). Cf. also hɔ̄ 'to be cold' (probably of weather, judging by the derived formation dē-hɔ̄-kʰɛ́ 'winter') [Henderson 1997: 133].
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=sòʔ1
Shee 2008: 168. Verbal stem: 'to be cold'.
Eastern Kayah Li:rò2
Solnit 1997: 355. Quoted as ké=ròʔ (Huai Phung), ké=rōʔ (Huai Chang Kham) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 72]. Differently in Fraser Bennett's data: ȁ=tǝ̏ɕʌ̰̋ 'cold' [ibid.].
Western Kayah Li:rȍʰ2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 72.
Kayah Monu:kà=wò2
Myar 2004: 169.
Brek Kayaw:kà=rò2
Myar 2004: 169.
Yintale:ʔà=ǯɛ̄3
Myar 2004: 169.
Pekon Kayan:kʰlóʰ4
Manson 2007: 12. Distinct from kʰú 'cool' [Manson 2007: 14].
Lahta Kayan:ʆū-qài̯5
Ywar 2013: 19.
Yinbaw:rʋʰ=ʍe̋2
Manson Ms.
Number:15
Word:cold
Bwe Karen:
Geba Karen:
Eastern Kayah Li:
Western Kayah Li:
Kayah Monu:ʔà=tò=kʰló4
Myar 2004: 169. Semantic difference between the two quasi-synonyms remains unexplained, so we have to take them as technical synonyms. Additionally, a third equivalent is listed (applied to 'water') in [Wai 2013: 84]: ʔà=kò=čó.
Brek Kayaw:
Yintale:ʔà=tà=klū4
Myar 2004: 169. Semantic difference between the two quasi-synonyms remains unexplained, so we have to take them as technical synonyms.
Pekon Kayan:
Lahta Kayan:
Yinbaw:
Number:16
Word:come
Bwe Karen:gē1
Henderson 1997: 106. Meaning glossed as 'to return home, to go back, come back', which makes the entry somewhat dubious. However, this does seem to be the typical antonym of lē 'to go', cf. lē-gē 'to come and go, to go to and fro' [Henderson 1997: 210], and there are no better candidates for this slot in Henderson's dictionary.
Geba Karen:lè=ɓà2
Shee 2008: 166. This is a compound verb, where the first component = lè 'to go' q.v., so it is the second component that must serve as the primary carrier of the meaning 'movement towards the speaker'.
Eastern Kayah Li:kà1
Solnit 1997: 344. Meaning glossed as 'move towards home, go, come, (sometimes) return', which makes the entry somewhat dubious; however, on p. 75 of the same source it is explained that the basic opposition between hɛ̄ and kà is not the same as in English 'come' and 'go': "kà and hɛ̄ usually refer to motion towards or away from the home of the speaker or other protagonist, whether the speaker/protagonist is at home or not". It is, however, semantically close enough to warrant the treatment of these verbs as the closest equivalents to the required Swadesh meanings; the opposition is also distinct from ɕwá 'to go' which "as main V.. usually has no deictic connotation at all" [Solnit 1997: 75].
Western Kayah Li:
Not properly attested. The form hi̯ā 'to come' in [Bennett Ms.] corresponds to Eastern Kayah Li hɛ̄ 'to come' [ibid.] and, according to Solnit's notes, should rather mean 'to go' than 'to come'.
Kayah Monu:hɛ̀-ʂú3
Myar 2004: 166. Glossed simply as hɛ̀ 'come' in [Wai 2013: 50].
Myar 2004: 162. In our main source on Kayah Monu, this form is listed as synonymous with the more archaic tʰwí (no semantic difference indicated). However, in [Wai 2013: 16, etc.], this word, transcribed as ší, already clearly functions as the default equivalent for 'dog' in the language. We list both words as synonyms, pending the appearance of a more detailed lexical description of the language.
Brek Kayaw:
Yintale:
Pekon Kayan:
Lahta Kayan:
Yinbaw:
Number:19
Word:drink
Bwe Karen:ɔ́1
Henderson 1997: 271.
Geba Karen:ɔ́-tʰí1
Shee 2008: 166. The second morpheme is tʰí 'water' q.v.
Manson 2007: 9, 14. Distinct from ló 'to dry (smth.)'.
Lahta Kayan:blú5
Ywar 2013: 16. Cf. also vò 'to make dry' [Ywar 2013: 18].
Yinbaw:šʰée̋3
Manson Ms.
Number:21
Word:ear
Bwe Karen:nɛ̄-kú1
Henderson 1997: 256. The morpheme nɛ̄- is explained in the dictionary as a prefix, "prefixed to certain parts of the head" and also encountered in nɛ̄-ɕʰı̄ 'face, cheek', nɛ̄-kʰǝ́ɗé 'nose' and a couple other words. External comparison, however, shows that nɛ̄ is actually the old root morpheme here (secondarily homonymized with nɛ̄- 'nose'); it is, in fact, -kú that performs the function of homonymy-reducing modifier, and it is probably the same morpheme as encountered in kú-kō 'head' q.v.
Geba Karen:nì-gū1
Shee 2008: 164. See notes on the Bwe Karen equivalent.
Henderson 1997: 82. Bound morpheme, used only in conjunction with modifiers, e. g. ʆı́=ɗī 'hen's egg' [Henderson 1997: 311].
Geba Karen:dìʔ1
Shee 2008: 164.
Eastern Kayah Li:dʌ̀1
Solnit 1997: 342. Quoted as ʔȁ=dʌ̏ in [Bennett Ms.].
Western Kayah Li:diȅ1
Bennett Ms.
Kayah Monu:dí1
Myar 2004: 162.
Brek Kayaw:dì1
Myar 2004: 162.
Yintale:dɛ̄1
Myar 2004: 162.
Pekon Kayan:sɨ̂2
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:cű3
Manson Ms.
Number:25
Word:eye
Bwe Karen:mù-ká1
Henderson 1997: 249. Polysemy: 'eye / face' (used with different classifiers: ɓē for 'face', mɛ́ for 'eye'). The modifier -ká means 'hind part, lower part, behind, bottom' [Henderson 1997: 151].
Geba Karen:gàdú-pʰlòʔ2
Shee 2008: 164. Cf. gàɗú 'face' [ibid.]. The meaning of the component -pʰlòʔ is unclear (possibly = 'hole', cf. pʰlɔ́ 'to have a hole, to spring a hole' in Bwe Karen), but cf. also Geba Karen gàdú-pʰèʔ 'eyelid' [ibid.], indicating that is possible to ascribe a basic polysemy 'eye / face' to the root gàdú ~ gàɗú.
Eastern Kayah Li:bé-sè-plɔ̀1
Solnit 1997: 339. Cf. bé-sè 'face' [ibid.]. External data suggest that -sè is an archaic fossilized morpheme. The more recent component -plɔ̀ has the basic meaning 'small and round' and is used autonomously as a classifier for 'stars, buttons, eggs, grains of sand, seeds, letters of the alphabet' [Solnit 1997: 355] (cf. also 'heart'). Quoted as pēsī-plɔ̀ʔ (Huai Phung), bēsē-plɔ̀ʔ (Huai Chang Kham), pēsē-plɔ̀ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61]. Judging by external correspondences, < *mésè-plɔ̀ (see the Western Kayah Li equivalent).
Western Kayah Li:mɛ̏-ʆɛ̏-plɔ̏1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61. See notes on Eastern Kayah li for segmentation.
Kayah Monu:mì-ʂá-pʰló1
Myar 2004: 163. Cf. mì-ʂá 'face'. Morphologically, this is the same form as in Eastern Kayah Li q.v.
Brek Kayaw:mɯ́-kì-pʰlɤ1
Myar 2004: 163. Cf. mɯ́-kì 'face'.
Yintale:mài-mài-pʰlɤ̄1
Myar 2004: 163. Cf. mài-nà 'face' [ibid.].
Pekon Kayan:méʰ-θâ1
Manson Ms. A compound with θâ 'fruit, seed'.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:m̋-pʰlʋȕ1
Manson Ms.
Number:26
Word:fat n.
Bwe Karen:=θō1
Henderson 1997: 365. Used only with modifiers, e.g. tʰɔ̄=θō 'pork fat', etc.
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=ɓèʔ2
Shee 2008: 165.
Eastern Kayah Li:bá2
Solnit 1997: 339. Not to be confused with bɯ̀ '(to be) fat' [Solnit 1997: 340]. Quoted as à=súʔ=à=báʔ (Huai Phung), à=súʔ=à=báʔ (Huai Chang Kham) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 67]. The form ȁ=bɯ̏ (Fraser Bennett), listed in the same source, may actually be the adjective 'fat'.
Western Kayah Li:bɯ̏2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 67. Also ʆű id. (semantic difference is unknown).
Kayah Monu:ʔà=bɛ́2
Myar 2004: 164. Also ʔà=ʂó id. (semantic difference is unknown).
Brek Kayaw:θú1
Myar 2004: 164.
Yintale:bái2
Myar 2004: 164. Also ʂú id. (semantic difference is unknown).
Pekon Kayan:bài2
Manson Ms. Also bwâŋ id. (semantic difference is unknown).
Lahta Kayan:ǝ̀=bwàŋ #2
Ywar 2013: 43. Meaning glossed as 'grease'; productive nominalization from the adjective bwàŋ. Not to be confused with lɘ̀ŋ 'fat' (adjective) [Ywar 2013: 27, 79].
Yinbaw:bwʋ̋2
Manson Ms.
Number:27
Word:feather
Bwe Karen:=ʆʋ̄1
Henderson 1997: 322. Polysemy: 'hair of body / fur / feathers'. Used only with modifiers, e. g. ʆı́ ǝ̄=ʆʋ̄ 'chicken's feathers'. The root =ɗē, glossed as 'appendage such as a wing or fin', may apparently also be used in the meaning 'feather': =ɗē-klé 'wing, feather' [Henderson 1997: 79].
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=sʰùʔ1
Shee 2008: 164. The form tʰòpʰó=sʰòʔ is also listed as a synonym, where the first component is 'bird' q. v. and the second component is the same root as in ǝ̄=sʰùʔ, with vocalic assimilation.
Eastern Kayah Li:
Not attested in Solnit's monograph. Cf. however, tʰǔ=čʰɯ̂ (Huai Phung), čɯ (Huai Chang Kham), tʰȕ=ʆʰɯ̏ (Fraser Bennett) 'feather' in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 69] (the first part is 'bird' q.v.). In Huai Chang Kham, there is also an alternate form: tʰǔ=dá 'feather'.
Western Kayah Li:tʰȕ=sʰɯ̏1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 69. The first morpheme is 'bird' q.v.
Henderson 1997: 57. The component -pʰō = 'child, young one, little one' [Henderson 1997: 296]. The root morpheme is also used as a generic prefix for fishes, e. g. dà-blı̀ 'cocked-tailed catfish', etc.
Geba Karen:dà-pʰòʔ1
Shee 2008: 164. The second component is the same as in 'bird' q.v.
Eastern Kayah Li:tēú1
Solnit 1997: 357. This stem also has a short variant tɛ̄, used in compounds. Quoted as tíʷʔ (Huai Phung), tɛ̄ɛ́ʷ (Huai Chang Kham), tē-pʰṵ̋ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 69].
Western Kayah Li:tɛ̄ʰ1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 69.
Kayah Monu:tɔ̀ʰ-pʰú1
Myar 2004: 162. Quoted simply as tɔ́ʰ, without the second morpheme, in [Wai 2013: 16].
Shee 2008: 165. Polysemy: 'leg / foot'. The second component is the same as in 'hand' q.v.
Eastern Kayah Li:kʰɛ̀-lè1
Solnit 1997: 346. A compound form, consisting of kʰɛ̀ 'leg' [ibid.] and lè 'bottom, base of; underneath' [Solnit 1997: 347]. Quoted as kʰɛ̏ʔ 'leg' (Huai Phung), kʰɛ̄ʔʰ 'leg' ~ kʰɛ́-lȉʔ 'foot' (Huai Chang Kham), kʰɛ̋-dȍ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 62]. For the Huai Phung idiom, the form kúʔ-lìʔ 'foot' is also quoted, but its first component seems to be etymologically different.
Western Kayah Li:kʰā-dɯǝ̏1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 62.
Kayah Monu:kʰá-lá1
Myar 2004: 163. Distinct from kʰɔ́=lɔ̀-pōʰ 'leg'. Consists of the individual morphemes kʰɔ̄ 'foot, leg' [Wai 2013: 157] and làʰ 'down, under' [Wai 2013: 42]; in the variant recorded by Myar, vocalism of the first syllable seems to be progressively assimilated.
Brek Kayaw:kʰɔ̀=kʰù-là1
Myar 2004: 163. Distinct from kʰɔ̀=dé 'leg'.
Yintale:kʰà=dáu-lā2
Myar 2004: 163. Cf. kʰāŋ=dàu 'leg'.
Pekon Kayan:kʰâŋ1
Manson 2007: 14. This is the main root morpheme for both 'foot' and 'leg', from which various complex forms with complex meanings are generated, cf. kʰâŋ-déʰŋ 'leg' [Manson 2007: 7], kʰâŋ-mû 'toe-nail' [Manson 2007: 13], etc. Also quoted as a bisyllabic compound in [Manson Ms.]: kʰân-zà.
Lahta Kayan:kʰàŋ1
Ywar 2013: 15. Meaning glossed as 'leg'. Cf. also plá 'feet' [Ywar 2013: 22].
Yinbaw:kǝ̃̏-kʰű1
Manson Ms.
Number:32
Word:full
Bwe Karen:pwé #1
Henderson 1997: 285. Attested by itself as an adverb, in the meaning 'entirely, completely', or as part of the composite formation pwé-tʰā 'to be full up to the brim, to fill up'. Neither of the attestations seems perfectly satisfactory to allow the morpheme into the primary slot, but no other candidate for the meaning 'full' is present in Henderson's dictionary.
Geba Karen:pʰú=pé-tʰàʔ1
Shee 2008: 166. Cf. also the verbal stem: ǝ̄=pé-tʰáʔ 'to be full' [Shee 2008: 167]. The first component is not quite clear.
Eastern Kayah Li:bā1
Solnit 1997: 339. Meaning glossed as 'full (of containers, etc.)'. Distinct from kó 'satiated, full from eating' [Solnit 1997: 345]. Quoted as bāː (Huai Phung), bāː (Huai Chang Kham) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 71]. The same source also lists Fraser Bennett's ȁ=kɔ̰̋ in the meaning 'full', but this is dubious (cf. Solnit's kó = 'full' in the sense of 'satiated'); note that in [Bennett Ms.], the equivalent for 'full' is ȁ=bā.
Western Kayah Li:bā1
Bennett Ms. Cf. also kɔ̋ 'full' in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 71], which is somewhat dubious; the form comes from the same bundle of Fraser Bennett's data that also lists the Eastern Kayah Li cognate ȁ=kɔ̰̋ in the meaning 'full', but comparison with Solnit's data shows that this is rather 'full' as 'satiated'. It is not clear if Western Kayah Li underwent a lexical merger or if Bennett simply recorded 'satiated' in both cases instead of 'full'.
Kayah Monu:kɤ́2
Myar 2004: 165. Verbal stem: 'to be full'.
Brek Kayaw:pʰɯ́=bɛ̄1
Myar 2004: 165. Verbal stem: 'to be full'. Same structure of the stem as in Geba Karen.
Henderson 1997: 403. Meaning glossed as 'to be beautiful, to be good'.
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=wé1
Shee 2008: 168. Verbal stem: 'to be good'.
Eastern Kayah Li:rɛ́2
Solnit 1997: 355. Verbal stem: 'to be good'. Cf. also rì 'good (good result of divination, heal /of wounds/)' [ibid.]. Quoted as ȁ=rɛ̋ in [Bennett Ms.].
Western Kayah Li:ri̯a̋2
Bennett Ms.
Kayah Monu:ʔà=vó3
Myar 2004: 170. Verbal stem: 'to be good'. Cf. ʔà=wǝ̄ 'goodness' in [Wai 2013: 58].
Brek Kayaw:ʔɛ̀=rō3
Myar 2004: 170. Verbal stem: 'to be good'.
Yintale:ǯɯ́4
Myar 2004: 170. Verbal stem: 'to be good'.
Pekon Kayan:ràuʰ3
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:ra̋u3
Manson Ms.
Number:35
Word:green
Bwe Karen:lɛ́1
Henderson 1997: 214. Polysemy: 'blue /green' (the word is used in conjunction with 'sky' as well as 'grass'). Alternate synonym: klʋ̄ 'to be green or blue', θǝ́=klʋ̄ 'to be green' [Henderson 1997: 164, 380]. It is not clear which word is more basic, but only lɛ́ is supported in the dictionary with text examples.
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=klòʔ2
Shee 2008: 168.
Eastern Kayah Li:sō3
Solnit 1997: 357. Polysemy: 'green / blue'. Quoted as so ~ sò-lēː (Huai Phung), só-léː (Huai Chang Kham), ȁ=sō (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 66].
Western Kayah Li:ʆɯǝ̄3
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 66.
Kayah Monu:ʔà=ʂù3
Myar 2004: 176.
Brek Kayaw:ʔɛ̀=ká=lá1
Myar 2004: 176.
Yintale:ʔà=tɜ̀-ŋā4
Myar 2004: 176.
Pekon Kayan:θyáŋ3
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:θɯ́3
Manson Ms.
Number:36
Word:hair
Bwe Karen:=kʰǝ́=lú1
Henderson 1997: 197. Bound usage only. Meaning 'hair of the head', distinct from =ʆʋ̄ 'hair of the body' [Henderson 1997: 322] (cf. also 'feather').
Geba Karen:kʰū=lú1
Shee 2008: 164.
Eastern Kayah Li:kó=lò1
Solnit 1997: 345. Meaning glossed as 'hair of the head'. Distinct from ɕʰɯ̀ 'body hair' [Solnit 1997: 341]. The first component seems to be a productive body part prefix; the second component is possibly the same as lò 'thread' [Solnit 1997: 348]. Quoted as kú=lòː (Huai Phung), kó=lòʔ (Huai Chang Kham), kű=lȍ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61].
Shee 2008: 164. The second component is the same as in 'leg/foot' q.v.
Eastern Kayah Li:kú=kʰù2
Solnit 1997: 345. The component kú= is a standard body part prefix. Quoted as kú=kʰùʔ (Huai Phung), kú=kʰùʔ (Huai Chang Kham), tǝ̏=kʰȕ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61].
Western Kayah Li:tǝ=kʰȕ2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61.
Kayah Monu:kʰɔ́-dè2
Myar 2004: 163. Cf. kʰɔ́-mù 'finger'.
Brek Kayaw:ǯū-dē1
Myar 2004: 163. Cf. ǯū-mɯ̀ 'finger'.
Yintale:ǯàú1
Myar 2004: 163.
Pekon Kayan:ɕù-déŋ1
Manson 2007: 29. Quoted as sǝ̀u-dén in [Manson Ms.].
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:cǝ̏-de̋1
Manson Ms.
Number:38
Word:head
Bwe Karen:kō1
Henderson 1997: 165. Polysemy: 'top / head / peek'. In the anatomical meaning 'head', the root sometimes takes on additional modifiers, e. g. kō-kɔ́ 'head' [ibid.], kú=kō ~ kú=kō-kú-kɔ́ 'head' [Henderson 1997: 169]. Not to be confused with the bound root =kʰō 'upper surface, top, roof; head, leader, boss' [Henderson 1997: 184].
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=kòʔ1
Shee 2008: 164.
Eastern Kayah Li:kù=klɔ́2
Solnit 1997: 367. The component kù= is a standard body part prefix. Quoted as kū=klɔ̋ʔ (Huai Phung), kù=klɔ́ʔ (Huai Chang Kham), kȕ=klɔ̋ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61].
Western Kayah Li:kʰȕ=klɔ̋2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61.
Kayah Monu:hí=kɤ́1
Myar 2004: 163.
Brek Kayaw:šù=kɤ́1
Myar 2004: 163.
Yintale:šī=kɤ́1
Myar 2004: 163.
Pekon Kayan:ka=klô2
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:kʰù1
Ywar 2013: 15. Alternate synonym: sǝ̀=ɲòŋ 'head' [Ywar 2013: 80]. Examples are given for both words in the source, but they are too few to properly elicit the difference in semantics (it is possible that the etymologically more archaic kʰù has a more figurative meaning, but not certain).
Yinbaw:kǝ=klʋű2
Manson Ms.
Number:39
Word:hear
Bwe Karen:ʆɔ́nē1
Henderson 1997: 317. Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen / to pay heed to'.
Geba Karen:θǝ̄hɛ́2
Shee 2008: 166. Same word as 'to know' q.v.
Eastern Kayah Li:nḭ̀-hō3
Solnit 1997: 351. Clearly a compound form, although the morphemes are not attested individually; cf. nḭ̀-dā 'to listen' [Solnit 1997: 350]. Quoted as nȉ-hō in [Bennett Ms.].
Western Kayah Li:nḭ́ḭ̋-xɯǝ̄3
Bennett Ms.
Kayah Monu:kà=nà-dé3
Myar 2004: 165. The main root seems to be the same as in the noun 'ear' q.v.
Brek Kayaw:nà-xɯ́3
Myar 2004: 165. The main root seems to be the same as in the noun 'ear' q.v.
Yintale:nā-xúŋ3
Myar 2004: 165. The main root seems to be the same as in the noun 'ear' q.v.
Pekon Kayan:na-hyǝ́ŋ3
Manson 2007: 20. Quoted as nâ-hyáŋ in [Manson Ms.].
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested. Cf. nà 'to listen' [Ywar 2013: 30].
Yinbaw:lǝ-hʋ̋3
Manson Ms.
Number:40
Word:heart
Bwe Karen:θā1
Henderson 1997: 353. Polysemy: 'heart / life / mind / soul / feelings'.
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=θàʔ1
Shee 2008: 164.
Eastern Kayah Li:sí-plɔ̀2
Solnit 1997: 356. The component -plɔ̀ has the basic meaning 'small and round' and is used autonomously as a classifier for 'stars, buttons, eggs, grains of sand, seeds, letters of the alphabet' [Solnit 1997: 355] (cf. also 'heart'). Quoted as síʔ-plɔ̀ʔ (Huai Phung), sı́-plɔ̀ʔ (Huai Chang Kham), se̋-plɔ̏ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 62].
Western Kayah Li:ʆɛ̋-plɔ̏2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 62.
Kayah Monu:ʂɔ́-pʰlɤ́2
Myar 2004: 163.
Brek Kayaw:θɔ̄1
Myar 2004: 163.
Yintale:ʂá-pʰlɤ̄2
Myar 2004: 163.
Pekon Kayan:θà1
Manson 2007: 8. Quoted as θà-pʰlôŋ in [Manson Ms.], where the second component = 'heart' q.v.
Lahta Kayan:θà1
Ywar 2013: 20.
Yinbaw:θa̋-pʰlʋȕ1
Manson Ms.
Number:41
Word:horn
Bwe Karen:=nò1
Henderson 1997: 263. Bound usage only.
Geba Karen:=nò1
Shee 2008: 164. Attested as part of the more complex formation bǝ̄nèʔ=nò 'horn of buffalo'.
Eastern Kayah Li:nɔ̀1
Solnit 1997: 351. Also used as a classifier for horns. Quoted as nɔ̄ː (Huai Phung), nɔ̄ʔ (Huai Chang Kham), pɛ̰nȅ=nɔ̏ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 69] (the latter form is probably a compound with 'buffalo', cf. the corresponding word in Geba Karen).
Western Kayah Li:nɔ̏ʰ1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 69.
Kayah Monu:nè1
Myar 2004: 174. Meaning glossed as 'buffalo horn'.
Brek Kayaw:nɤ̄1
Myar 2004: 174. Meaning glossed as 'buffalo horn'.
Yintale:nɤ̄1
Myar 2004: 174. Meaning glossed as 'buffalo horn'.
Pekon Kayan:ka=nùʰ1
Manson Ms. Meaning glossed as 'buffalo horn'. Distinct from kwèʰ 'horn' in [Manson 2007: 21], without any semantic specification.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:kǝ=nʋű1
Manson Ms.
Number:42
Word:I
Bwe Karen:yɛ̄1
Henderson 1997: 412. The bound subject prefix form is yǝ̄- [Henderson 1997: 417].
Henderson 1997: 362. These are two different formations from the intransitive verb =θí 'to die' q.v. The first one technically looks like a compound verb (concatenation with ɓɛ̄ 'to hit, strike, touch, make contact with' [Henderson 1997: 29]); the second one is a productive causative formation by means of the semi-auxiliary verb mɛ̄ 'to do, make, perform' [Henderson 1997: 235].
Geba Karen:mɛ̀=θí1
Shee 2008: 167. Causative formation from θí 'to die' q.v.
Myar 2004: 176. Causative formation from ʂì 'to die' q.v.
Brek Kayaw:mà=θí-tā1
Myar 2004: 176. Causative formation from θí 'to die' q.v.
Yintale:mà=ʂɛ́1
Myar 2004: 176. Causative formation from ʂɛ̂ 'to die' q.v.
Pekon Kayan:màʰ=θɨ́1
Manson Ms. Causative formation from θɨ́ 'to die' q.v.
Lahta Kayan:mō=šǝ̄1
Ywar 2013: 101. Causative formation from šɘ̄ 'to die' q.v.
Yinbaw:mʋ̏ʰ=θɯ́1
Manson Ms. Causative formation from θɯ́ 'to die' q.v.
Number:44
Word:knee
Bwe Karen:kʰā=lǝ̄=mè1
Henderson 1997: 228. The first morpheme is 'foot' q.v.; cf. ɕū=lǝ̄mè 'elbow', a parallel formation with ɕū 'hand' q.v. Lǝ̄= is a fossilized prefix (cf. 'mouth').
Geba Karen:kʰà=lɛ́=mēʔ1
Shee 2008: 165. Same constitution as in Bwe Karen.
Eastern Kayah Li:kʰɛ̀=mā1
Solnit 1997: 346. The first morpheme is 'foot, leg' q.v.; the second morpheme is independently glossed as mā 'joint' [Solnit 1997: 349]. Cf. the same component in ɕú=mā-kɛ̄ 'elbow' [Solnit 1997: 340]. Quoted as kʰɛ̏=mā in [Bennett Ms.].
Western Kayah Li:kʰȁ=māʰ1
Bennett Ms. See notes on Western Kayah Li for internal structure.
Kayah Monu:kʰɔ́=lè=mè1
Myar 2004: 163. See notes on Western Kayah Li for internal structure.
Brek Kayaw:kʰɔ̀=lé=mè1
Myar 2004: 163. See notes on Western Kayah Li for internal structure.
Yintale:kʰà=kléi=māi1
Myar 2004: 163. See notes on Western Kayah Li for internal structure.
Pekon Kayan:kʰâŋ=lē2
Manson 2007: 14. The first component is 'foot, leg' q.v.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:kǝ̃̏=le̋2
Manson Ms. The first component is 'foot, leg' q.v.
Number:45
Word:know
Bwe Karen:θǝ́ʔɛ́1
Henderson 1997: 378. Polysemy: 'to know / to recognize / to understand'. Cf. θı̄ 'to understand, to know how (to)' [Henderson 1997: 363].
Geba Karen:θǝ̄hɛ́1
Shee 2008: 166.
Eastern Kayah Li:síŋē1
Solnit 1997: 356. Polysemy: 'to know / to understand / to recognize'. Quoted as síɲēː (Huai Phung), síɲēː (Huai Chang Kham), se̋ɲē (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 65].
Western Kayah Li:ʆɛ̋ɲē1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 65.
Kayah Monu:ʂéyà1
Myar 2004: 166.
Brek Kayaw:θìyāʰ1
Myar 2004: 166.
Yintale:šínà1
Myar 2004: 166.
Pekon Kayan:θè1
Manson 2007: 16.
Lahta Kayan:θíʔ ~ θà1
Ywar 2013: 28.
Yinbaw:θé1
Manson Ms.
Number:46
Word:leaf
Bwe Karen:lɛ̄1
Henderson 1997: 215.
Geba Karen:θò=l̥ɛ́ʔ1
Shee 2008: 163. The first part = θóʔ 'tree' q.v.
Eastern Kayah Li:lè1
Solnit 1997: 347. Quoted as sɔ̀ʔ=lēʔ (Huai Phung), sɔ̀ʔ=léèʔ (Huai Chang Kham), sɔ̏=lȅ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 68]. The first part = 'tree' q.v.
Western Kayah Li:ʆɔ̏=lɛ̏1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 68. The first part = 'tree' q.v.
Kayah Monu:ʂɤ́=lá1
Myar 2004: 161. The first part = 'tree' q.v.
Brek Kayaw:θɯ̀=là1
Myar 2004: 161. The first part = 'tree' q.v.
Yintale:sěin=lā1
Myar 2004: 161. The first part = 'tree' q.v.
Pekon Kayan:lâ1
Manson 2007: 18.
Lahta Kayan:là1
Ywar 2013: 53. Independent noun and classifier. Cf. also sʰū 'leaf' in [Ywar 2013: 24] and nèi̯ŋ 'leaf' in [Ywar 2013: 65] (semantic difference unclear; we tentatively include the equivalent with etymological connections).
Yinbaw:θɯ̃=la̋1
Manson Ms.
Number:47
Word:lie
Bwe Karen:ʆɔ́-mí1
Henderson 1997: 315. Polysemy: 'to sleep / to lie still, as if asleep' (used in sentences like "she found her husband, lying severely wounded"). The first morpheme, ʆɔ́, has a general meaning of 'to rest' and is found in other compound formations as well, e. g. ʆɔ́-ɗɛ́ 'to rest, to stop working', ʆɔ́-lò 'to play, be at leisure', etc. The second morpheme seems to not have any separate usage in the language.
Geba Karen:
Not attested.
Eastern Kayah Li:
Not properly attested. The morpheme mʌ̄ is glossed in [Solnit 1997: 349] with the dynamic meaning 'to lie down', but only as part of the compound verb ʔò-mʌ̄ 'lie down, sleep'.
Western Kayah Li:
Not attested.
Kayah Monu:
Not attested.
Brek Kayaw:
Not attested.
Yintale:
Not attested.
Pekon Kayan:
Not attested.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:
Not attested.
Number:48
Word:liver
Bwe Karen:=θú-θā1
Henderson 1997: 371. Bound usage only. Original root morpheme is probably =θú-; -θā = 'heart' q.v., fulfilling the function of modifier.
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=θó-θàʔ1
Shee 2008: 164. Same constitution of the stem as in Bwe Karen.
Henderson 1997: 10. Meaning glossed as 'male person, man, husband'. Cf. =bò=mú 'woman' q.v., indicating that =bò= is a modifier with the general meaning of 'person' (a contracted form of bǝ̄yā 'person' q.v.). Bound usage only.
Geba Karen:byà=mì=kʰó1
Shee 2008: 165. The first component = 'person' q.v.; the second component is probably a fossilized classifier, also attested in the word for 'woman' q.v.
Eastern Kayah Li:pʰrè=kʰū1
Solnit 1997: 354. The first component = 'person' q.v. Quoted as pʰrȅ=kʰū in [Bennett Ms.].
Western Kayah Li:prɛʰ=kʰū1
Bennett Ms. See notes on Western Kayah Li.
Kayah Monu:mà=kʰò1
Myar 2004: 164. The first component is a generic morpheme with the meaning 'person', also present in the compound form for 'woman' q.v. Slightly different equivalent, but with the same principal root, in [Wai 2013: 16]: pwà=kʰó 'man, male' (the first component is 'person' q.v.).
Brek Kayaw:mā=kʰō1
Myar 2004: 164. The first component is a generic morpheme with the meaning 'person', also present in the compound form for 'woman' q.v.
Yintale:pyàŋ=kʰú1
Myar 2004: 164. The first component is the word 'person' q.v.
Pekon Kayan:pràʰ=kʰó1
Manson Ms. The first component is the word 'person' q.v.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:prʋ̏ʰ=kʰő1
Manson Ms.
Number:52
Word:many
Bwe Karen:ɔ̄=ɛ́1
Henderson 1997: 273. Verbal formation ('to be many'), where the first component is the auxiliary verb ɔ̄ 'to be'. In certain idiomatic expressions, the word assumes the phonetic shape ɔ̄ʔɛ́ [Henderson 1997: 274].
Geba Karen:ɔ̀=ɛ̀ʔ1
Shee 2008: 167. Same constitution as in Bwe Karen.
Eastern Kayah Li:ʔé1
Solnit 1997: 351. Quoted as ȍ=ḛ̋(Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 66]. Equivalents for two other varieties of Eastern Kayah Li in the latter source are different: ō=róʔ ~ ʔá=rōʔ for (Huai Phung) and ō=róő-lōʔ for (Huai Chang Kham). However, they match Fraser Bennett's equivalent for Western Kayah Li q.v.
Myar 2004: 160. Initial tɜ̀= is a fossilized prefix (same as in 'sun').
Pekon Kayan:lá1
Manson 2007: 8.
Lahta Kayan:láʔ1
Ywar 2013: 27.
Yinbaw:lá1
Manson Ms.
Number:55
Word:mountain
Bwe Karen:kó1
Henderson 1997: 165. Meaning glossed as 'mountain (usually tree-less)' (probably opposed as such to kʰɔ́-lɔ́ 'hill' [Henderson 1997: 186]).
Geba Karen:kʰǝ̄-lɔ́2
Shee 2008: 163. For the second morpheme, cf. 'stone' q.v.
Eastern Kayah Li:ɕʰō3
Solnit 1997: 341. Quoted as čʰôʔ (Huai Phung), čòʔ (Huai Chang Kham; meaning glossed as 'steep part of mountain', allegedly distinct from kō-ló 'lower part of mountain' = Geba Karen kʰǝ̄-lɔ́), ʆʰȍ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 68].
Western Kayah Li:sʰȍ3
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 68.
Kayah Monu:kʰɤ̄-lɤ̄2
Myar 2004: 161. For the second morpheme, cf. 'stone' q.v. In [Wai 2013: 17], a different equivalent is listed: sʰǝ́ 'mountain'.
Brek Kayaw:kʰō-lō2
Myar 2004: 161. For the second morpheme, cf. 'stone' q.v.
Yintale:sʰāu3
Myar 2004: 161.
Pekon Kayan:sʰû3
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:sòu̯ŋ3
Ywar 2013: 20. Cf. also sʰò 'mountain' [Ywar 2013: 104] (same word in a specific phonetic context?).
Yinbaw:šʰʋȕ3
Manson Ms.
Number:56
Word:mouth
Bwe Karen:lǝ̄=mɔ̄1
Henderson 1997: 228. Initial lǝ̄= is a fossilized prefix.
Geba Karen:lǝ̄=mɔ̀1
Shee 2008: 164. Initial lǝ̄= is a fossilized prefix.
Eastern Kayah Li:kū=ʔù2
Solnit 1997: 345. Initial kū= is a standard body part prefix. Quoted as kúʔ=ʔùʔ (Huai Phung), kúʔ=ʔùʔ (Huai Chang Kham), kʌ̋=ȕ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61]. The first two entries there, however, are marked as "mouth visible from outside"; for "mouth (including inside)", an alternate equivalent is listed - kɛ̄=kū (Huai Phung), kɛ=ku (Huai Chang Kham, no tonal information).
Myar 2004: 169. Quoted as ʔà=sà in [Wai 2013: 22].
Brek Kayaw:ʔɛ̀=θá1
Myar 2004: 169.
Yintale:ʔà=ʂǎŋ1
Myar 2004: 169.
Pekon Kayan:θǝ́ɨ1
Manson 2007: 17.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:θi̋1
Manson Ms.
Number:60
Word:night
Bwe Karen:nɛ̄1
Henderson 1997: 257. Usually encountered in compound formations with temporal meaning: dɛ̄ nɛ̄-yō 'tonight', mū-nɛ̄ dǝ̄-nɛ̄-nū 'last night', etc. Cf. also hɛ̄, glossed as 'evening, night' in [Henderson 1997: 128], but generally carrying the meaning of 'evening' rather than 'night'.
Geba Karen:mù=hɛ̀ʔ2
Shee 2008: 163. The first component is an old morpheme with the polysemy 'sun / day' (cf. 'sun' q.v.).
Eastern Kayah Li:sē3
Solnit 1997: 356. Cf. also mɔ̀=kʰí 'nighttime' [Solnit 1997: 350], where mɔ̀= is 'sun, day' q.v. Quoted as tè=sēː (Huai Phung), tè=sēː (Huai Chang Kham) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 67]. The equivalent for 'nighttime' is also listed there: mɔ̀ʔ=kʰíʔ (Huai Phung), mɔ̏=kʰi̋ (Fraser Bennett).
Western Kayah Li:mɔ̌ʰ=kʰi̋ #2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 67. The first part is 'sun, day' q.v. Somewhat dubious; comparison with Eastern Kayah Li shows that Bennett may have been recording the equivalent for 'nighttime' rather than 'night' as opposed to 'day', unless both words became merged in Western Kayah Li.
Kayah Monu:lù=mù=há2
Myar 2004: 160. The first two syllables are 'sun' q.v.
Brek Kayaw:lɯ́=mɯ̀=nā1
Myar 2004: 160. The first two syllables are 'sun' q.v.
Yintale:mɯ̀=kʰí2
Myar 2004: 160. The first syllable is the same root as in 'sun' q.v.
Pekon Kayan:mǝ̄ŋ=hàʰ2
Manson Ms. The first syllable is 'sun' q.v.
Lahta Kayan:mǝ̀=háʔ2
Ywar 2013: 129. The first syllable is 'sun' q.v.
Yinbaw:mɯ̃ʰ=ha̋2
Manson Ms. The first syllable is the same root as in 'sun' q.v.
Number:61
Word:nose
Bwe Karen:nɛ̄-kʰǝ́ɗé1
Henderson 1997: 257. The morpheme nɛ̄- is explained in the dictionary as a prefix, "prefixed to certain parts of the head" and also encountered in nɛ̄-ɕʰı̄ 'face, cheek', nɛ̄-kú 'ear' and a couple other words. External comparison, however, shows that nɛ̄ is actually the old root morpheme here (secondarily homonymized with nɛ̄- 'ear'); for the second component, cf. =kʰǝ́=lú 'hair of the head' q.v. (showing that =kʰǝ́- may be a fossilized component related to 'head') and -ɗé 'the narrowest part of something', e. g. in -kʰā-ɗē 'ankle' [Henderson 1997: 78].
Geba Karen:nǝ̄-kʰǝ̄dé1
Shee 2008: 164. See notes on the Bwe Karen equivalent.
Eastern Kayah Li:kù=pʰō2
Solnit 1997: 345. Initial kù= is a standard body part prefix. Quoted as kúʔ=pʰōː (Huai Phung), kùʔ=pʰōː (Huai Chang Kham), kȕ=pʰō (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61].
Western Kayah Li:kʰā=pʰɯǝ̄2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61.
Kayah Monu:nɔ́-kʰì1
Myar 2004: 163.
Brek Kayaw:nà-kʰi̋1
Myar 2004: 163.
Yintale:nāŋ-kʰɛ́1
Myar 2004: 163.
Pekon Kayan:na-pʰǝ́u1
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:kʋ̏ʰ=bű2
Manson Ms.
Number:62
Word:not
Bwe Karen:tǝ̄.. nɔ̄ ~ dǝ̄.. nɔ̄1
Henderson 1997: 68, 330. Negative circumfix. Selection of the variant with the voiced or voiceless consonant depends on the articulation manner of the first consonant of the following word (voiced dǝ̄- before aspirated plosives, fricatives, and voiced consonants; voiceless tǝ̄- before words beginning with unaspirated voiceless or glottalized stops).
Geba Karen:tǝ̀.. nɔ́ʔ1
Shee 2008: 141. Negative circumfix, cf.: maʋ̀ŋ tǝ̄ ʔà nɔ́ʔ 'Maung does not eat'. Distinct from the prohibitive mɛ̀ʔ [ibid.].
Eastern Kayah Li:tò1
Solnit 1997: 358. This is the principal negative marker, usually placed at the end of the phrase.
Western Kayah Li:
Not attested.
Kayah Monu:tǝ́ʰ1
Wai 2013: 20. General negative marker, usually placed at the end of the phrase.
Brek Kayaw:
Not attested.
Yintale:
Not attested.
Pekon Kayan:ɕǝ́2
Manson 2007: 7.
Lahta Kayan:yǝ́3
Ywar 2013: 78.
Yinbaw:
Not attested.
Number:63
Word:one
Bwe Karen:dǝ̄- ~ tǝ̄-1
Henderson 1997: 330. Clitical morphemes; selection of one of the two variants obeys the same samdhi rules as 'not' q.v. The stressed form, used in counting series, is tó [Henderson 1997: 326].
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 65. Listed as part of the form tǝ-prɛ̏ʰ 'one person' (see 'person').
Kayah Monu:tà1
Myar 2004: 168; Wai 2013: 38.
Brek Kayaw:tɜ̀1
Myar 2004: 168.
Yintale:tɜ̀1
Myar 2004: 168.
Pekon Kayan:tà1
Manson Ms. Cf. also là 'one' in [Manson 2007: 18] (semantic difference unclear).
Lahta Kayan:ǝ̀2
Ywar 2013: 55.
Yinbaw:tǝ1
Manson Ms.
Number:64
Word:person
Bwe Karen:bǝ̄yā1
Henderson 1997: 18. Meaning glossed as 'person, man, people, somebody, anyone'.
Geba Karen:byà1
Shee 2008: 165.
Eastern Kayah Li:pʰrè1
Solnit 1997: 354. Meaning glossed as 'human'. Also used as a classifier for people. Quoted as pʰrȅ-lȕ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 62]; however, equivalents for the other two idioms there are different: kǝ̀=yɛ̄ː (Huai Phung), kɛ̀=yɛ̄ (Huai Chang Kham).
Western Kayah Li:prɛ̏ʰ1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 62.
Kayah Monu:pwà1
Myar 2004: 164. Additional synonym: kɔ̀=yɔ̀ 'person'. Quoted as pwàʰ 'human' in [Wai 2013: 70].
Solnit 1997: 341. This is essentially a verbal root, and as such, should be ineligible for inclusion. However, Solnit's vocabulary does not include a separate equivalent for 'rain (n.)', and analysis of the rather numerous available textual examples shows that the verbal construction is used almost exclusively (e. g. 'the rain has stopped' = 'it's finished raining', etc.), so it may indeed have been a lexical replacement where the verbal root has absorbed the functions of the original noun as well. Also, in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 268], the nominal equivalent for 'rain' seems to be comprised of the same root with an additional prefix: kíʔ=ǯɯ̄ (Huai Phung), kéʔ=ǯɯ̄ (Huai Chang Kham), ke̋=ɕɯ̏ (Fraser Bennett).
Western Kayah Li:kěʰ=ɕɯ̏ʰ2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 68.
Kayah Monu:kʰwɛ̀=ǯù2
Myar 2004: 160. See notes on Kayah Li for segmentation.
Brek Kayaw:šɛ̄=ǯū2
Myar 2004: 160. See notes on Kayah Li for segmentation.
Yintale:kān=ǯù2
Myar 2004: 160. See notes on Kayah Li for segmentation.
Henderson 1997: 364. The first morpheme is θō 'tree' q.v.; the second one is kʰā 'leg, foot' q.v.; the last morpheme is the same as -wī 'vein' [Henderson 1997: 402]. Literally = 'vein of tree-foot', implying a basic partial polysemy: 'root / vein'.
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 68. The first morpheme is 'tree' q.v.
Kayah Monu:ʂɤ́=kʰɔ́=wì1
Myar 2004: 161. The first morpheme is 'tree' q.v.; the second is probably the original root for 'foot'.
Brek Kayaw:θɯ́=kʰɔ̄=rɯ̀1
Myar 2004: 161. The first morpheme is 'tree' q.v.; the second is probably the original root for 'foot'.
Yintale:šɛ̌in=wèi1
Myar 2004: 161. The first morpheme is 'tree' q.v.
Pekon Kayan:rūi1
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:θǝ̀ŋ=kwí1
Ywar 2013: 40. The first part of the word is 'tree' q.v.
Yinbaw:sɯ̏=rwe̋ʰ1
Manson Ms. The first part of the word is 'tree' q.v.
Number:69
Word:round
Bwe Karen:tǝ́=ló #1
Henderson 1997: 330. Glossed as 'to be round, rotund' (e. g. of a pig). Derived verb: tǝ̄lō-ɗú 'to be round, spherical' [Henderson 1997: 330]. Alternately, cf. also: gǝ̄wā 'to surround, encircle, enclose', with further derivation: gǝ̄wā-wā 'to be round' [Henderson 1997: 125]. Still another synonym is bǝ̄θı̄ 'round, round about' [Henderson 1997: 18]. It remains unclear which of these words should be considered the default equivalent; external comparison with Eastern Kayah Li shows that there may be a dimensional distinction, but this is not explicitly confirmed in the source. We include both words as synonyms.
Geba Karen:kǝ̄=lù-ɗú1
Shee 2008: 167. Verbal stem: 'to be round'.
Eastern Kayah Li:ȁ=tǝ̏=vɯ̏ #2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 72. Taken from Fraser Bennett's materials; not attested in our main source (Solnit's dictionary). Also quoted as tū=vɯ̄ʔ (Huai Chang Kham) [ibid.].
Western Kayah Li:tǝ=vɯ̏ʰ2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 72.
Kayah Monu:ʔà=tò=lò1
Myar 2004: 169.
Brek Kayaw:tɜ̀=lɯ̀1
Myar 2004: 169.
Yintale:tɜ̀=lù1
Myar 2004: 169.
Pekon Kayan:ta=lóŋ1
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:rʋ́ʰ=wéʰ2
Manson Ms.
Number:69
Word:round
Bwe Karen:gǝ̄=wā-wā2
Henderson 1997: 225.
Geba Karen:
Eastern Kayah Li:tū=lūː #1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 72. Attested in this form for the Huai Chang Kham dialect and the Huai Phung dialect. For Huai Chang Kham, Kirkland & Dawkins note a distinction between tū=lūː 'spherical' (i. e. 'round 3D') and tū=vɯ̄ʔ 'round/flat' (i. e. 'round 2D'). It is possible that this distinction is active for many more varieties of Karen, but explicit confirmations are rare.
Western Kayah Li:
Kayah Monu:ʔà=lé=wé2
Myar 2004: 169. See notes on Eastern Kayah Li for possible semantic difference between the two quasi-synonyms.
Brek Kayaw:rē=wē2
Myar 2004: 169. See notes on Eastern Kayah Li for possible semantic difference between the two quasi-synonyms.
Yintale:ʔà=tɜ̀=vɯ̀2
Myar 2004: 169. See notes on Eastern Kayah Li for possible semantic difference between the two quasi-synonyms.
Pekon Kayan:
Lahta Kayan:
Yinbaw:
Number:70
Word:sand
Bwe Karen:
Not attested in Henderson's dictionary.
Geba Karen:lò=θɛ́ʔmìʔ1
Shee 2008: 163. The first part = lòʔ 'stone' q.v.
Eastern Kayah Li:
Not attested in Solnit's monograph. Cf. hèʔ-sōː (Huai Phung), hē-sóː (Huai Chang Kham), hȅ-sō (Fraser Bennett) 'sand' in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 68] (literally = 'land-green', see 'earth' and 'green').
Western Kayah Li:tǝ=ma̋mɯ̏2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 68.
Kayah Monu:lɤ̀=ʂèmé1
Myar 2004: 161. The first part = lɤ̀ 'stone' q.v.
Brek Kayaw:lɤ̀=θēmē1
Myar 2004: 161. The first part = lɤ̀ 'stone' q.v.
Yintale:hāŋ-sʰāi3
Myar 2004: 161.
Pekon Kayan:hâŋ-lō-mài3
Manson Ms. The morpheme lō = 'stone' q.v.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:lʋȍʰ=mȁi1
Manson Ms.
Number:71
Word:say
Bwe Karen:ɗɔ̄1
Henderson 1997: 95. Meaning glossed as 'to say, tell, speak, talk to; to say to oneself, to wonder, think, intend to, mean to'.
Geba Karen:ɗɔ̀1
Shee 2008: 175.
Eastern Kayah Li:hé2
Solnit 1997: 343.
Western Kayah Li:
Not attested.
Kayah Monu:hé2
Wai 2013: 29. Not attested properly in [Myar 2004], where only the more complex idiomatic equivalents for 'to speak' (hí-bá) and 'to tell' (hí-bá-hí-cʰò) are listed.
Brek Kayaw:
Not attested properly in [Myar 2004], where only the more complex idiomatic equivalents for 'to speak' (ró-bà) and 'to tell' (ró-bà-yá-sʰɯ́) are listed.
Yintale:
Not attested properly in [Myar 2004], where only the more complex idiomatic equivalents for 'to speak' (pà-pwèi) and 'to tell' (dú-tɜ̀-nâi) are listed.
Pekon Kayan:tài3
Manson 2007: 9.
Lahta Kayan:dōu̯ŋ1
Ywar 2013: 27.
Yinbaw:
Not attested.
Number:72
Word:see
Bwe Karen:ɕā1
Henderson 1997: 39. Polysemy: 'to see / to look / to examine / to read / to study'. The specific meaning 'to see, perceive, catch sight of' seems to be more adequately expressed by the compound formation ɕā ɕʰí [ibid.], where ɕʰí is a directional auxiliary verb. Cf. also kɛ̄-ɕʰí 'to see' [Henderson 1997: 157], with the appended note: "appears to be a variant of ɕā ɕʰí).
Solnit 1997: 349. The first morpheme is separately glossed as mɛ́ 'look' [ibid.] and the second is separately glossed as tʰʌ̄ 'see' [Solnit 1997: 359], but this analysis may be mistaken: if -tʰʌ̀ here is cognate with -tʰìʔ in Geba Karen and -ɕʰí in Bwe Karen, then this is actually an old directional (resultative?) auxiliary verb. Textual analysis shows that it does not occur on its own, but always exclusively in the compound form mɛ́-tʰʌ̀, which would corroborate the idea that mɛ́- here is the main lexical morpheme. Quoted as mɛ́ʔ-tʰǝ̀ʔ (Huai Phung), mɛ́ʔ-tʰǝ̀ʔ (Huai Chang Kham), mɛ̋-tʰʌ̏ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 65].
Western Kayah Li:mya̋-tʰiȅ2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 65.
Kayah Monu:kɛ́-ší3
Myar 2004: 165. Cf. the simple stem kɛ́ 'see' in [Wai 2013: 47].
Brek Kayaw:kɛ̀-tʰì3
Myar 2004: 165. See notes on Eastern Kayah Li.
Yintale:mɔ́-tʰɛ̄2
Myar 2004: 165. See notes on Eastern Kayah Li.
Pekon Kayan:lǝ́ʰ ~ ʔù=lǝ́ʰ4
Manson 2007: 7, 16.
Lahta Kayan:sʰáŋʔ1
Ywar 2013: 58.
Yinbaw:wáʰ=šʰö̀1
Manson Ms.
Number:73
Word:seed
Bwe Karen:=kʰwí1
Henderson 1997: 195. Polysemy: 'seed / descendants'. Bound usage only. Cf. the collective derivate: kʰwí..lɛ́ 'seeds in general' (the second component is possibly a tonal variant of lɛ̄ 'leaf' q.v.). Cf. also pʰlʋ́-θɛ̄ 'seed' [Henderson 1997: 295], literally = 'inside of fruit', probably limited to 'pips' of fruits, although there are no contexts to confirm this.
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=pʰlòʔ2
Shee 2008: 163.
Eastern Kayah Li:klwī1
Solnit 1997: 347. The entry ȁ=plɔ̏ 'seed' in [Bennett Ms.] is dubious, since Solnit glosses plɔ as a classifier for small round objects (including seeds) rather than the word 'seed' itself [Solnit 1997: 355].
Western Kayah Li:
Probably not attested; listed as plɔ̏ 'seed' in [Bennett Ms.], but see notes on Eastern Kayah Li.
Kayah Monu:tà=pʰló2
Myar 2004: 161.
Brek Kayaw:tāʰ=plɤ̀2
Myar 2004: 161.
Yintale:ʔà=pʰlō2
Myar 2004: 161.
Pekon Kayan:pʰlôŋ2
Manson 2007: 20.
Lahta Kayan:pʰloŋ2
Ywar 2013: 51.
Yinbaw:θɯ̃̏=pʰlʋȕ2
Manson Ms.
Number:74
Word:sit
Bwe Karen:ʆɛ́ná1
Henderson 1997: 309. Clearly a compound formation, but not easily segmentable within Bwe Karen. Cf. also ʆɔ́ná id. [Henderson 1997: 316], where the first component seems to be the same as in ʆɔ́-mí 'to lie' q.v. and possibly in ʆɔ́-tʰō 'to stand (up)' q.v.
Geba Karen:sʰɔ́ʔ=nɔ̀ʔ1
Shee 2008: 166. The first morpheme is the same as in 'to stand' q.v.
Eastern Kayah Li:ʔò=nɛ̄1
Solnit 1997: 142. The first morpheme is the auxiliary verb ʔò 'to exist, to be'. Quoted as ʔú=nẽ̄ (Huai Phung), ʔò=nɛ́ (Huai Chang Kham), ȍ=nɛ́ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 63].
Western Kayah Li:ȍ=ɲyā1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 63.
Kayah Monu:há=nɔ̀-ʔɔ́1
Myar 2004: 166. The principal root is =nɔ̀-, cf. external data.
Brek Kayaw:šì=nɔ̄1
Myar 2004: 166. The principal root is =nɔ̄, cf. external data.
Yintale:ǯì=nǎ1
Myar 2004: 166. The principal root is =nǎ, cf. external data.
Pekon Kayan:náŋ1
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:nāŋ1
Ywar 2013: 17.
Yinbaw:šʰǝ̏=tʰʋ̏2
Manson Ms.
Number:75
Word:skin
Bwe Karen:=kó1
Henderson 1997: 164. Polysemy: 'outer covering / skin / shell'. Bound usage only. Cf. kó bwɛ̄ 'body', indicating that the word is most likely applicable to human skin. On the contrary, =pʰē 'skin, hide, bark, scales' [Henderson 1997: 290] is mostly found in contexts dealing with animals (such as elephants), fish, fruits, nuts, etc.
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=pʰéʔ2
Shee 2008: 165. Meaning glossed simply as 'skin' (not clear if applicable to animals, or humans, or both).
Henderson 1997: 315. Polysemy: 'to sleep / to lie still, as if asleep'. For further notes, cf. 'lie'.
Geba Karen:šɔ̀=mí1
Shee 2008: 166. Same constitution of the stem as in Bwe Karen.
Eastern Kayah Li:ʔò=mʌ̄1
Solnit 1997: 142. The first morpheme is the auxiliary verb ʔò 'to exist, to be'. Polysemy: 'to lie down / to sleep'. Quoted as ʔóʔ=māː (Huai Phung), ō=mǝ́ (Huai Chang Kham), ȍ=mʌ̄ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 64].
Western Kayah Li:ȍ=miē1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 64.
Kayah Monu:há=mò-ʔó1
Myar 2004: 166. Quoted as há=mǝ̀-ʔǝ́ in [Wai 2013: 88].
Brek Kayaw:ší=mí1
Myar 2004: 166.
Yintale:ʔɔ̀=méi1
Myar 2004: 166.
Pekon Kayan:mé1
Manson 2007: 7.
Lahta Kayan:ɲɘ́1
Ywar 2013: 24.
Yinbaw:šʰʋ̀=me̋1
Manson Ms.
Number:77
Word:small
Bwe Karen:pʰō1
Henderson 1997: 297. Contexts show that this word is mostly applied to objects small in size e. g. 'big houses and little houses', 'a small boat', etc.). On the contrary, the word ʆī, glossed as 'to be small, little; young(er)' [Henderson 1997: 310], in the majority of attested examples refers to "smallness" of age, immaturity etc. ("this puppy is very small", "he was still very young", "the trees and bamboos are small (= not fully grown)". This means that pʰō is better eligible for the primary slot.
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=šú=pʰòʔ1
Shee 2008: 167. Verbal stem: 'to be small'.
Eastern Kayah Li:pǝ̀=tɛ̀ǝ̀ ~ pǝ̀=tí2
Solnit 1997: 357, 358. Initial pǝ̀= seems to be a fossilized prefix; variation between the two forms of the root remains unexplained (could this actually be two different roots?). Quoted as ȁ=pǝ̏=ti̋ in [Bennett Ms.]. The morpheme pʰú 'child' may also be used in the meaning 'small', but, apparently, only as a diminutive suffix [Solnit 1997: 354].
Western Kayah Li:pȁ=ti̋2
Bennett Ms. See notes on Eastern Kayah Li for internal structure.
Kayah Monu:ʔà=pí=tí2
Myar 2004: 168. See notes on Eastern Kayah Li for internal structure. Quoted as ʔà=pé=té in [Wai 2013: 55].
Brek Kayaw:ʔà=prí2
Myar 2004: 168.
Yintale:kʰú-bí3
Myar 2004: 168. Internal structure is unclear.
Pekon Kayan:pʰò1
Manson 2007: 18.
Lahta Kayan:pí4
Ywar 2013: 16.
Yinbaw:šʰö̀5
Manson Ms.
Number:77
Word:small
Bwe Karen:
Geba Karen:
Eastern Kayah Li:
Western Kayah Li:
Kayah Monu:
Brek Kayaw:ʔà=šì5
Myar 2004: 168. Semantic difference between the two listed synonyms remains unclear.
Yintale:tɜ̀=ší5
Myar 2004: 168. Semantic difference between the two listed synonyms remains unclear.
Pekon Kayan:ɕʰyâŋ6
Manson 2007: 21. Semantic difference between this form and pʰò remains unclear.
Lahta Kayan:
Yinbaw:
Number:78
Word:smoke
Bwe Karen:θǝ́yù1
Henderson 1997: 390. More accurately, mı̄ θǝ́yù, where the first component is mı̄ 'fire' q.v. Another equivalent is mı̄ kʰū 'smoke' [Henderson 1997: 239], where the second component is the verbal stem kʰū 'to blow about (of dust, etc.), to smoke (of a chimney or fire), to puff and smoke' [Henderson 1997: 192]. This expression is quite frequently used, but seems to still retain its verbal nature (= 'fire puffs up smoke').
Geba Karen:m̥yı̀=kʰùʔ2
Shee 2008: 165. The first component seems to be a phonetic variant of 'fire' q.v.
Myar 2004: 165; Wai 2013: 54. The first component is 'fire' q.v.
Brek Kayaw:mì=kʰɯ̀2
Myar 2004: 165. The first component is 'fire' q.v.
Yintale:mīʰ=kāu2
Myar 2004: 165. The first component is 'fire' q.v.
Pekon Kayan:méʰ=klôŋ2
Manson Ms. The first component is 'fire' q.v.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:mȉ=klʋű2
Manson Ms. The first component is 'fire' q.v.
Number:79
Word:stand
Bwe Karen:ʆɔ́=tʰō #1
Henderson 1997: 316. Meaning glossed as 'to stand up from a sitting position', i. e. dynamic; no separate equivalent for the static 'to be standing' is attested in the dictionary. Cf. the same first morpheme in ʆɔ́ dǝ̄rɔ̄ 'to be steady', possibly also in ʆɔ́-ná 'to sit'.
Geba Karen:sʰɔ́ʔ=tʰòʔ1
Shee 2008: 166. The first morpheme is the same as in 'to sit' q.v.
Myar 2004: 160. Initial lá= is a fossilized prefix (perhaps < 'sky', cf. mɔ́=là 'sky' [ibid.]).
Pekon Kayan:sʰâ1
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:sʰā1
Ywar 2013: 18.
Yinbaw:sʰȁ1
Manson Ms.
Number:81
Word:stone
Bwe Karen:lō1
Henderson 1997: 220.
Geba Karen:lòʔ1
Shee 2008: 163.
Eastern Kayah Li:lɔ̰̀1
Solnit 1997: 348. Meaning glossed as 'rock'. Quoted as lɔ̄ɔ̀ʔ (Huai Phung), lɔ̂ʔ (Huai Chang Kham), lɔ̰̂ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 68].
Western Kayah Li:lɔ̌ʰ1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 68.
Kayah Monu:lɤ̀1
Myar 2004: 161.
Brek Kayaw:lɤ̀1
Myar 2004: 161.
Yintale:lɤ̀1
Myar 2004: 161.
Pekon Kayan:lō1
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:lòu̯ŋ1
Ywar 2013: 24.
Yinbaw:lʋȍʰ-pʰɔ̋1
Manson Ms.
Number:82
Word:sun
Bwe Karen:lǝ̄=mū1
Henderson 1997: 228. Initial lǝ̄= is a fossilized prefix.
Geba Karen:lǝ̄=mùʔ1
Shee 2008: 163. Initial lǝ̄= is a fossilized prefix.
Eastern Kayah Li:tǝ̀=mɔ̰̀1
Solnit 1997: 350. This is the isolated form of the word, with a fossilized prefix; in compounds, the simple root mɔ̰̀ is used. Quoted as tɔ́ʔ=mɔ̀ʔ (Huai Phung), tɔ́=mɔ̀ʔ (Huai Chang Kham), tǝ̏=mɔ̰̂ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 67].
Western Kayah Li:tǝ=mɔ̌ʰ1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 67.
Kayah Monu:lù=mù1
Myar 2004: 160. Initial lù= is a fossilized prefix. Quoted as lù=mú in [Wai 2003: 73].
Brek Kayaw:lɯ́=mɯ̀1
Myar 2004: 160. Initial lɯ́= is a fossilized prefix.
Yintale:tɜ̀=mɤ̀1
Myar 2004: 160. Initial tɜ̀= is a fossilized prefix.
Pekon Kayan:mǝ̄ŋ1
Manson 2007: 17.
Lahta Kayan:mǝ̀ŋ ~ mù1
Ywar 2013: 24, 65. The word is listed as mǝ̀ŋ in isolated phonological examples, but as mù in syntactic contexts (e. g. mù dǝ̀ láʔ 'sun and moon').
Yinbaw:lʋ́=mȕʰ1
Manson Ms.
Number:83
Word:swim
Bwe Karen:bà-ɕʰí1
Henderson 1997: 4. Literally = 'to scatter water' (bà is glossed as 'to throw, scatter (as pebbles, sand), to broadcast (seed), to cast (a net), to flick with the palm of the hand'. Another idiom is wā-ɕʰí 'to swim' [Henderson 1997: 396], literally = 'to wave (the hands in) the water'.
Geba Karen:bɔ̀-tʰí1
Shee 2008: 166. Structurally equivalent to Bwe Karen bà-ɕʰí q.v.
Eastern Kayah Li:tǝ̏=yȅ-tʰʌ̄ #2
Bennett Ms. The second part of the compound is 'water'; the first part is a prefixed verbal root with an unclear original meaning.
Western Kayah Li:tǝ=ʑɛ́ɛ̋ʰ-tʰiē2
Bennett Ms. The second part of the compound is 'water'; the first part is a prefixed verbal root with an unclear original meaning.
Kayah Monu:kɔ̀=yɔ̀-šì2
Myar 2004: 167. The last morpheme is 'water' q.v.
Brek Kayaw:wū-tʰí3
Myar 2004: 167. The second morpheme is 'water' q.v.
Yintale:tà=yà2
Myar 2004: 167. The first part is a prefixed verbal root with an unclear original meaning (see Eastern Kayah Li).
Pekon Kayan:kwàʰŋ-sʰɨ́4
Manson Ms. The second morpheme is 'water' q.v.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:wã̏ʰ-šʰɯ̋4
Manson Ms.
Number:84
Word:tail
Bwe Karen:=ká=mè1
Henderson 1997: 234. Bound usage only. The first morpheme is =ká 'hind part, lower part, behind, bottom, hindquarters' [Henderson 1997: 151]. The second morpheme is glossed by Henderson as 'knot, joint', supported by such idiomatic formations as θō ǝ̄-mè 'knot in a tree', etc. However, external data confirm that this is actually the original Karen morpheme with the basic meaning of 'tail'.
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=ká=myı̀ʔ1
Shee 2008: 164. See notes on Bwe Karen.
Eastern Kayah Li:kú=mḭ̀1
Solnit 1997: 345. Initial kú= is a standard body part prefix. Quoted as kūʔ=mīìʔ (Huai Phung), kú=mīìʔ (Huai Chang Kham), kū=mḭ̂ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 69].
Western Kayah Li:kʰā=mǐʰ1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 69.
Kayah Monu:gɔ̀=mè1
Myar 2004: 162.
Brek Kayaw:kɔ̄=mì1
Myar 2004: 162.
Yintale:kàu=mì1
Myar 2004: 162.
Pekon Kayan:ka=mē1
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:kǝ̀=mì1
Ywar 2013: 18.
Yinbaw:kǝ=mȅʰ1
Manson Ms.
Number:85
Word:that
Bwe Karen:nū1
Henderson 1997: 265.
Geba Karen:nò1
Shee 2008: 74. The nominalized form is ǝ̄=nò- [Shee 2008: 168].
Myar 2004: 169. Quoted as =nù in [Wai 2013: 33], as part of the compound forms hé=nù 'that (object)', dó=nù 'that (location)', bá=nù 'that (time)'.
Brek Kayaw:hà=nī1
Myar 2004: 169.
Yintale:dɤ́=nɯ̀1
Myar 2004: 169.
Pekon Kayan:ŋá2
Manson 2007: 9.
Lahta Kayan:dò3
Ywar 2013: 27, 54. Plural: yɘ̀=dò 'thise'.
Yinbaw:tǝ-ʔó3
Manson Ms.
Number:86
Word:this
Bwe Karen:yō1
Henderson 1997: 414.
Geba Karen:yò1
Shee 2008: 74. The nominalized form is ǝ̄=yò- [Shee 2008: 168].
Myar 2004: 169. Quoted as =ʔù in [Wai 2013: 33], as part of the compound forms hé=ʔù 'this (object)', bá=ʔù 'this (location or time)'.
Brek Kayaw:hà=yɤ̄1
Myar 2004: 169.
Yintale:tɜ̀=ʔɛ̂ ~ ʔɛ́-nɯ̀1
Myar 2004: 169. Two very different forms are quoted, but it seems possible to perceive the same deictic root ʔɛ in both of them.
Pekon Kayan:ú1
Manson 2007: 29.
Lahta Kayan:ŋwɛ̀1
Ywar 2013: 54. Plural: yǝ̀=ŋwɛ̀ 'these'. Probably the same word is also listed as ɲywɛ̀ in [Ywar 2013: 25], but it remains unclear if this is a typo or reflects a real phonetic variant.
Yinbaw:ʑó1
Manson Ms.
Number:87
Word:thou
Bwe Karen:nɛ̄1
Henderson 1997: 257. The bound subject prefix form is nǝ̄- [Henderson 1997: 266].
Geba Karen:né1
Shee 2008: 168.
Eastern Kayah Li:nè1
Solnit 1997: 183. Quoted as nēː (Huai Phung), ne (Huai Chang Kham) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 70]. According to Fraser Bennett, the basic equivalent for 'you (sg.)' has merged with sē, the basic equivalent for 'you (pl.)' [ibid.], but this is contradicted by all other sources.
Western Kayah Li:ʆī #2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 70. This is the same pronoun as 'you (pl.)' in Fraser Bennett's notes, which makes the entry somewhat dubious (see notes on Eastern Kayah Li).
Solnit 1997: 345. Initial kù= is a standard body part prefix. Quoted as kú=kʰāɯː (Huai Phung), kū=kʰǝ̋ː (Huai Chang Kham), kȕ=kʰʌ̄ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61].
Western Kayah Li:kʰȕ=kʰiē2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61.
Kayah Monu:kʰó=kʰì2
Myar 2004: 163. Quoted as kʰò=kʰī in [Wai 2013: 162].
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 65. Quoted as part of the form ɲiēʰ-prɛ̏ʰ 'two persons'.
Kayah Monu:kìnì1
Myar 2004: 161. Quoted as part of the complex form ʂɔ́ kìnì 'two (persons)'. Quoted as kàní in [Wai 2013: 38]. Internal structure of the stem is unclear: perhaps this is a contraction of two different roots (cf. Brek Kayaw kī and Yintale nì?).
Brek Kayaw:klī ~ kī1
Myar 2004: 161. Quoted as part of two different complex forms with the meaning 'two (persons)': θɔ̄=klī and kī=rā (cf. tɜ̀=rà 'one person').
Yintale:ɲē ~ nì2
Myar 2004: 161. Quoted as part of the complex form ɲē-dɯ́ ~ nì-dɯ́ 'two (persons)'.
Pekon Kayan:ŋú3
Manson 2007: 9.
Lahta Kayan:ɲɘ̄ŋ2
Ywar 2013: 18.
Yinbaw:θʋ́=ŋʋ́2
Manson Ms.
Number:92
Word:walk (go)
Bwe Karen:lē1
Henderson 1997: 209. Glossed with the note 'usually to go away (from home)'; regularly employed as the antonym of gē 'to come' q.v. Semantically distinct from hɛ̄ 'to walk, wander, go from one place to another' [Henderson 1997: 129].
Geba Karen:lè1
Shee 2008: 26.
Eastern Kayah Li:hɛ̄2
Solnit 1997: 343. Meaning glossed as 'move away from home, go'. For more semantic details, see notes on 'come'.
Western Kayah Li:
Not attested.
Kayah Monu:
Not attested.
Brek Kayaw:
Not attested.
Yintale:
Not attested.
Pekon Kayan:
Not attested.
Lahta Kayan:lɛ̄1
Ywar 2013: 23. Also šwá 'go' [Ywar 2013: 20].
Yinbaw:
Not attested.
Number:93
Word:warm (hot)
Bwe Karen:gō1
Henderson 1997: 110. Meaning glossed as 'to be hot, warm; to burnish, shine'. Seems to be semantically distinct from lɛ̄ 'to be warm; (fig.) to enjoy special privileges' [Henderson 1997: 215] (along the lines of the basic opposition 'hot / warm').
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=gòʔ1
Shee 2008: 168. Verbal stem: 'to be hot'. Distinct from ǝ̄=lɛ̀ 'warm' [Shee 2008: 169].
Eastern Kayah Li:kù1
Solnit 1997: 345. Meaning glossed as 'hot'. Quoted as ȁ=kȕˤ in [Bennett Ms.]. Distinct from lè 'warm' [Solnit 1997: 347].
Western Kayah Li:kúűʰ1
Bennett Ms. Meaning glossed as 'hot'. Distinct from lȅʰ 'warm' [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 72].
Kayah Monu:ʔà=kò1
Myar 2004: 169. Meaning glossed as 'to be hot'. Quoted as kōʰ 'hot' (e. g. in "his body is hot") in [Wai 2013: 21].
Brek Kayaw:ʔɛ̀=kù1
Myar 2004: 169. Meaning glossed as 'to be hot'.
Yintale:ʔà=kù1
Myar 2004: 169. Meaning glossed as 'to be hot'.
Pekon Kayan:kòʰ1
Manson Ms. Meaning glossed as 'hot'. Cf. làʰ 'warm' [Manson 2007: 18].
Lahta Kayan:kù ~ kʰù1
Ywar 2013: 15, 26. Meaning glossed as 'warm'. Cf. lā ~ láʔ 'hot' [Ywar 2013: 26, 29].
Yinbaw:kʋȕʰ1
Manson Ms. Meaning glossed as 'hot'. Cf. lāʰ 'warm' [Manson Ms.].
Henderson 1997: 399. Exclusive form. The bound subject prefix form is wǝ̄- [Henderson 1997: 405].
Geba Karen:wā ~ wà1
Shee 2008: 71, 168. Exclusive form.
Eastern Kayah Li:pè2
Solnit 1997: 183. No difference between exclusive and inclusive forms. Quoted as pēː (Huai Phung), pē (Huai Chang Kham), pȅ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 70].
Western Kayah Li:pɛ̏ʰ2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 70. No difference between exclusive and inclusive forms.
Kayah Monu:pà2
Myar 2004: 170; Wai 2013: 27. Glossed as 'we (1 p. incl.)' in [Myar 2004], but [Wai 2013] does not mention any clusivity opposition.
Brek Kayaw:pā2
Myar 2004: 170. Glossed as 'we (1 p. incl.)'
Yintale:
Unclear. The complex form hɛ́-tʰɔ́-pʰó is recorded in [Myar 2004: 170] as 'we (1 p. incl.)', but its segmentation is not easily understood from the list, and it is unknown if there is a shorter and more diagnostic exclusive form. We prefer to leave the slot empty for the moment.
Pekon Kayan:pàʰ2
Manson 2007: 9.
Lahta Kayan:ɲā-pū4
Ywar 2013: 47. Formally, a pluralization of ɲā 'I' q.v.
Yinbaw:pʋ̏ʰ2
Manson Ms.
Number:95
Word:we2
Bwe Karen:kɛ̄3
Henderson 1997: 155. Inclusive form.
Geba Karen:kǝ̄3
Shee 2008: 71. Inclusive form.
Eastern Kayah Li:
Western Kayah Li:
Kayah Monu:
Brek Kayaw:
Yintale:
Pekon Kayan:
Lahta Kayan:
Yinbaw:
Number:96
Word:what
Bwe Karen:má-nɔ̄1
Henderson 1997: 230. The morpheme -nɔ̄ is a final particle used in interrogative sentences in conjunction with pronominal morphemes [Henderson 1997: 264].
Geba Karen:dà.. nɛ̀ʔ2
Shee 2008: 87, 168. The first part is an "interrogative proform"; the second part is a final interrogative particle. Together, they form a "circumfix-like" interrogative pronoun.
Eastern Kayah Li:ʔì=tē3
Solnit 1997: 243, 357. The root morpheme tē is used in numerous other interrogatives as well, e. g. mè=tē 'why?', etc. Quoted as mà=ì-tēː (Huai Phung), mà=ìː-tēː (Huai Chang Kham) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 71]. The equivalent in Fraser Bennett's data, however, is different: nʌ̏ 'what' [ibid.]. Since it is identical with the preceding 'that', it is possible that this is just a technical mistake.
Western Kayah Li:nɯǝ̏ʰ #-1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 71. Most probably a mistake (same word as 'that').
Kayah Monu:tì-tɛ̀3
Myar 2004: 170. Quoted as tí-tɛ̀ in [Wai 2013: 30].
Brek Kayaw:tɛ̄-tɛ̄3
Myar 2004: 170.
Yintale:ʔēŋ=tɜ̀-gāʰ3
Myar 2004: 170.
Pekon Kayan:ta-rǎ3
Manson 2007: 20.
Lahta Kayan:sǝ̀-nɛ̀4
Ywar 2013: 23, 48.
Yinbaw:tri̋ʰ3
Manson Ms.
Number:97
Word:white
Bwe Karen:ɓʋ́1
Henderson 1997: 36.
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=ɓò-θá1
Shee 2008: 168.
Eastern Kayah Li:bū1
Solnit 1997: 340. Quoted as ȁ=bū in [Bennett Ms.].
Western Kayah Li:bū1
Bennett Ms.
Kayah Monu:ʔà=bù1
Myar 2004: 169. Quoted as ʔà=bó in [Wai 2013: 57].
Brek Kayaw:ʔɛ̀=bű-ʂɔ̀1
Myar 2004: 169.
Yintale:ʔà=bǔ1
Myar 2004: 169.
Pekon Kayan:bó1
Manson 2007: 9.
Lahta Kayan:bú1
Ywar 2013: 43.
Yinbaw:bó1
Manson Ms.
Number:98
Word:who
Bwe Karen:bwá-nɔ̄1
Henderson 1997: 14. The morpheme -nɔ̄ is a final particle used in interrogative sentences in conjunction with pronominal morphemes [Henderson 1997: 264].
Geba Karen:bwɛ̀-bwɛ́1
Shee 2008: 168. This reduplicated form is found in the appendix to the grammar. In the grammar itself, the form 'who?' is given as bǝ̄bwɛ̀.. wɛ̀, where the first part is an "interrogative proform" and the second one is a final interrogative particle [Shee 2008: 87].
Eastern Kayah Li:ʔū..=pē2
Solnit 1997: 352. The first morpheme is the pronoun 'they, other people, someone'; pē is formally a clause-final interrogative particle that "triggers the interrogative meaning of ʔū", e. g. in ʔū mɛ́ tò pē "who does not look?". Cf. mà=ù-pēː (Huai Phung), mɔ̀=pēː (Huai Chang Kham), mȁ=ū-pē (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 71].
Western Kayah Li:ū=pē2
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 71.
Kayah Monu:mí=ʔò=pɛ̀2
Myar 2004: 170. Quoted as mɔ́=pɛ̀ in [Wai 2013: 30]. See notes on Eastern Kayah Li for internal structure.
Brek Kayaw:hő-lɛ̀3
Myar 2004: 170. Internal segmentation unclear.
Yintale:bā-dɯ́-gāʰ1
Myar 2004: 170. Internal segmentation unclear (the first component is probably the same as Bwe Karen bwá-, etc.).
Pekon Kayan:hú-páʰ3
Manson Ms.
Lahta Kayan:sǝ̀-mɛ̀4
Ywar 2013: 48.
Yinbaw:hű-pi̋3
Manson Ms.
Number:99
Word:woman
Bwe Karen:=bò=mú1
Henderson 1997: 10. Meaning glossed as 'female person, woman, wife'. Cf. =bò=kʰó 'man' q.v., indicating that =bò= is a modifier with the general meaning of 'person' (a contracted form of bǝ̄yā 'person' q.v.). Bound usage only.
Geba Karen:byà=mì=m̥ùʔ1
Shee 2008: 165. The first component = 'person' q.v.; the second component is probably a fossilized classifier, also attested in the word for 'man' q.v.
Eastern Kayah Li:pʰrè=mɔ̰̀1
Solnit 1997: 354. The first component = 'person' q.v. Quoted as pʰrȅ=mɔ̏ in [Bennett Ms.].
Western Kayah Li:prɛ̏ʰ=mɔ̏1
Bennett Ms. The first component = 'person' q.v.
Kayah Monu:mà=mú1
Myar 2004: 164. The first component mà by itself means 'wife'.
Brek Kayaw:má=mɯ̀1
Myar 2004: 164. The first component má by itself means 'wife'.
Yintale:pyàŋ=mō1
Myar 2004: 164. The first component = 'person' q.v.
Pekon Kayan:pràʰ=mǝ̂u1
Manson Ms. The first component = 'person' q.v.
Lahta Kayan:pǝ̀=mō1
Ywar 2013: 50.
Yinbaw:prʋ̏ʰ=mɯ̏ʰ1
Manson Ms. The first component = 'person' q.v. (with vocalic assimilation).
Number:100
Word:yellow
Bwe Karen:
Not attested properly in Henderson's dictionary; the closest in meaning would be the verb lʋ̄ 'to yellow (as a sign of ripening)' [Henderson 1997: 227]. Cf. also bá gǝ́yū 'to be yellowish' [Henderson 1997: 126] (no text examples).
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=ɓá1
Shee 2008: 168.
Eastern Kayah Li:bɛ̄1
Solnit 1997: 339. Quoted as bɛ̄ː (Huai Phung), bɛ́ (Huai Chang Kham), ȁ=bɛ̄ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 66]. It is said that the Huai Phung equivalent also means 'white', but this may be a mistake (the regular Eastern Kayah Li equivalent for 'white' is the phonetically similar form bū).
Western Kayah Li:byā1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 66.
Kayah Monu:ʔà=bɔ̀1
Myar 2004: 169.
Brek Kayaw:ʔɛ̀=bɔ́1
Myar 2004: 169.
Yintale:ʔà=bǎŋ1
Myar 2004: 169.
Pekon Kayan:báŋ1
Manson 2007: 14.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:bã̏1
Manson Ms.
Number:101
Word:far
Bwe Karen:ɔ̄=yı̀1
Henderson 1997: 274. Meaning glossed as 'to be distant in time or place, to be a long way off' ('far' in the English-Karen index). The first morpheme is most likely the verb ɔ̄ 'to be'.
Henderson 1997: 37. Meaning glossed as 'to be near, close together, in a group'. Cf. also the nominal stem =ká 'neighbourhood of, proximity', which also functions as the postposition 'near' (yǝ̄-ká 'near me', etc.), and its derivatives (=ká-ɕʰı̄ 'neighbourhood of, proximity of, near, beside', etc.) [Henderson 1997: 152-153].
Myar 2004: 161. Quoted as ʔèsá in [Wai 2013: 18].
Brek Kayaw:di̋θà1
Myar 2004: 161.
Yintale:ʔíʂā1
Myar 2004: 161.
Pekon Kayan:ta=θâ1
Manson 2007: 20.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:cʋ̏=θa̋1
Manson Ms.
Number:105
Word:short
Bwe Karen:ɗā1
Henderson 1997: 77. Polysemy: 'short / shallow'.
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=bí=pʰòʔ2
Shee 2008: 167. Verbal stem: 'to be short (in length)'. Cf. also ǝ̄=ɓòláʔ 'to be short (in height)' [ibid.].
Eastern Kayah Li:ȁ=pʰȍ #2
Bennett Ms. Meaning glossed as 'short (length)'. Allegedly distinct from ȁ=tǝ̏=rɯ̏ 'short (height)'. Not attested in Solnit's dictionary.
Western Kayah Li:pʰɯǝ̏2
Bennett Ms. Meaning glossed as 'short (length)'. Allegedly distinct from tǝ=rɯ́ɯ̄ʰ 'short (height)'.
Kayah Monu:ʔà=pʰó-tú2
Myar 2004: 168. Cf. ʔà=pū 'short' (as part of the compound ʔàtʰwò-ʔàpū 'length', literally 'long-short') in [Wai 2013: 55].
Brek Kayaw:pʰɤ̀2
Myar 2004: 168.
Yintale:pʰɯ̄-tɤ̄n2
Myar 2004: 168.
Pekon Kayan:pʰyâŋ2
Manson 2007: 21. Same word as 'near' q.v.
Lahta Kayan:pʰɨǝ́2
Ywar 2013: 25.
Yinbaw:pʰɯ̏2
Manson Ms.
Number:106
Word:snake
Bwe Karen:wī1
Henderson 1997: 402. Cf. also ɰū, glossed as a 'variant of wī' in [Henderson 1997: 304] and also, with a different tone, attested in various compounds, e. g. ɰù-ɕʰí 'water snake', etc. [ibid.].
Henderson 1997: 284. Applied to paper, cloth, matting etc., i.e. 'thin (1D)'. Also pú-tǝ́ɗɛ̄ id.
Geba Karen:ǝ̄=pʰú1
Shee 2008: 167. Verbal stem: 'to be thin'.
Eastern Kayah Li:bɯ̄ #1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 71. Taken from Fraser Bennett's data, therefore somewhat dubious. Not attested in Solnit's dictionary; cf. kʰrɛ̄ 'thin (not fat) = skinny' in [Solnit 1997: 346], not eligible for semantic reasons. Cf. also bɯ̄ː (Huai Phung), bɯ̄ː (Huai Chang Kham) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 71].
Western Kayah Li:ȁ=bɯ̄1
Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 71.
Kayah Monu:ʔà=kàlà2
Myar 2004: 168.
Brek Kayaw:prɯ̄1
Myar 2004: 168.
Yintale:bǔŋ1
Myar 2004: 168.
Pekon Kayan:bǝ́ɨ1
Manson 2007: 17.
Lahta Kayan:
Not attested.
Yinbaw:prɯ́ʰ1
Manson Ms.
Number:107
Word:thin2
Bwe Karen:prı̄3
Henderson 1997: 283. Meaning glossed as 'to be very thin, tenuous, fine'. Applied to threads, etc., i.e. = 'thin (2D)'. Cf. also wɛ̀ 'to be thin (not fat, of people)' [Henderson 1997: 401].
Geba Karen:
Eastern Kayah Li:
Western Kayah Li:
Kayah Monu:
Brek Kayaw:
Yintale:
Pekon Kayan:
Lahta Kayan:
Yinbaw:
Number:108
Word:wind
Bwe Karen:gǝ̄=lī1
Henderson 1997: 119. Polysemy: 'air / wind / storm'. Initial gǝ̄= is a fossilized prefix.
Geba Karen:
Not attested.
Eastern Kayah Li:lɛ̀-sé #1
Solnit 1997: 348. This is a verbal stem, glossed as "wind blows"; however, just as in the case of 'rain' q.v., the corresponding nominal stem is not attested, and existing textual examples show that in most cases this verbal stem substitutes for the nominal 'rain' as well, so we tentatively include this stem as the main equivalent. The second part is clearly the same as sé 'to breathe' [Solnit 1997: 356]; the first part is probably the old nominal root 'rain' (cf. external parallels).
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