Silva f.n. Glossed as 'every'. Attested, for example, in kukäi̯ piːbaʔ ɕuɲãʔ tihiʔ {kokex pipma xoyã tihi} 'every dog has an owner'; note that the verb tihiʔ {tihi} is inherently plural. Apparently this is the closest Maxakalí equivalent to the Swadesh meaning in question. Distinct from the completive marker =nãɤ̯̃m {=nãm} [Campos 2009: 221; Silva f.n]. According to Campos, =nãɤ̯̃m {=nãm} has the internal argument of the verb as its scope, but Silva [f.n.] provides a number of examples that render Camposʼs analysis unsatisfactory: ʔɨ̃ǝ̯̃ pɨɕäǝ̯ ʔɨ̃=gɑ̃ĩ̯=nãɤ̯̃m {ũn puxet ũgãy nãm} 'one woman is completely furious'; ʔɨ̃ǝ̯̃ ʔɨ̃=gɑ̃ĩ̯=nãɤ̯̃m {ũn puxet ũgãy nãm} 'the woman is completely furious'; kaʓaɨ̯k ʔã=taʔ=nãɤ̯̃m {kayak ãta nãm} 'the shirt is completely red'. Analyzed as an intensifier in [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 30]; possibly an aspectual feature is at play. Popovich & Popovich [2005: 48] and Antunes [1999: 37] attest ɕuhɪi̯ {xohix} in this meaning ('all' / 'ten' / 'many'), but this word is attested as ɕuhiʔ {xohi} and analyzed as 'many / to abound / to be numerous / PL' elsewhere [Campos 2009: 75; Silva f.n.]. Treated as a borrowing because of the segment b. Phonology: /pipma/.
Bahetá 1982 (pʌkˈǝi̯); Scheibe 1957 ({pekáynão}). The same word as bʌkʌ̃i̯ 'feather', quoted in [Pickering 1961]. Polysemy: 'bird / feather'.
NUMBER:7
WORD:bite
Maxakali:pɨtuɤ̯p {putop}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 38; Campos 2009: 25; Antunes 1999: 31, 33; Gudschinsky, Popovich & Popovich 1970: 79; Silva f.n. Transitive. No semantic or number differences are reported for the verbs pɨtuɤ̯p {putop}; ɕahaʔ {xaha}; kadɛɤ̯p {kanep}; Silva [f.n.] attests kukäi̯-tɛʔ kaɨ̯kɕuɤ̯p pɨtuɤ̯p {kokex te kakxop putop}, kukäi̯-tɛʔ kaɨ̯kɕuɤ̯p ɕahaʔ {kokex te kakxop xaha}, kukäi̯-tɛʔ kaɨ̯kɕuɤ̯p-hãʔ kadɛɤ̯p {kokex te kakxop hã kanep}, all meaning 'the dog bit the child'. The three are thus listed as synonyms. Distinct from kʊǝ̯ɕɪi̯ {kotxix} (non-finite kʊǝ̯ɕiʔ {kotxi}) 'to chew' [Silva f.n.]. Phonology: /ptup/.
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 14; Silva f.n. Intransitive. Requires an argument expressed with an adpositional phrase with an instrumental postposition hãʔ {hã} (e.g. kukäi̯-tɛʔ kaɨ̯kɕuɤ̯p-hãʔ kadɛɤ̯p {kokex te kakxop hã kanep} 'the dog bit the child') or the morpheme nũʔ {nõ} (kukäi̯-tɛʔ nũʔ kadɛɤ̯p {kokex te nõ kanep} 'the dog bit (someone)'). Treated as a non-native item because of the segment d; according to a speaker, this verb is onomatopoeic and refers to the sound of dogʼs biting. Phonology: /kadep/.
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 10; Campos 2009: 137, 273. Polysemy: 'blood / sap / liquid'. Can be used in a classifier-like manner for liquids. Phonology: /hep/.
Pataxo Hahahae:=hɛb1
Pickering 1961 (ˈʌ̃=hɛb). In [Bahetá 1982], a different root without a transparent etymology is cited: a=vˈɛŋ.
NUMBER:10
WORD:bone
Maxakali:kɨɤ̯p {kup}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 20. Polysemy: 'bone / stick / tree / stalk'. Quoted by Antunes in compounds: kɨɤ̯p-ɕʊi̯ {kup xox} 'bone / portal / tree / long object / thigh' [Antunes 1999: 26], ɕu=kɨɤ̯p {xokup} [Antunes 1999: 37]. Can be used in a classifier-like manner for tree-like or bone-like objects (cf. [Campos 2009: 119, 163]). Phonology: /kɨp/.
Pickering 1961. In [Bahetá 1982], another root is cited: a=ŋokˈai̯. However, the latter possibly refers to female breast, as suggested by the illustration in the source as well as by its Maxakalí cognate ɲõɨ̯̃ktɑǝ̯ {yõktat} 'female breast'.
NUMBER:12
WORD:burn
Maxakali:mũ=haɤ̯p {mõhap}1
Campos 2009: 233; Silva f.n. Transitive. Plural: pɨg-ãhãʔ {pugãhã} (non-finite: pɨg-ãʔ {pugã}). Polysemy: 'to burn / to roast'. Intransitive: pɘɨ̯k {puk} 'to burn (intransitive) / to be boiled / to be roasted' [Campos 2009: 111; Antunes 1999: 31; Silva f.n.]; also attested as transitive [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 37, 46, 55], especially when the object is a body part. Distinct from mũʔ=ɕɨǝ̯ {mõ xut} 'to consume / to burn up' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 28] or 'to set fire' [Silva f.n.], ɲũkʊ̃ĩ̯ {yõkõy} 'to burn (of food)' [Silva f.n.]. Phonology: /mũ=hap/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
Not attested. Cf. ɛuhm-ʌ̃ 'to set on fire' [Pickering 1961 (ɛum̥mʌ̃)].
NUMBER:13
WORD:nail
Maxakali:ɲĩː=mã=ɕɑi̯ {yĩmmãxax}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 55 (ɲĩː=mã=ɕɑi̯ {yĩmmãxax}); Campos 2009: 93 (ɲĩɤ̯̃p=ɕɑi̯ {yĩmxax}). Cf. [Araújo 2000: 113], where the meanings 'fingernail' and 'toenail' are said to be rendered as ɕɑi̯ {xax} 'skin' and pata=ɕɑi̯ {pataxax} respectively. Phonology: /ɲĩp=mã=cac ~ ɲĩp=cac/.
Pataxo Hahahae:=pahab=tai̯ŋ1
Bahetá 1982 (a=pahab=tˈai̯ŋ).
NUMBER:14
WORD:cloud
Maxakali:gʊ̃ĩ̯ {gõy}-1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 4, 5; Araújo 2000: 119; Gudschinsky, Popovich & Popovich 1970: 84. Polysemy: 'smoke / cloud / fog / to smoke'. Treated as a borrowing because of the segment g. Phonology: /gũc/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
Not attested.
NUMBER:15
WORD:cold
Maxakali:ɕɨ=ɕiʔ / =ʔã=ɕiʔ {xuxi / =ãxi}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 3, 8, 52 (appears as {xuxix / ãxi ~ ãxix}); Campos 2009: 224; Silva f.n. Polysemy: 'cold / to cool off / to cease / to ease up'. Another root, ɕaɤ̯p- {xap-} 'cold sensation', is found in words like ɕaɤ̯p-ɕɨ̃ĩ̯ {xapxũy} 'to feel cold' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 46; Antunes 1999: 36; Silva f.n.], ɕaɤ̯p-tɛ-ɤ̯ptäĩ̯ {xapte p-tex} 'cold weather / to feel cold' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 46; Campos 2009: 27] (literally 'cold-ERG kill.SG'). Phonology: /cɨ=ci/ / /=A=ci/.
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 30; Campos 2009: 146, 287; Araújo 2000: 90; Gudschinsky, Popovich & Popovich 1970: 79. Treated as a borrowing because of the segment d. Phonology: /dak/.
Pataxo Hahahae:c̢ɛ1
Pickering 1961. Attested in the phrase ham o c̢ɛʔ 'the earth is dry'.
Not attested. Scheibe [1957] glosses {ko-má} as 'to eat', but this is likely a mistranslation of kum-ʌ̃ 'to swallow' [Pickering 1961], a cognate of Maxakalí tum-ãhãʔ / tum-ãʔ {tomãhã / tomã} 'to swallow'.
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 22, 23; Campos 2009: 19; Antunes 1999: 26, 35; Araújo 2000: 47; Silva 2014: 116; Gudschinsky, Popovich & Popovich 1970: 78, 86. Polysemy: 'good / beautiful / attractive / generous'. Distinct from bɑi̯ {max} 'false' [Silva f.n.]. Distinct from ɕɛʔɛʔ {xee} 'right / true' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 48; Antunes 1999: 37; Araújo 2000: 109]. Treated as a borrowing because of the segment b. Phonology: /mai/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
Not attested.
NUMBER:35
WORD:green
Maxakali:ɲĩ=ɕɨi̯ {yĩxux}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 56; Antunes 1999: 36, 39 (including the diminutive ɲĩ=ɕɨi̯-nãɨ̯̃ŋ {yĩxuxnãg}); Gudschinsky, Popovich & Popovich 1970: 78. Ranges from blue through green to yellow (according to Silva [f.n.], it denotes any color that is not black, white or red). Phonology: /ɲĩ=cɨc/.
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 26, 51; Campos 2009: 93, 96; Antunes 1999: 38 (quoted as {xux} 'small things, such as leaves, grass'). Polysemy: 'green grass / plants / shrubs / leaf'. Cf. mĩǝ̯̃=ɕuɤ̯p {mĩn=xop} translated as 'leaf' in [Araújo 2000: 114], which probably means actually 'trees' ('tree-COL'). Phonology: /mĩp=cɨc/.
Pataxo Hahahae:hʌ̃m=hʌ̃i̯1
Bahetá 1982 (hʌmʌ=hˈãi̯).
NUMBER:47
WORD:lie
Maxakali:piɤ̯p {pip}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 36; Campos 2009: 116; Antunes 1999: 31. Non-finite: pihiʔ {pihi} [Silva f.n., contra Campos 2009: 116]. Polysemy: 'to be located vertically.PL / to reside.PL / to lie.SG'. Plural: nũɤ̯̃m {nõm} [Silva f.n.], glossed as 'to rest / to recline' in [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 31]. Distinct from ɕiɤ̯p {cip} 'to be located vertically.SG' (non-finite ɕihiɤ̯p {xihip}) [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 48; Campos 2009: 117; Antunes 1999: 37; Araújo 2000: 119], of which piɤ̯p {pip} is a suppletive plural. Cf. ɲɑ̃ĩ̯=kutɛʔ {yãykote}, glossed as 'lying' in [Antunes 1999: 39] but as 'in the middle of' in [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 53].
Pataxo Hahahae:hʌ̃=gũm ~ ʌ̃=gũm2
Bahetá 1982 (hã=gˈum). Glossed as 'to sleep' in [Pickering 1961 (ʌ̃=gˈum)].
NUMBER:48
WORD:liver
Maxakali:ɕɨɤ̯p=kɨ̃nɑ̃ĩ̯ {xupkũnãy}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 51. The meaning of individual morphemes is unclear; the proposed morphemic division is motivated by the disagreement in nasality. Phonology: /cɨp=kɨnãc/ or /cɨp=knãc/.
Campos 2009: 75; Antunes 1999: 37 (as ɕuhɪi̯ {xohix} 'all / many'); Silva f.n. Polysemy: 'many / to abound / to be numerous / PL'. In [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 48], the root is attested as ɕuhɪi̯ {xohix} with the meanings 'all / ten'. According to Silva [f.n.], used predominantly by young speaker, whereas older speakers prefer pɨdäǝ̯-hoɨ̯k {punethok} [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 37; Campos 2009: 39 (pudäǝ̯-hoɨ̯k {ponethok}); Antunes 1999: 31; Gudschinsky, Popovich & Popovich 1970: 80], which is apparently itself a negation of unattested *pɨdäǝ̯ {*punet}, a probable borrowing (as suggested by the segment d). Cf. tãɤ̯̃m-nãɨ̯̃ŋ {tãmnãg}, translated as 'muito' ('many', 'much' or 'very') in [Antunes 1999: 32] but as 'overripe / spoiled' in [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 40]. Phonology: /cuhi/.
Scheibe 1957 ({maɲutiá}). Translated as 'star' in [Bahetá 1982] (maŋu-čiˈa), where aŋɔhˈɔ without any known etymology is quoted in the meaning 'moon'. However, if -čia is indeed a feminine suffix (cf. 'woman'), Scheibeʼs gloss is more compatible with Maxakalí cosmology than the one found in [Bahetá 1982]. The root mʌ̃ŋũ- is a general root for celestial bodies.
NUMBER:55
WORD:mountain
Maxakali:ɲɪ̃ĩ̯tɪi̯ {yĩktix ~ yĩytix}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 54; Campos 2009: 140; Antunes 1999: 39. Polysemy: 'steep hill / mountain'. Cf. mĩkɑi̯-ɕäi̯kaʔ {mĩkax xexka} (literally 'big stone'), translated as 'mountain' in [Antunes 1999: 39] but as 'machete' in [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 25]. Even though both can be used in the meaning 'mountain', we leave only the morphologically simple item in the main list. Phonology: /ɲĩktik/, /ɲĩktic/, /ɲĩctik/ or /ɲĩctic/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
Not attested.
NUMBER:56
WORD:mouth
Maxakali:ɲɪ̃ĩ̯-kʊi̯ ~ ɲiː-kʊi̯ {yĩykox}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 56. Literally 'speak-hole'. Sometimes attested as ɲĩ-kʊi̯ {yĩkox} [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 65, 71, 72; Campos 2009: 291; Antunes 1999: 36]. Phonology: /ɲĩk-kuc/ (the velar coda in /ɲĩk/ 'to speak' is evident in the causative ɲı̃ŋ-ãhãʔ {yĩgãhã} [Antunes 1999: 39; Araújo 2000: 119]).
Pataxo Hahahae:=taka-oi̯2
Pickering 1961 (ʌ̃=takˈa-ˈoi̯). Bahetá [1982] quotes another root with no known external parallels: aŋ=tˈai̯.
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 50; Gudschinsky, Popovich & Popovich 1970: 86. The meaning of individual morphemes is unclear, except -kɨɤ̯p {-kup} 'long object'; the proposed morphemic division is motivated by the disagreement in nasality. Phonology: /cɨk=nĩ-kɨp/.
Pataxo Hahahae:=čipai̯2
Pickering 1961 (ʌ̃=čˈipai̯); Bahetá 1982 (a=čipˈai̯). Cf. čˈípài̯-kūi̯ 'the neck is long' [Pickering 1961].
NUMBER:59
WORD:new
Maxakali:tɨɤ̯p {tup}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 43; Campos 2009: 287; Antunes 1999: 33; Gudschinsky, Popovich & Popovich 1970: 83. Can be used in a classifier-like manner ([Araújo 2000: 108], translated as 'new / pure / brand-new'). Phonology: /tɨp/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
Not attested.
NUMBER:60
WORD:night
Maxakali:ʔãɤ̯̃=mnɪ̃ĩ̯ {ãmnĩy}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 1; Campos 2009: 111; Antunes 1999: 21. Polysemy: 'night / darkness'. A nominalization of mɨ̃nɪ̃ĩ̯ {mũnĩy} 'black'. Phonology: /ãp=pnĩk/ or /ãp=pnĩc/.
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 1, 57; Campos 2009: 128. The first part of this circumfix occurs immediatly before an inactive verb or before the A argument of an active verb. The last past always follows the verb immediately. Distinct from =hoɨ̯k {=hok} (existential negation, prohibitive, caritive) [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 11; Campos 2009: 127]; ʔãɤ̃m-hoɨ̯k {ãmhok} 'no' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 1; Antunes 1999: 21], kaʔ {ka} (prohibitive) [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 13; Campos 2009: 127]. Phonology: /a=...=a/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
Not attested.
NUMBER:63
WORD:one
Maxakali:pɨɕäǝ̯ {puxet}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 39; Antunes 1999: 32. Polysemy: 'one / only one'. Phonology: /pcet/. There is also a borrowing: ʔũɤ̯̃m ~ ʔũ {õm ~ õ} [Antunes 1999: 19; Silva f.n.] (< Portuguese ũ {um}; attested as {ũm ~ ũ} in [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 44]), which is mainly used in constructions involving Portuguese borrowings.
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 1, 8; Campos 2009: 31, 86; Antunes 1999: 38. Polysemy: 'to say / to tell / to talk about'. When no object is found, occurs with a prefix: hãɤ̯̃m=ʔã=ɨ̯̃ktɨi̯ {hãmʼãktux} 'to speak' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 7, 32; Campos 2009: 137]. Distinct from ɲɪ̃ĩ̯ {yĩy} 'to speak' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 56; Campos 2009: 80; Antunes 1999: 39 (only causative)]. Phonology: /cɨ=ktɨc/ / /A=ktɨc/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
Not attested.
NUMBER:72
WORD:see
Maxakali:pɛ-nãhãʔ {penãhã}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 35; Campos 2009: 268; Araújo 2000: 119 (attested as pɛ-nãhãɨ̯̃ŋ {pe-nãhãg}, non-finite pɛ-nãɨ̯̃ŋ {pe-nãg}). Short and non-finite: pɛ-nãʔ {penã}. Polysemy: 'to see / to look / to desire sexually'. Apparently a causative from an unattested *pɛʔ {*pe} or *päǝ̯ {*pet}. Phonology: /pe-nã/ or /pet-nã/.
Pickering 1961 (mĩ=ka-hˈab 'seed'; mˈi=ka-hab 'ground'). Polysemy: 'seed / ground'. In [Bahetá 1982 (mi=ka-hˈab)], only the meaning 'ground' is attested.
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 26, 27, 29; Campos 2009: 126; Antunes 1999: 28; Araújo 2000: 24; Silva 2014: 114; Gudschinsky, Popovich & Popovich 1970: 81; Silva f.n. Homophonous with mũʔ=ɲʊ̃ǝ̯̃ {mõ yõn} 'to throw' [Campos 2009: 50; Silva f.n.], where ɲ {y} is part of the root and does not disappear in the imperative forms (finite mũ=ʔʊ̃ǝ̯̃ {mõ õn}, non-finite mũ=hʊ̃ǝ̯̃ {mõ hõn}). Phonology: /mũ=ɲ=ũt/.
Pataxo Hahahae:hʌ̃=gũm ~ ʌ̃=gũm #2
Pickering 1961 (ʌ̃=gˈum). Glossed as 'to lie' in [Bahetá 1982 (hã=gˈum)]; its Maxakalí cognate nũɤ̯̃m {nõm} means 'to lie.PL', which raises doubts on the actual meaning of this root.
NUMBER:77
WORD:small
Maxakali:kɨtɪ̃ĩ̯-nãɨ̯̃ŋ {kutĩynãg}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 21 ('very little'); Campos 2009: 148 (kɨtɪi̯-nãɨ̯̃ŋ {kutixnãg}); Antunes 1999: 26, 33; Silva f.n. Cf. tɪ̃ĩ̯-nãɨ̯̃ŋ {tĩynãg} 'few'. More frequent than kɨtõɨ̯̃ŋ-nãɨ̯̃ŋ {kutõgnãg} 'small', tõɨ̯̃ŋ-nãɨ̯̃ŋ {tõgnãg} 'few' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 21]. According to Silva [f.n.], kɨtõɨ̯̃ŋ-nãɨ̯̃ŋ {kutõgnãg} and kɨtɪ̃ĩ̯-nãɨ̯̃ŋ {kutĩynãg} contrast in size, the former referring to somewhat bigger objects than the latter. Distinct from the diminutive suffix =nãɨ̯̃ŋ {=nãg} [Campos 2009: 143; Araújo 2000: 47, 108; Gudschinsky, Popovich & Popovich 1970: 81]. Phonology: /kɨtik-nãk/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
Not attested.
NUMBER:78
WORD:smoke
Maxakali:gʊ̃ĩ̯ ~ kɨ=gʊ̃ĩ̯ {gõy ~ kugõy}-1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 4, 5, 19; Campos 2009: 18. Polysemy: 'smoke / cloud / fog / to smoke'. Treated as a borrowing because of the segment g. Phonology: /gũc/.
Pataxo Hahahae:ʔʊ=ʔʊ̃i̯1
Pickering 1961 (ʔˈʊ=ʔʊ̃i).
NUMBER:79
WORD:stand
Maxakali:kɨ̃nĩhãʔ-ɕiɤ̯p {kũnĩhã xip}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 20. Glossed as 'to stand up'. Plural: kɨ̃nĩhãʔ-piɤ̯p {kũnĩhã pip}. Includes the verb ɕiɤ̯p {xip} (non-finite ɕihiɤ̯p {xihip}) 'to be located vertically.SG', plural piɤ̯p {pip} (non-finite pihiʔ {pihi}). Distinct from ʓoɨ̯k {yok} 'to raise / to be straight / to straighten up' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 56; Antunes 1999: 22 (translated as 'levantar')]. Phonology: /knĩhã-cip/.
Pickering 1961 (mʌ̃ŋgũ-hʌ̃); Scheibe 1957 ({maɲũhá}). Attested with a different suffix in [Bahetá 1982]: maŋu-čiˈa.
NUMBER:81
WORD:stone
Maxakali:mĩ=kɑi̯-ɕaɤ̯p {mĩkax-xap}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 25; Silva 2014: 116; Gudschinsky, Popovich & Popovich 1970: 78. Derived from mĩ=kɑi̯ {mĩkax} 'knife / rock / stone' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 24; Silva f.n.], attested in the compound mĩ=kɑi̯-ɕäi̯kaʔ {mĩkax xexka} 'mountain' (literally 'big stone') in [Antunes 1999: 39], and ɕahaɤ̯p / ɕaɤ̯p {xahap / xap} 'necklace / headband' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 9, 45, 46; Antunes 1999: 36], which is used as a classifier for stones, seeds, beads and any spheric objects. The meaning of individual morphemes (mĩ /mĩ/ and kɑi̯ /kac/) is unclear, but since the syllables diverge in nasality, they cannot constitute a root. Phonology: /mĩ=kac-cap/.
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 17; Silva f.n. Literally 'to go by water'. Polysemy: 'to swim / to row a canoe'. Silva [f.n.] believes this construction to mean 'to swim underwater / to dive'; however, the other candidate for this slot means 'to dog paddle', which complicates the choice between the two, and I prefer to list both roots as synonyms. Cf. also ɕɨɤ̯p {xup}, glossed as 'to hang / to swim' by Antunes [1999: 38] but attested only in the former meaning in [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 51]; Silva [f.n.] attests only the meanings 'to hang.SG / to stand over four paws / to be (of liquids)' for it. Phonology: /kʷnã̰k=kupa=mũ-k/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
Not attested.
NUMBER:83
WORD:swim
Maxakali:põɨ̯̃k=põɨ̯̃ŋ {põgpõg}-1
Silva f.n. The author believes this verb to mean more precisely 'to dog paddle'; however, the other candidate for this slot means 'to swim underwater', which complicates the choice between the two, and I prefer to list both roots as synonyms. A likely onomatopoeia; p does not usually preced nasal vowels in native vocabulary. Phonology: /pũk=pũk/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
Not attested.
NUMBER:84
WORD:tail
Maxakali:nãː-kɨɤ̯p {nãgkup}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 29. Phonology: /nãk-kɨp/. Distinct from ka-ʔɑi̯ {kaʼax} 'end' [Silva f.n.], translated as 'end / tail' in [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 15].
Silva 2014: 113; Silva f.n. The form ɲʊ̃ĩ̯ɕõɨ̯̃ŋ {yõyxõg} is used by older speaker, whereas ɲĩɕõɨ̯̃ŋ {yĩxõg} is used by younger speakers. Phonology: /ɲũccũk ~ ɲĩcũk/.
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 19, 37. Apparently expressed by the same root as 'what'. Cf. the particle ʔɨ̃ʔɨ̃ɤ̯̃m {ũũm} /p/, translated as 'who' by Gudschinsky, Popovich and Popovich [1970: 80]. Phonology: /pte ~ pte-(ɨ̃)p/ or /pɨte ~ pɨte-(ɨ̃)p/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
Not attested.
NUMBER:99
WORD:woman
Maxakali:ʔɨ̃hɨ̃ǝ̯̃ / ʔɨ̃ǝ̯̃ {ũhũn / ũn}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 44, 45; Antunes 1999: 33. Refers specifically to indigenous women. Distinct from häi̯ {hex} 'female / sister of a male ego' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 10; Silva f.n.], which can also be used in a classifier-like manner ([Araújo 2000: 22, 108]). ʔãʓɘɨ̯k {ãyuk}, translated as 'woman' in an example in [Araújo 2000: 24], is probably the same word as ʔãʓɘhɘɨ̯k {ãyuhuk} 'non-Indian' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 4]. Phonology: /ɨ̃t/.
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 56; Araújo 2000: 90; Gudschinsky, Popovich & Popovich 1970: 78; Silva f.n. Ranges from blue through green to yellow (according to Silva [f.n.], it denotes any color that is not black, white or red). Antunes [1999: 36] cites ɕɨː=ta-ɲĩ=ɕɨi̯-nãɨ̯̃ŋ {xuttayĩxuxnãg} 'red-green-DIM'. Popovich & Popovich [2005: 3, 51] cite ɕɨ=taʔ / =ʔã=taʔ {xuta / =ãta} (as {xutta / ãta}) 'red, yellow'. Phonology: /ɲĩ=cɨc/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
Not attested.
NUMBER:100
WORD:yellow
Maxakali:ʓiʓiɤ̯p {yiyip}-1
Silva f.n. Refers to the color of a specific flower (the exact species is unknown). Treated as a non-native item because of the segment ʓ. Phonology: /yiyip/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
NUMBER:101
WORD:far
Maxakali:hãɤ̯̃p=tʊi̯ {hãptox}1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 8; Antunes 1999: 23. Polysemy: 'far / distant'. A nominalization of tʊi̯ {tox}, glossed as 'long / tall / far' in [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 43]. Phonology: /hãp=tuc/.
Silva f.n. Probably used for longer distances than ɲĩka {yĩka}, but the exact difference between hãɤ̯̃m=hɨɤ̯p {hãmhup} and ɲĩka {yĩka} is still under research. Often used with a diminutive suffix: hãɤ̯̃m=hɨ̃ɤ̯̃m-nãɨ̯̃ŋ {hãmhũmnãg} [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 6]. Related to hɨ̃ɤ̯̃m-nãɨ̯̃ŋ {hũmnãg} 'short / narrow' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 12]. Distinct from the postposition mũʔ=ɲũ-ka-mɨ̃ʔ {mõ yõkamũ} 'close to' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 28]. Cf. the locative postposition kupɒʔ {kopa} 'inside' [Popovich & Popovich 2005: 17], translated as 'near / between' in [Antunes 1999: 25]. Phonology: /hãp=hɨ̃p-nãk/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
Not attested.
NUMBER:103
WORD:near
Maxakali:ɲĩka {yĩka}2
Silva f.n. Probably used for very short distances, but the exact difference between hãɤ̯̃m=hɨɤ̯p {hãmhup} and ɲĩka {yĩka} is still under research. Attested with a diminutive suffix (ɲĩkãɨ̯̃ŋ-nãɨ̯̃ŋ {yĩkãgnãg}) by Popovich & Popovich [2005: 54] (but glossed as a postposition: 'very close to').
Pataxo Hahahae:
NUMBER:104
WORD:salt
Maxakali:ʔãbʊǝ̯-ɕɨi̯-päi̯ {ãmot xuxpex}-1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 2; Antunes 1999: 21. Literally 'tasty sand'. According to Popovich & Popovich [ibid.], also attested as simply {ãmot}. Treated as a borrowing because of the segment b. Phonology: /amut-cɨc-pek/.
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 19. Literally 'dry bone'. It is unclear if this word can be applied to thin objects. Treated as a borrowing because of the segment d. Phonology: /kɨp-dak/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
Not attested.
NUMBER:108
WORD:wind
Maxakali:ʔãbɨʔɨʔ {ãmuʼu}-1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 2; Antunes 1999: 21; Gudschinsky, Popovich & Popovich 1970: 78. Treated as a borrowing because of the segment b. Phonology: /amɨʔɨ/.
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 7 ({hãmyãyxatamuk}); Antunes 1999: 23, 41 ({hãmyãyxatamuk}); Silva f.n. Literally 'NMLZ=REFL=sound.of.cicadas' (cicadas chirp yearly, around September or October, according to one of the consultants; however, another consultant in her sixties did not know what ɕatabɘɨ̯k {xatamuk} meant). Treated as a non-native item because of the segment b. Phonology: /hãp=ɲãc=catamɨk/.
Pataxo Hahahae:
Not attested.
NUMBER:110
WORD:year
Maxakali:ʔɑ̃ǝ̯̃ ~ ʔũɑ̃ǝ̯̃ {ãn ~ õãn}-1
Popovich & Popovich 2005: 2; Silva f.n. Borrowed from Portuguese ˈɐ̃nu {ano} 'year' or ũ ˈɐ̃nu {um ano} 'one year' (however, in Maxakalí ʔũɑ̃ǝ̯̃ {õãn} may be used also in plural contexts: ɕikũä̃ǝ̯ ʔũɑ̃ǝ̯̃ {xikõẽn õãn} 'fifty years' [Silva f.n.]). Phonology: /ãt ~ ũãt/.