Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ɬ=takʰát1
Edwards 2009: 20, 181, 347. Polysemy: 'all / every'. Quoted in [Crippen 2008] and [Story & Naish 1973: 390] as čʼa ɬtakʰát with the particle čʼa 'just, simply'. Initial ɬ- is a classifier; the remainder is not entirely clear.
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:kʰéɬʼ-tʼ1
Edwards 2009: 149, 350; Naish & Story 1996. Both sources give two equivalents for 'ashes': 1) kʰéɬʼ-tʼ (examples: "They make tobacco out of wood ashes", "The fire has gone out but the ashes are still warm") [Edwards 2009: 149]. Cf. an example from [Swanton 1909: 278]: "After he had killed her [= the cannibal wife] he pulled her over on the fire. When he blew upon her ashes, however, they became mosquitoes". Final -tʼ is apparently the plural exponent. The morpheme kʰeːɬʼ functions also as a verbal root: cl=kʰeːɬʼ 'to burn to ashes' [Story & Naish 1973: 38, 320] (not quoted in [Edwards 2009]). Note that in [Twitchell 2005: 29] kʰéɬʼ-tʼ is treated as a variant for the dialectal expressions kán ya=kʰéɬʼ-tʰ-i (lit. 'firewood's burning') and both are translated as 'wood ashes';
2) descriptive kan ʔiːtʰí < kán 'firewood' + ʔiːtʰí 'in place of it' [Edwards 2009: 86]. In Edwards' only example for kan ʔiːtʰí this collocation is juxtaposed with kʰéɬʼ-tʼ: kan ʔiːtʰí kʰéɬʼtʼ qʰukáːsʼ yáχ yatʰiː "Ashes from the fireplace are gray" [Edwards 2009: 86], so kan ʔiːtʰí cannot be 'ashes' per se (note that according to the proposed translation of the example cited, kan ʔiːtʰí means 'fireplace'). Another example for kan ʔiːtʰí comes from [Swanton 1909: 378-379]: "Then he put on his war hat, and his sister went before him. He went out of doors in a cloud of ashes. He killed all in four of the enemies' canoes", but, in fact, kan ʔiːtʰí once again is found here in a possessive construction with another noun: (kʰa)tánčaː 'dust' (Swanton's correct literal translation is 'dust of ashes'). This fact makes the direct translation of kan ʔiːtʰí as 'ashes' problematic (e.g., the translation 'fireplace' for kan ʔiːtʰí, i.e. 'dust from fireplace' = 'ashes' for the full collocation, seems more apt). Note that kán ʔiːtʰí is the only translation for 'ashes' in [Twitchell 2005: 3'] (for Twitchell's 'wood ashes' see above). Due to such ambiguous data we prefer to exclude kan ʔiːtʰí from the list.
A third candidate is the word xúːš-tʼ, translated as 'ashes (burnt)' in [Naish & Story 1996], but as 'singed, burnt, or charred matter' in [Edwards 2009: 287] (example: 'The dark burnt ashes (xúːštʼ) would be put on their faces when going to war' ) and as 'burnt objects' in [Twitchell 2005: 49]; it is not the default word for 'ashes'. The structure of xúːš-tʼ is the same as that of kʰéɬʼ-tʼ: plural -tʼ, an inflection marker attached to the verbal root xuːš 'to singe, burn (hairs, etc.) slightly' [Story & Naish 1973: 192, 326] (not quoted in [Edwards 2009]).
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ɬuːn1
Edwards 2009: 184, 353; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 35, 5'. Out of many specific terms, the most basic Tlingit word for 'bark' is probably ɬuːn, possr=ɬuːn-í 'dry woody outer bark'.
A possible second candidate is ʔat taː-yí (i. e. indn.poss=taː-poss) 'birch (covering)' [Naish & Story 1996] (i. e. 'birch bark'), which is translated as 'bark; birch' in [Edwards 2009: 66, 353] and as 'birch; X's bark' in [Twitchell 2005: 4, 10]. It is quite unclear, however, whether Edwards' and Twitchell's 'birch' refers to 'birch bark' only or to both 'birch bark' and 'birch tree' (the only found example is ʔat taː-yi qʰákʷ "birch bark basket" (qʰákʷ means 'basket') [Edwards 2009: 66]). Next, it is unclear whether Edwards' and Twitchell's ʔat taː-yí 'bark' could be applied to any tree species or to birch only. Due to such ambiguous data we prefer to exclude =taː-yí from the list. Apparently ʔat taː-yí contains the relational noun taː 'around it; about it; concerning it' [Edwards 2009: 63], i. e. '(birch?) bark' as 'something around (the tree)'.
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:possr=yuːw-á1
Edwards 2009: 326, 355. Polysemy: 'abdomen / surface of the belly / front of the body'. Quoted as as possr=yuːw-ʔá 'surface of abdomen' in [Naish & Story 1996] and [Twitchell 2005: 55]. The suffix -(ʔ)á in this stem is not entirely clear; cf. the unsuffixed stem possr=yuːw-ú 'stomach' [Edwards 2009: 326, 355] (example: "My stomach was satisfied"), [Naish & Story 1996], [Twitchell 2005: 55].
Cf. also a less neutral term: possr=χʼúːɬʼ 'belly, paunch' [Edwards 2009: 309, 355], 'abdomen' [Naish & Story 1996], [Twitchell 2005: 53]; example for possr=χʼúːɬʼ: "His belly always hurts" [Edwards 2009: 309], "his/her stomach is growling" [Edwards 2009: 248].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:cl=keː1
Edwards 2009: 88, 356; Story & Naish 1973: 29, 314. A verbal root. Polysemy: 'to be big / be lots / be many etc.'. Cf. also the noun-like adjective ƛʰeːn 'big' [Edwards 2009: 260, 356], [Crippen 2008: 203] and the quantifier ʔaː-ƛʰeːn 'much, lots of' [Edwards 2009: 51], [Crippen 2008: 203] (probably with pronominal ʔaː 'one, one of' [Edwards 2009: 47]).
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:cʼíckʷ1
Edwards 2009: 269, 357. The most generic term is probably cʼíckʷ, translated as 'songbird; bird' in [Edwards 2009: 269, 357], but more narrowly as 'any small songbird' in [Naish & Story 1996]. Cf. the following examples: "Berry seeds are found in bird poop" [Edwards 2009: 85]; "The young boy shot the bird with a barbed arrow" [Edwards 2009: 256]; "I killed a bird" [Crippen 2008: 101]. The second candidate is cʼacʼíː 'songbird; bird' [Edwards 2009: 268, 357], 'any small songbird' [Naish & Story 1996], but this word does not occur in examples with the meaning 'bird (in general)', so we prefer to omit it. [Twitchell 2005: 47, 7'] quotes cʼíckʷ / cʼacʼíː as full synonyms ('any small singing bird').
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:tʼuːčʼ1
Edwards 2009: 255, 357; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008: 197, 204; Twitchell 2005: 45, 7'. The word tʼuːčʼ means 'charcoal'; the semantics of 'black' is expressed metonymically by the construction tʼuːčʼ yáχ (obj-yáχ 'obj-like') or simply as tʼuːčʼ.
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:kaːn1
Story & Naish 1973: 38, 318. According to [Story & Naish 1973], the default verb is apparently kaːn 'to burn [tr. & intr.]; to cremate; to shine; to light [tr. & intr.]' with such examples as: "I'm burning tree stumps", "the boat burned up", "the wood is burnt", etc. [Story & Naish 1973: 38, 318]. But in [Edwards 2009: 82, 363] kaːn is translated as 'to light [tr. & intr.]; to shine; to cause to shine' (also 'to burn [tr.]' with the remark: 'a common use of this verb is in discussing the traditional practice of burning the clothes one was wearing when s/he passed away'). [Edwards 2009], however, quotes no plausible equivalents for Eng. 'to burn [tr.]'.
Cf. also the verb χʼeːχʼ, whose basic meaning is 'to burn flesh': '[intr.] to be burned (of flesh, skin), become shriveled and brittle through burning', '[tr.] to burn (flesh, skin), scald; to be warped, be affected by heat; get burnt (person)' [Story & Naish 1973: 38, 341], '[tr.] to burn (flash, skin), scald', '[intr.] to become shriveled and brittle through burning' [Edwards 2009: 309, 363].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:qʰu=kúːsʼ ~ qʰu=ɬi=kúːsʼ1
Edwards 2009: 369; Naish & Story 1996. The root kúːsʼ means 'cloud cover; sky; cloudy sky; to be cloudy (of sky)' [Edwards 2009: 93, 369], [Naish & Story 1996], [Twitchell 2005: 20, 13'], [Story & Naish 1973: 50, 316]. The nominal meaning 'cloud(s)' is expressed by the verbal forms qʰu=kúːsʼ and qʰu=ɬi=kúːsʼ [Edwards 2009: 369], [Naish & Story 1996], lit. something like 'it is cloudy' [Crippen 2008: 69].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ʔaːtʼ1
Edwards 2009: 335, 370; Story & Naish 1973: 51, 269. In [Edwards 2009: 335] translated as 'to chill smth.; to be cold (of weather)'; however, browsing through the dictionary confirms the basic status of this verb, cf.: "My brother used to pack cold water from a spring" [Edwards 2009: 207]. Similarly in [Story & Naish 1973], where ʔaːtʼ is glossed as 'to make cold; to be cold (of face, of weather); to feel cold (of person)', but cf. such examples as: "I felt something cold on my neck" [Story & Naish 1973: 88], "water which is cold" [Story & Naish 1973: 371].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ya=kuːt1
Story & Naish 1973: 52, 316; Edwards 2009: 93. Used with sg. subj. Polysemy: 'to walk / to go / to come (by walking or as a general term)' [Story & Naish 1973: 52, 316], similarly in [Edwards 2009: 93] (cf. Story & Naish' remark: 'usually a locational element signaling approach toward the speaker or hearer occurs with a verb of motion to produce the translation 'come'' ). Same root as 'to walk (go)' (q.v.).
With the pl. subj. the verbal stem ya=ʔaːt is used [Story & Naish 1973: 52, 268], [Edwards 2009: 330, 397]. The prefix ya- is a "classifier", see, e. g., [Leer 1991ː 94] (an "extensor", according to the terminology in [Story & Naish 1973: 368]; cf. [Crippen 2008: 87], who treats it as the "vertical surface prefix ɰa-", derived from the inalienable relational noun ɰá 'face').
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:naː1
Story & Naish 1973: 67, 283. Said of humans or animals. Not quoted in [Edwards 2009] (p. 378 of the English-Tlingit section does not list any terms for 'to die'). Cf. also the polite form: keːq 'to die, pass away, cease to exist; be unsuitable; to restrain' [Story & Naish 1973: 68, 315].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:xuːk1
Edwards 2009: 287, 382; Story & Naish 1973: 76, 326. A verbal root: 'to be dry; to dry (tr.)'. There is also a less frequent noun-like adj. xuːkʷ 'dry, dried' [Crippen 2008: 203].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ƛʼát-k ~ ƛʼát-ki ~ ƛʼét-k1
Edwards 2009: 262, 383; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 46, 19'. Polysemy: 'earth / land, country / soil' [Edwards 2009: 262, 383] (with such examples as, e.g., "soil turns to mud when it rains" [Edwards 2009: 174]), 'land / earth' [Naish & Story 1996], [Twitchell 2005: 46, 19']. The nominal suffix -ki / -k is observed in a number of nouns: e. g., šáč-k 'swamp' (šáč-ki ƛʰéːq-u 'swamp berries'), cʰáɬ-k 'arctic ground squirrel', etc. Some of them are deverbative, e. g., ƛeːt kʰa=kʰéc-k 'dry snow' < kʰeːc 'to be dry and lightly piled up (of snow)' (ƛeːt 'snow').
Cf. also ƛʼáχʼ-kʷ, ƛʼéχʼ-kʷ 'soil' [Naish & Story 1996], [Twitchell 2005: 46], which is probably quoted as ɬʼéχʼ-kʷ 'soil; dirt' in [Edwards 2009: 188, 459]). For the morphology cf. qʰúƛʼ-kʷ 'mud' [Edwards 2009: 174].
Cf. also a more specific term qʰín-aː ~ qʰén-aː 'long feather, quill' [Edwards 2009: 170, 388], 'quill' [Naish & Story 1996] from the verb qʰiːn 'to fly (sg. subj.)' + the instrumental suffix.
Cf. also χʼʷáːɬʼ 'down' [Edwards 2009: 311, 388]; 'down feathers' [Naish & Story 1963: 30] (quoted with a typo as χʷáːɬʼ 'feathers (down)' in the e-version of [Naish & Story 1996]), [Twitchell 2005: 53, 20'].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:χʼaːn1
Edwards 2009: 304, 389; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 52, 21'. Polysemy: 'fire / red (adj.)'. It is the main word for 'red' in Tlingit, but the meaning 'fire' is primary, q.v. 'red' and [Crippen 2008: 204].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:χáːt1
Edwards 2009: 296, 390. Out of many specific terms concerning fish names χáːt seems to be the generic one. This is translated as 'fish; salmon' [Edwards 2009: 296, 390], but simply as 'salmon' in [Naish & Story 1996], [Twitchell 2005: 51] (both [Naish & Story 1996] and [Twitchell 2005] give no equivalents for Eng. 'fish (in general)'). The same term occurs in a number of expressions like χáːt taːkʰahíti 'cannery', χáːt yáti 'whitefish; baby fish; tiny fish' (possr=yát-i 'child'), χáːt híːn-i 'stream with fish', etc., see [Edwards 2009: 296], [Naish & Story 1996], [Twitchell 2005: 51].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:χʼuːs1
Edwards 2009: 309, 392; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 53, 23'. Polysemy: 'foot / leg'. [Leer 1990ː 81] quotes the phonetic variant qʼuːš, which is attested twice in traditional narrative contexts, referring to mythological monsters. Since both contexts are emphatic (pejorative, according to Leer) we prefer to regard the shift χʼ-s > qʼ-š as some kind of phonetic iconicity rather than dialectal variants in Proto-Tlingit, etc.
In the Atlin sub-dialect (Interior dialect of Northern Tlingit) 'foot' is attested as kʷéːn-šan-i [Twitchell 2005: 22, 23'], lit. 'šan of kʷéːn', but the meaning of the elements is unclear (the first root occurs also in kʷéːn-ɬ 'hoof' [Edwards 2009: 100]).
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:hiːk1
Edwards 2009: 117, 394; Story & Naish 1973: 89, 271. Polysemy: 'to fill / to be full (general and abstract), be filled / to finish'. Examples include: "our freezer is full of moose meat", "that box will be filled up", "when we are out trapping, our storehouse is full", etc. It seems that this verb is not applicable to the situation of filling smth. with water or another liquid (available sources give no examples for such usage). For the latter semantics another verb is used: cʼiːtʼ 'to be floating low in water because heavily loaded; to fill (with liquid); to be filled (with liquid), be full (with liquid); to be pregnant' [Story & Naish 1973: 89, 298] (this verbal root is missing in [Edwards 2009]).
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:tʰiː1
Edwards 2009: 239, 396; Story & Naish 1973: 99, 288. The meaning 'to give' is expressed by the so-called "classificatory" verbs, among which tʰiː is the most general term, applied to sg. obj. Polysemy: 'to carry / to pick up / to put / to hang up / to give, to hand (general, esp. abstract object), to give (round object) / etc.'
More specific terms of giving used with sg. obj. are: ʔiːn 'to pick (into a container) / to carry (container full of liquid or small objects) / to give (container full of liquid or small objects) / to bring (container full of liquid or small objects)' [Edwards 2009: 338, 396] (but translated as 'to pick / to take (home food from party) / to carry (in a container)' in [Story & Naish 1973: 265]); tʰaːn 'to carry (usually a container or hollow object) / to end / to turn over / to bend / to give (container or hollow object or long, complex object) / etc.' [Edwards 2009: 228, 396] (similarly in [Story & Naish 1973: 99, 291]); ʔaːχ 'to carry around (textile-like object) / to lie (said of textile-like object) / to give (textile-like object)' [Edwards 2009: 337, 396] (similarly in [Story & Naish 1973: 99, 270].
The most general term of giving applicable to pl. obj. is neː 'to pick up off of / to knit / to give / to happen / etc.' [Edwards 2009: 194, 396] (as niː 'to happen / to slack off / to do (general) / to finish / to pick up / to carry / to bring / to give (general) / etc.' in [Story & Naish 1973: 99, 280]).
More specific terms for pl. obj. are ʔaːt 'to carry (esp. baggage and personal belongings) / to lie (small, round or hoop-like objects) / to give (small, round or hoop-like objects; baggage or personal belongings) / etc.' [Edwards 2009: 333, 396] (similarly in [Story & Naish 1973: 99, 268], but the meaning 'to lie' is also applicable to humans) and others, see [Story & Naish 1973: 42 sub 'carry'].
All these verbs in the meaning 'to give' are normally accompanied by the so-called "simple locative" čiː 'the hand of, (in) the possession of' [Story & Naish 1973: 387].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:kʼeː1
Edwards 2009: 156, 397; Story & Naish 1973: 101, 322. A verbal root with polysemy: 'to improve / to be good, fine, pretty' (widely applicable). A less frequent noun-like adj. ʔaː=kʼé 'good' [Crippen 2008: 203] also exists (probably with pronominal ʔaː 'one, one of' [Edwards 2009: 47]).
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:sʼuːw1
Edwards 2009: 214, 398; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 40, 26'. Polysemy: 'green / light blue'. The word sʼuːw literally means 'greenstone'; the semantics of 'green / light blue' is metonymically expressed by the construction sʼuːw yáχ (obj-yáχ 'obj-like') [Edwards 2009: 214, 398]; [Naish & Story 1996]; [Twitchell 2005: 40, 26'].
Cf. χʼaːtʼ 'to be unripe, green and hard' [Edwards 2009: 304, 398]; [Story & Naish 1973: 238, 342].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:čí-n1
Edwards 2009: 129, 400; Naish & Story 1996; Naish & Story 1963: 33, 35; Twitchell 2005: 26, 27'. Polysemy: 'arm / hand / paw' [Naish & Story 1963: 33, 35], but only as 'hand / paw / sleeve' in [Edwards 2009: 129, 400], 'hand / paw' [Naish & Story 1996]; [Twitchell 2005: 26, 27']. The root is apparently či- in the light of the following forms: 1) či-qeː 'crook of the arm; in smb.'s embrace' [Edwards 2009: 128, 349] (examples: "The baby fell asleep in his mother's arms", "He is carrying his daughter in his arms"), 'arm (forearm)' [Naish & Story 1996] (with the variant č-qeː), [Naish & Story 1963: 33]; 2) či-kʰúːɬ 'back of the hand' [Edwards 2009: 129, 400]; 'hand (back)' [Naish & Story 1996] (as či-kʰuːɬ in [Naish & Story 1963: 35]); 3) či-wán 'outer edge of the hand' [Edwards 2009: 130, 400]; 'hand (outside)' [Naish & Story 1996] (as či-wún 'outside of hand' in [Naish & Story 1963: 35]); 4) the incorporated form či 'hand' [Crippen 2008: 80]. Note that the word čín is translated as 'arm, hand' in the first edition of [Naish & Story 1963: 33, 35], but simply as 'hand' in other dictionaries. There are no Tlingit equivalents for Eng. 'arm', however, in [Edwards 2009], [Naish & Story 1996] and [Twitchell 2005].
Cf. separate terms for 'forearm' (či-qeː ~ čʰ-qeː in [Naish & Story 1963]; [Naish & Story 1996], but with different interpretation in [Edwards 2009], see above) and 'upper arm' (χiːk [Edwards 2009: 298, 349]; [Naish & Story 1996]; [Naish & Story 1963: 33]).
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:tʰéːχʼ1
Edwards 2009: 244, 402; Naish & Story 1996. Note that tʰéːχʼ is not quoted in [Twitchell 2005], where 'heart' is translated as tʰíːy [Twitchell 2005: 43, 28']. In its turn, the root tʰíːy with this meaning is not found in either [Edwards 2009] or [Naish & Story 1996].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:possr=kʰiːy1
Edwards 2009: 147, 411; Naish & Story 1996. In [Twitchell 2005: 29, 32'] kʰiːy and kʰiːy šá (lit. 'head of kʰiːy') are quoted as synonyms, with the translation 'knee'. It may be suspected that the exact translation of Twitchell's kʰiːy šá is 'kneecap'.
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:tʰaː1
Story & Naish 1973: 125, 291. Polysemy: 'to lie, lie down (of human) (with the classifier ci=) / to sleep (with the classifier ya=)'. In [Edwards 2009: 227], however, this verb is translated only as 'to sleep (sg. subj.)'. Cf. ʔaːt, applicable to pl. patient: 'to carry (esp. baggage) / to lie, lie down (of humans) / to give (small objects)' [Story & Naish 1973: 125, 268] (acc. to [Edwards 2009: 333], the meaning 'to lie' is applicable to non-human subjects only). Edwards does not give any Tlingit equivalents for Eng. 'to lie (of human)' in his dictionary.
For inanimate subj. various classificatory verbs are used, which are normally the same as in the case of 'to give' q.v.
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:yaːtʼ1
Edwards 2009: 315, 416; Story & Naish 1973: 127, 277. The root is verbal: 'to be long' (either in the spatial or temporal meaning). Cf. also the noun-like adjective kʰuwáːtʼ [Edwards 2009: 153, 416, 594], derived from this root, but in all likelihood much less frequent (the only found example is "long house" [Edwards 2009: 14]).
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:qʰáː1
Edwards 2009: 164, 419; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 31, 35'. Polysemy: 'man / male / person, people' [Edwards 2009: 164, 419], but glossed only as 'man' in [Naish & Story 1996] and [Twitchell 2005: 31, 35']. The primary meaning of qʰáː is apparently 'man, male', see comm. sub 'person'. Note an irregular labialization in the possessive construction possr=qʰáː-wu [Edwards 2009: 166]; [Story 1979: 204] and the plural form qʰáː-xʼʷ 'men' [Edwards 2009: 167] ([Crippen 2008: 17] proposes to explain it as a result of rounding of áː after an uvular).
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:keː1
Edwards 2009: 88, 419; Story & Naish 1973: 29, 314. There are two main candidates for 'many': 1) keː 'to be big, be lots, be many, etc.' [Edwards 2009: 88, 356, 419]; [Story & Naish 1973: 29, 314] (the basic root for '(to be) big' q.v.).
2) haː 'to be many, plenty, lots' [Edwards 2009: 114, 419]; [Story & Naish 1973: 131, 273] (cf. the homonymous verbal roots haː meaning 'to plant, dig / to be invisible, move invisibly / to want / etc.' [Edwards 2009: 113]; [Story & Naish 1973: 272]).
It has not been possible to choose between these two roots. Cf. such examples for keː as: "There is a lot of algae in the Chilkat" [Edwards 2009: 89]; "There are a lot of highbush cranberries along the river" [Edwards 2009: 89]; "How many eggs are there?" [Edwards 2009: 89]; "Mossberries have too many seeds" [Edwards 2009: 248]; "There is a lot of oil in the torn cod when it's cooked" [Edwards 2009: 58]; "After the summer there are a lot of spawned-out salmon" [Edwards 2009: 80]; "After the summer is over there are a lot of bluejays" [Edwards 2009: 125]; "There were a lot of blue bottle flies this summer" [Edwards 2009: 174]; "There are a lot of dead leaves on the ground" [Edwards 2009: 262]; "There are a lot of cutthroat trout at Chilkoot" [Edwards 2009: 291]; "there was lots of grass there" [Story & Naish 1973: 29].
Examples for haː include: "There are a lot of school children in Yakutat" [Edwards 2009: 114]; "The farmer has lots of cows" [Edwards 2009: 114]; "There are a lot of Tlingit people living in Anchorage" [Edwards 2009: 114]; "There are a lot of Haida and Tsimshian people in Ketchikan" [Edwards 2009: 70]; "There are a lot of dead branches when it becomes winter" [Edwards 2009: 113]; "Octopus have a lot of tentacles" [Edwards 2009: 190]; "there are lots of berries" [Story & Naish 1973: 131]; "there are going to be many of us (that is, my grandchildren are becoming numerous)" [Story & Naish 1973: 131]; "he has many pieces of baggage" [Story & Naish 1973: 131]; "he doesn't have many clothes" [Story & Naish 1973: 131]. We treat keː and haː as synonyms.
Cf. also the quantifier ʔaː-ƛʰeːn 'much, lots of' [Edwards 2009: 51]; [Crippen 2008: 203] (from the noun-like adj. ƛʰeːn 'big' probably with pronominal ʔaː 'one, one of'), which is apparently less frequent than keː and haː (examples for ʔaː-ƛʰeːnː "I made a lot of gray currant berry sauce" [Edwards 2009: 51]; "We picked a lot of strawberries so we can make dried berry patties" [Edwards 2009: 142]).
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ƛiːy1
Edwards 2009: 75, 420; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 15, 35'. Examples includeː "Cut the trimming off the deer meat well for the broth!"; "The meat is tough" [Edwards 2009: 75].
Cf. also šísʼq ~ šisʼq 'raw (flesh or meat); rare (meal); green wood (of tree)' [Edwards 2009: 224, 420]; šísʼq ~ šasʼq 'raw flesh', i.e. 'raw foods' [Naish & Story 1996]; [Twitchell 2005: 41, 45'].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:χʼé1
Edwards 2009: 307, 424; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 52, 37'. Polysemy: 'mouth / opening (of smth.)'. Incorporated variants are χʼa ~ qʼa [Crippen 2008: 81 et passim]. For the fluctuation Kʼ~Xʼ cf. χʼuːs ~ qʼuːs 'foot, leg' above; however, it is not semantically obvious that the incorporated morpheme qʼa represents the same root, so it should probably be more correct to treat qʼa as an etymologically unrelated unit (contaminating with the root for 'mouth'?) rather than postulate a common unconditioned fluctuation between consonant series in Tlingit (as per [Leer 1990]).
A more specific term is possr=ɬakʰá 'inside of smb.'s mouth' [Edwards 2009: 181, 424], 'smb.'s mouth (inside)' [Naish & Story 1996], 'mouth (inside)' [Twitchell 2005: 34, 37'].
Cf. also kʰuːɬ 'navel, bellybutton' [Edwards 2009: 152] ('naval' (sic!) in [Twitchell 2005: 30, 38']), which is translated as 'navel; mouth' in [Naish & Story 1996].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ɬi-tíχʼ ~ ɬu-tíχʼ1
Edwards 2009: 183, 184, 426; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 34, 38'. Neither [Edwards 2009], nor [Naish & Story 1996] gives the general word for 'neck'. The only term found in these sources is ɬitíχʼ ~ ɬutíχʼ 'back of the neck' [Edwards 2009: 183, 184, 426], ɬitíχʼ 'neck (back)' [Naish & Story 1996], [Twitchell 2005: 34, 38']. In the light of such examples as "He has a rash on his neck" [Edwards 2009: 183, 282] and Crippen's translation of ɬitíχʼ as 'neck, throat' [Crippen 2008: 79], we tentatively fill the slot with ɬu-tíχʼ ~ ɬi-tíχʼ. The nominal stem ɬi-tíχʼ ~ ɬu-tíχʼ is a compound with the second element tíχʼ 'back (anatomic)' [Edwards 2009: 72], although the first element is unclear. Probably the same root ɬV (with a vowel fluctuation) is contained in ɬeː-tʰúːχ 'throat' [Edwards 2009: 183] (the root tʰuːχ means 'to spit (out)' [Edwards 2009: 247]); therefore, ɬV can be seen as an old root for 'neck'.
Cf. also the morphologically unclear term ɬakʼíːčʼ 'occiput; nape of neck; back of head' [Edwards 2009: 181, 426].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ƛʰéːɬ1
Edwards 2009: 260; Crippen 2008: 34. According to [Crippen 2008: 34] and [Leer 1991], the most common negation is the particle ƛʰéːɬ (with reduced variants: ƛʰéɬ ~ héːɬ ~ ɬ); it can also be used for the prohibitive, although there also exists a special prohibitive particle ɬí(ɬ). See examples in [Crippen 2008: 90, 102, 169].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ɬiːnkít ~ ɬinkít1
Edwards 2009: 183, 433; Naish & Story 1996. In [Edwards 2009] there are two equivalents for 'person': (a) morphologically obscure ɬinkít 'person; Tlingit' [Edwards 2009: 183, 433]; (b) qʰáː 'man; male; person, people' [Edwards 2009: 164, 419]. According to [Naish & Story 1996], ɬiːnkít ~ ɬinkít means 'person; Tlingit' while qʰáː means only 'man' (similarly [Twitchell 2005: 31, 34], who translates ɬiːnkít ~ ɬinkít as 'Tlingit' and qʰáː as 'man'). Browsing through [Edwards 2009] shows that both nouns can be used in the meaning 'person, human being'. Cf. such examples for ɬinkít as: "The medicine man was called to the sick person" [Edwards 2009: 125]; "There are still people in the place you are locking" [Edwards 2009: 183]; "What kind of person are you?" [Edwards 2009: 183].
Examples for qʰáː include: "You don't touch another person's possessions" [Edwards 2009: 60]; "Through prayer, a person's spirit is strong" [Edwards 2009: 167]; "One person is walking along there" [Edwards 2009: 260], and the expressions ƛeːt qʰáː 'white, European, Caucasian (man or person)' [Edwards 2009: 75], tʼuːčʼ qʰáː 'Black (man or person), African-American' [Edwards 2009: 255].
Apparently ɬinkít is the original word for 'person, people', whereas qʰáː primarily meant 'man, male', but is now shifting to 'person' (possibly under English influence?), superseding the old term. We treat both words as synchronic synonyms.
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:síːw1
Edwards 2009: 206, 441; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 38, 45'. With assimilation in the Interior dialect: súːw. Expressions for 'to rain' are based on verbs for 'to fall' [Story & Naish 1973: 165].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:χʼaːn1
Edwards 2009: 304, 443; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 52, 45'; Crippen 2008: 197, 204. The original meaning of the word χʼaːn is 'fire' q.v. (it is the main word for 'fire' in Tlingit); the semantics of 'red' is metonymically expressed either by the construction χʼaːn yáχ (obj-yáχ 'obj-like') or simply as χʼaːn.
Cf. also šéːχʼʷ 'red alder; orange (in color)' [Edwards 2009: 223] (only as 'alder (red)' in [Naish & Story 1996]), šeχʼʷ-tʰáːxʼi 'bright red or orange' [Edwards 2009: 223, 443], ɬéːχʼʷ 'crimson red; face paint' [Edwards 2009: 183, 443], [Naish & Story 1996].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:
This term seems to be missing from all available modern sources. Cf. such qualifiers as kʰa- 'small round object: berry, roe, bead, ring', kʰa-s 'small round extended/complex object: (extended) short stout stick, gun; (complex) string of beads, roe on branches' [Leer 1991ː 54].
In [Pfizmaier 1883: 215], however, we find {tulčaníchati} 'rund', {kutéchati} 'kugelförmig, besonders eiförmig'. Both forms apparently have the following morphophonological structure: obj-yáχ ɰa-tʰiː 'obj-likecl-be' (cf., e.g., [Crippen 2008: 197, 204]) from the verbal root tiː 'to be (a certain way), be like' [Story & Naish 1973: 287]. The first morpheme of {tulčaníchati} is tʰuːɬčʼán 'top (spinning toy)' [Edwards 2009: 246]; the first morpheme of {kutéchati} is kʼʷátʼ 'egg' (q.v.). We prefer to leave the slot empty.
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:tʰiːn1
Edwards 2009: 242, 451; Story & Naish 1973: 183, 289. Polysemy: 'to see, behold, perceive / to look at, gaze at, watch / to have sight (see people) / to come (on a trip), travel'.
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:possr=xʼaːkʰeːt-í1
Edwards 2009: 289, 451; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 50, 49'. The default word is apparently possr=xʼaːkʰeːt-í [Edwards 2009: 289, 451] (examples: "Berry seeds are found in bird poop", "Put the seeds in a bottle!"), [Naish & Story 1996]; [Twitchell 2005: 50, 49'], which is morphologically obscure.
Cf. also a more specific term possr=tʰu-kʰa-yát-xʼ-i 'seeds of smth. (inside smth., as inside a berry)' [Edwards 2009: 248, 451] (example: "Mossberries have too many seeds"), 'seeds (in fruit)' [Naish & Story 1996], [Twitchell 2005: 44, 49'], which consists of the relational noun tʰú 'inside' [Edwards 2009: 248], [Crippen 2008: 82] and the nominal stem kʰayát 'foetus, unborn child' [Edwards 2009: 146] with the collective plural marker -xʼ [Crippen 2008: 188] (in its turn, kʰayát probably contains the prefixal element kʰa [Crippen 2008: 87], and the root yát, attested in collective yát-xʼ 'children' [Edwards 2009: 319]).
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ʔaː1
Edwards 2009: 328, 456; Story & Naish 1973: 192, 267. Used with sg. patient. Polysemy: 'to sit (sg. subj.) / to seat smb. (sg. obj.) / to be situated (of building)'.
The meaning 'to sit down (sg. subj.)' is expressed by nuːk 'to carry (live creature); to get up, rise; to seat; to sit down' [Edwards 2009: 198, 456].
With pl. subj. the verbal root qʰiː 'to sit; to sit down' is used [Edwards 2009: 168, 456].
Cf. also qʰaːq 'to sit down low, sit down quickly, squat down (sg. subj.)' [Edwards 2009: 165, 456].
Similarly in [Story & Naish 1973]: ʔaː 'to sit (esp. state of sitting or being situated; basically sg. subj.); to cause (live creature) to sit; to be situated (esp. of building)' [Story & Naish 1973: 192, 267], nuːk 'to sit, sit down (esp. act of sitting; basically sg. subj.); to be situated (esp. of building); to carry, take (live creature); to get up, rise' [Story & Naish 1973: 192, 282], qʰiː 'to sit, sit down (basically pl. subj.); to be situated (esp. of buildings); to carry live creatures; to get up, rise' [Story & Naish 1973: 192, 334], qʰaːq 'to sit down quickly, squat down' [Story & Naish 1973: 192, 336].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:possr=tuːk1
Edwards 2009: 72, 456; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 14, 51'. Glossed as 'skin, complexion' (example: "Her complexion is good" [Edwards 2009: 72]). Polysemy: 'human skin / animal hide', cf. the same word in possr=tuːk-ú 'skin (of animal), hide' [Edwards 2009: 72, 456]; [Naish & Story 1996]. According to J. Crippen (p.c.), this is the most usual and generic term, applied to both humans and nonhumans (except for fishes).
Distinct from a more specific term: possr=čʼáːtw-u, which is glossed as 'skin (surface)' in [Edwards 2009: 60, 456]; [Naish & Story 1996]; [Twitchell 2005: 7, 51']. According to J. Crippen (p.c.), this denotes only the epidermis and stratum corneum without the dermis.
Cf. also possr=xáːsʼ-i 'skin (of fish)' [Edwards 2009: 279, 456]; [Naish & Story 1996] (the paronymous verb is xaːsʼ 'to scrape (esp. fish)').
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:tʰaː1
Edwards 2009: 227, 457; Story & Naish 1973: 195, 291. Used with sg. subj. According to [Story & Naish 1973], the verbal root also means 'to lie, lie down (of human)' (see 'to lie').
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:kéːkʼ1
Story & Naish 1973: 197, 315. A difficult case. Edwards [2009: 14, 154, 416, 594] quotes the widely applicable diminutive suffix -kʼ ~ -kʼʷ 'little; precious' (the distribution between labialized and non-labialized variants is not entirely clear) as the main way to express the semantics of 'little, small' ("Adding -kʼ to the end of a noun indicates small size. When added to a kin term, it serves as a term of endearment"), although it does not seem quite correct. According to [Crippen 2008: 186], "the diminutive [-kʼ ~ -kʼʷ] is similar to those in other languages, indicating smallness or endearment". The following examples for -kʼ ~ -kʼʷ can be listed: "my (precious), little grandchild" [Edwards 2009: 14]; "Poor thing (-kʼ), my grandchild (-kʼ) ran over here shoeless" [Edwards 2009: 79]; "he bought a pencil for his little daughter" [Story & Naish 1973: 40]; "I sit here in my little house" [Crippen 2008: 187]. Also in lexicalized items: kʰíː-kʼ 'younger sibling' [Edwards 2009: 146, 456], ʔáː-kʼʷ 'little lake, pond' [Edwards 2009: 47], šaːná-kʼʷ '(little) old person' [Edwards 2009: 217], šaːt-kʼ 'young woman (not married)' [Edwards 2009: 218], ɬíːɬ-kʼʷ 'grandparent' [Edwards 2009: 181], híːná-kʼʷ 'creek; small stream' [Edwards 2009: 118]. It seems that -kʼ ~ -kʼʷ is simply a regular diminutive morpheme, although its application may be wider than, e.g., the usage of diminutive suffixes in Russian. Crippen [2008: 203] also quotes the noun-like adjective kʼác-kʼu 'small, little' (not attested in [Edwards 2009]), which apparently contains the same diminutive -kʼ ~ -kʼʷ, but specific examples are missing.
A much better candidate is the verb kéːkʼ used with various 'classifiers' in the meaning 'to be small, little: (w. ya-) in quantity, (w. si-) of living creature or building, (w. ka-ya-) of spherical object, (w. ka-si-) of stick-like object' [Story & Naish 1973: 197, 315] (examples include such phrases as: "a small house", "a small apple", "her daughter is short", "it's a small pencil"). This verb, however, seems to be missing in [Edwards 2009].
It is interesting that for grain-like objects (berries, beads, etc.) the verb keː 'to be small' is used with the s-classifier [Edwards 2009: 89]; [Story & Naish 1973: 197, 315]. The main and general meaning of the root keː is, however, '(to be) big' (q.v.), cf. the following minimal pair: kʷtikéː (morphophonologically kʰa-u-t-i=keː) 'they're big' ~ kʷcikéː (morphophonologically kʰa-u-t-s-i=keː) 'they're small (of grain-like objects)' [Edwards 2009: 89] (for general discussion on the s-component see [Crippen 2008: 98ff.], cf. [Leer 1991ː 100]).
Cf. also a rare metaphorical strategy with possessive constructions with the word for 'child': "He put the small shingles (lit. 'shingle's children') on that doll house" [Edwards 2009: 121].
Cf. also more specific verbs like kʼaː 'to be too small (in amount or size)' [Story & Naish 1973: 197, 323] or ʔaːƛʼ 'to be insufficient, not enough; to be just a little, few' [Story & Naish 1973: 126, 269].
Edwards 2009: 174, 463; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 33, 55'. Apparently a descriptive formation whose first component is the adverb qʰútχ 'too much' [Edwards 2009: 174]; the second element is not entirely clear (cf. the relational noun ʔa yanáː 'over it, covering it (a container or something with an opening)' [Edwards 2009: 318]).
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:huː1
Story & Naish 1973: 220, 272. Used with sg. subj. There are some serious discrepancies between the data from [Edwards 2009] and [Story & Naish 1973]. Since [Edwards 2009] apparently lacks a general term for 'to swim (of human; sg. subj.)', we use [Story & Naish 1973] as our main source. The most neutral verb seems to be huː 'to swim on surface of water (of human or animal); to swim on surface, esp. aimlessly or in circles (of human or animal); to wade along dragging (canoe, log, etc.) behind one' (sg. subj.) (examples: "he swam across to the other side", "a cat doesn't swim") [Story & Naish 1973: 220, 272], but only as 'to wade ashore' (example: "The boat followed behind the caribou that swam (huː) the lake") in [Edwards 2009: 122]. Its plural counterpart is kʰʷaːnː 'to swim on surface of water (of human or animal); to swim on surface, esp. aimlessly or in circles (of human or animal)' (pl. subj.) [Story & Naish 1973: 220, 322], 'to swim around' (applicable to non-human beings only? but the subj. can be both sg. and pl.) [Edwards 2009: 154, 468].
More specific terms are: tʼaːč 'to clap hands; to slap; to swim (of human, using strokes which slap the water); to swim ashore with, bring ashore when swimming (esp. someone helpless)' [Story & Naish 1973: 220, 295], only 'to slap' [Edwards 2009: 252]; xʼaːk 'to swim under water (esp. of large fish and sea mammals)' [Story & Naish 1973: 220, 330], 'to swim underwater to smth.' [Edwards 2009: 289, 468]; hiːn 'to swim under water (of shoal of fish); to water down, mix with water, add water' [Story & Naish 1973: 220, 271], 'to swim ashore (of sea animal)' [Edwards 2009: 118, 468]; kuː 'to travel on water in a fleet of boats; to swim in a school (esp. of sea mammals)' [Story & Naish 1973: 220, 316], 'to travel through, travel around (of a group of cars, fleet of boats); to swim (of sea mammals to swim in a school)' (pl. subj.) [Edwards 2009: 91, 468].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:wé ~ wéː1
Edwards 2009: 15; Story & Naish 1973: 387-388; Leer 1991ː 37; Crippen 2008: 213-214. According to [Story & Naish 1973: 387-388], the Tlingit demonstrative pronouns opposition is quaternary: yáː 'this (one) right here' ~ héː 'this (one) nearby' ~ wéː 'that (one) over there' ~ yúː 'that (one) far off (in space or time)'.
Slightly differently in [Crippen 2008: 213-214]: yáː proximal, 'this near me', 'here' ~ héː mesioproximal, 'this not so near me', 'the other' ~ wéː mesiodistal, 'that near you', 'there' ~ yúː distal, 'that far away from us', 'yonder'.
[Edwards 2009: 15] expands this into a quinary system: yá(ː) 'this (right here)' ~ wé(ː) 'that (at hand)' ~ hé(ː) 'this/that (over here)' ~ yú(ː) 'that (distant)' ~ ƛʰiyaː 'farther over, way over'.
Browsing through available sources suggests that the basic opposition, in all likelihood, is constituted by the pronouns yá(ː) 'this' ~ wé(ː) 'that', which seem statistically more frequent than other listed forms (cf. also the remark in [Story & Naish 1973: 388]: "a demonstrative (particularly wéː or yáː) is frequently used to translate the English definite article the in Tlingit").
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:wa-ʔé1
Edwards 2009: 19, 274, 490; Story & Naish 1973: 386; Crippen 2008: 175. Cf. the verbal pronominal prefixes of the 2nd p. sg. (ʔ)i-, (ʔ)iː and possessive ʔi, ʔiː 'thy' [Crippen 2008: 175], [Edwards 2009: 19]. Could wa-ʔé be a compound of old direct (wa) and oblique (ʔé) stems?
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ya=kuːt1
Story & Naish 1973: 241, 316; Edwards 2009: 93, 396. Used with sg. subj. Polysemy: 'to walk / to go / to come (by walking or as a general term)' [Story & Naish 1973: 241, 316], similarly [Edwards 2009: 93, 396]. Same root as 'to come' (q.v.).
With the pl. subj. the verbal stem ya=ʔaːt is used [Story & Naish 1973: 241, 268]; [Edwards 2009: 330, 397]. The prefix ya- is a 'classifier', see, e.g., [Leer 1991ː 94] (an 'extensor', according to the terminology in [Story & Naish 1973: 368]; cf. [Crippen 2008: 87], where it is treated as the "vertical surface prefix ɰa-", derived from the inalienable relational noun ɰá 'face').
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:tʼaː1
Edwards 2009: 251, 404, 483; Story & Naish 1973: 112, 242, 295. Both meanings 'to be warm' and 'to be hot' are expressed by the root tʼaː 'to be hot, warm (widely applicable: water, food, weather, etc.); to be ripe (of berries, fruit)'.
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ʔu-háː-n ~ ʔuː-háː-n1
Edwards 2009: 19, 270, 484; Story & Naish 1973: 386; Crippen 2008: 175. Quoted as ʔu-háː-n in [Edwards 2009: 19, 270, 484]; as ʔuː-háː-n in [Story & Naish 1973: 386], [Crippen 2008: 175]. Cf. the verbal absolutive prefix of the 1st p. pl. haː and possessive haː 'our'.
The verbal ergative exponent of the 1st p. pl. is tʰu- / tʰuː [Crippen 2008: 175], [Edwards 2009: 19]. We treat it as a synonym.
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ƛeːt1
Edwards 2009: 75, 485; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 15, 64'; Crippen 2008: 197, 204. The original word ƛeːt means 'snow'; the semantics of 'white' is metonymically expressed either by the construction ƛeːt yáχ (obj-yáχ 'obj-like') or simply as ƛeːt.
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ʔaː-tuː1
Cable 2006ː 6; Story & Naish 1973: 390; Leer 1991ː 476. Quoted as ʔaː or ʔaː-tuː [Cable 2006ː 6], ʔaː-tuː [Story & Naish 1973: 390], ʔaː-túː [Leer 1991ː 476]. According to examples collected in [Cable 2006], the variant ʔaː 'who?' is significantly less frequent then ʔaː-tuː, so it is very probable that the first element in these examples is equivalent to the pronoun ʔaː 'one, one of [object]' [Edwards 2009: 47].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:šaː-wát1
Edwards 2009: 216, 218, 487; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 40, 65'. Sg. šaː-wát 'woman', pl. šáː 'women' (a rare singulative suffix -wát or an old compound?).
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ƛʼáːƛʼ1
Edwards 2009: 262, 489; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 46, 66'. The main word for 'yellow' is apparently ƛʼáːƛʼ (a noun-like adjective?), cf. examples from [Edwards 2009: 262]: "The yellow small bird flew into the tree", "Bees are black and yellow").
More specific metonymical expressions are: 1) sʼéːχʷani / sʼéːχʷaní 'lichen that hangs down from trees; yellow' [Edwards 2009: 212, 489] (no examples); 2) kʰeƛ-ɬúːxʼ-u in the construction kʰeƛ-ɬúːxʼu yáχ 'yellow' or rather 'light yellow' (example: "The flower is light yellow") [Edwards 2009: 149, 489], literally 'dog's urine-like' (kʰeːƛ 'dog', ɬúːxʼ 'urine'); 3) čʼáːkʼ luːw-ú 'dark yellow' in the construction čʼáːkʼ luːw-ú yáχ, literally 'eagle's beak-like' [Edwards 2009: 59, 489].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:taːɬ1
Edwards 2009: 65, 402; Story & Naish 1973: 107, 287. Glossed as 'to be heavy (usually of inanimate things); to be weighty, important (of abstracts)'. Cf. also the noun ʔíːčʼ 'something compact and very heavy' [Edwards 2009: 78, 402].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:possr=χán ~ possr=či=χán1
Edwards 2009: 130, 297, 426; Naish & Story 1996 (quoted with a typo as χʼan in the electronic version); Crippen 2008: 79. There are two main candidates: 1) the relational noun χán 'vicinity (vel sim.)' used in the construction possr=χán 'near smb., by smb.' [Edwards 2009: 297, 426], [Naish & Story 1996], 'smth.'s vicinity, near smth.' [Crippen 2008: 79]. Cf. the following examples for possr=χán: "Go with the clams to your grandparent!" [Edwards 2009: 297], "Her daughter came to her" [Edwards 2009: 297], "I'm going to stand near the door" [Story & Naish 1973: 209], "mallards swam towards us" [Crippen 2008: 139]. Also used with incorporated čʼi ‘hand’: possr=či=χán 'near smb., by smb. (at hand, for smb. to work with)' [Edwards 2009: 130, 426], [Naish & Story 1996] with examples: "leave the axe near him!" [Edwards 2009: 130], "leave the knife near her, she will cut meat with it!" [Edwards 2009: 130];
2) the verb seː 'to be near, come nearer, be close (of time or space)' with examples: "we could not get close (to game in order to shoot)", "when it got a bit nearer, I took a long shot at it (seal)", "he's coming closer now (nearing end of long journey)", "summer is getting closer" [Story & Naish 1973: 139, 300] (this verb seems to be missing in [Edwards 2009]). According to known examples, the underlying meaning of seː seems, however, to be just 'to move near', not static 'to be near', so we prefer to exclude the verb seː from the list.
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ʔéːɬʼ1
Edwards 2009: 80, 447; Naish & Story 1963: 1; Twitchell 2005: 17, 47'. Polysemy: 'salt / ocean / salt water'. Glossed only as 'ocean; salt water' in the E-version of [Naish & Story 1996], which lacks the word for 'salt' proper. The full (and probably more rare) expression for 'ocean; salt water' is ʔéːɬʼ híːn(-i) (literally 'water of salt') [Edwards 2009: 80].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:yaːƛʼ1
Story & Naish 1973: 188, 277. The root is verbal: 'to be short' (of object or time). Quoted only as a fixed verbal form kuwáːƛʼ 'short' in [Edwards 2009: 98, 454].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:qʼáːƛʼ1
Edwards 2009: 177, 472. Glossed as 'thin (flat object)'. Example: "A beaver's tail is wide and flat" [Edwards 2009: 177]. The meaning 'to be thin, lean, skinny (of human or animal)' is expressed by the verbs qaːχʼ and xuːn [Story & Naish 1973: 226], although the example "it's amazing how thin (qʼáːƛʼ) he is" [Story & Naish 1973: 249] demonstrates that qʼáːƛʼ can be used in that sense as well. In both examples qʼáːƛʼ occurs in the "similative" construction with yáχ ('obj-like', [Crippen 2008: 197]), thus the underlying meaning of qʼáːƛʼ should be nominal.
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:saː2
Story & Naish 1973: 139, 301; Edwards 2009: 203. Glossed as 'to be narrow, thin' (of rope-like objects, small objects, long objects, containers)' [Story & Naish 1973: 139, 301] (examples: "his waist is that narrow", "it's a thin rope", "my bracelet is narrow", "that road is too narrow", "the canoe is narrow"), 'to be narrow' [Edwards 2009: 203] (example: "A hummingbird's beak is long and skinny").
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ʔúːx-čaː1
Edwards 2009: 202, 486; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 37, 65'. The noun ʔúːx-čaː seems the most neutral term for 'wind'. It is glossed as 'wind' in [Edwards 2009: 202, 486], although specifically as 'strong wind' in [Naish & Story 1996] and [Twitchell 2005: 37, 65'] (both [Naish & Story 1996] and [Twitchell 2005], however, do not give a general word for 'wind'). Examples with ʔúːx-čaː are: "Wind has hit the surface of the water" [Edwards 2009: 119], "A flag is blowing in the wind" [Edwards 2009: 202], "They are walking against the strong wind" [Edwards 2009: 202]. The first element of the stem is ʔúːx, which is both a nominal and a verbal root: ʔúːx 'spray of air exhaled through its blowhole (of sea mammal)' [Edwards 2009: 202] (not quoted in [Naish & Story 1996]) and ʔuːx 'to blow' [Story & Naish 1973: 31, 267] (not quoted in [Edwards 2009]). For the suffix -čaː cf., e.g., kʼiːɬ-čáː 'Chinook wind; south wind' [Edwards 2009: 155], 'wind, storm' [Naish & Story 1996].
For names of various specific kinds of wind see [Edwards 2009: 486], [Twitchell 2005: 65'].
Compiled and annotated by A. Kassian. {Sources: Edwards 2009; Story & Naish 1973; Naish & Story 1996; Crippen 2008; Leer 1991; Swanton 1909; Twitchell 2005.} {Ethnologue: tli.}
:ƛʼúkʼ-χ1
Edwards 2009: 264, 488; Naish & Story 1996; Twitchell 2005: 47, 66'. Polysemy: 'worm / larva / grub / caterpillar / snake' [Edwards 2009: 264, 488] (it is not the default word for 'snake' (q.v.) in Tlingit), but only as 'worm' in [Naish & Story 1996], [Twitchell 2005: 47, 66']. Suffixal -χ is apparently a 'pertingent' exponent with the general meaning 'at, form of, contacting, member of' [Crippen 2008: 196], but the underlying semantics of the root is unclear (if the suffixal analysis is correct, one could expect the semantics of 'earth, soil' for ƛʼúkʼ).
