Mançe et al. 2005: 67; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 134; Mann 1948: 147; Mann 1957: 11. Distinct from tǝrǝ {tërë} 'whole, complete' (totus) ([Mançe et al. 2005: 67]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 342]). Etymological affiliation of the word is highly disputed, but all of the competing versions, listed in [Orel 1998: 136], agree on its Indo-European origins. Orel himself suggests a descent from IE *sem-gʸʰo-, also mentioning the remains of the suffix-less dialectal form ʓi in Dalmatian Albanian.
Номер:2
Слово:ashes
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:hi {hi}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 546; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 143; Mann 1948: 159; Mann 1957: 20. The definite form is hi-ri. In [Orel 1998: 147], traced back to Proto-Albanian *skina based on the Geg nasalized variant hĩ. However, further comparison with Latin cini-s 'dust, ash' is unconvincing because of the necessary assumption of an unsubstantiated "s-mobile" in Albanian. E. Hamp's comparison with Old Indian edhas- 'firewood', mentioned ibid., is semantically plausible but phonetically quite dubious. Thus, no satisfactory Indo-European etymology.
Номер:3
Слово:bark
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:kɔɾ-ǝ {korë} #-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 301; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 177; Mann 1948: 209. Transparent borrowing from a Slavic source [Orel 1998: 191]; cf. also the diminutive koɾičkǝ {koriçkë} 'piece of crust (of bread)'. Secondary synonym: lǝvɔɾɛ ~ lǝvɔžgǝ {lëvore ~ lëvozhgë} ([Mançe et al. 2005: 301]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 196]); these dictionaries imply that the word's primary meaning is 'scale, shell', but in [Mann 1957: 28] it is actually mentioned as the primary equivalent for 'bark' as such; unclear.
Номер:4
Слово:belly
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:baɾk {bark}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 218; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 42; Mann 1948: 21; Mann 1957: 32. In [Orel 1998: 18], derived from Proto-Albanian *baruka and further from Proto-Indo-European *bʰor-uko- < *bʰer- 'to carry' (i. e. 'belly' < 'burden'). The etymology is unsatisfactory: similar nominal derivates from *bʰer- are unknown in Indo-European languages, and the semantic transition would suggest a complex development: 'to bear (child)' > 'womb' > 'belly'.
Mançe et al. 2005: 46; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 202; Mann 1948: 258; Mann 1957: 34. In [Orel 1998: 18], derived from Proto-Albanian *madza and further from Proto-Indo-European *megʸ(ʰ)-; despite some minor phonetic problems, the etymology is generally uncontroversial and satisfactory.
Номер:6
Слово:bird
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:zɔg {zog}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 745; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 377; Mann 1948: 583; Mann 1957: 34. Secondary synonym: špɛnd ~ špɛsǝ {shpend ~ shpesë} ([Mançe et al. 2005: 745]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 332]; [Mann 1948: 490]), mostly in the meaning 'domestic bird', 'fowl'. Etymological connections of this root are highly controversial; Orel [1998: 525] suggests borrowing from an Iranian or some other Oriental source, but the immediate source of provenance would still remain unclear. An Indo-European origin cannot be excluded.
Номер:7
Слово:bite
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:kafš-ɔy {kafshoj}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 314; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 155; Mann 1948: 174; Mann 1957: 35. As per [Orel 1998: 164], borrowed from Latin capessere ~ capissere 'to seize, to snatch at'. The Latin word, however, does not have the meaning 'to bite', nor are there any indications of such a meaning for the word in vulgar Latin/early Romance. This means that the semantic change 'to seize, snatch' > 'to bite' (provided the etymology is correct) must have taken place already on pure Albanian grounds.
Mançe et al. 2005: 1015; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 376; Mann 1948: 581; Mann 1957: 35. Feminine: zɛzǝ {zezë}. According to [Orel 1998: 524], goes back to Proto-Albanian *džedi < Indo-European *gʷed- 'dirt; bad, disgusting'. This is semantically plausible (if the original meaning is 'dirt, mud') and phonetically superior to most of the alternate suggestions discussed in the etymology.
Mançe et al. 2005: 309; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 129; Mann 1948: 40; Mann 1957: 36. In [Orel 1998: 129], derived from Proto-Albanian *saka and further from Proto-Indo-European *sokʷo- 'juice'. This is the most common etymology for the word, phonetically and semantically plausible.
Mançe et al. 2005: 304; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 169, 178; Mann 1948: 202; Mann 1957: 39. A transparent borrowing from the Slavic diminutive form *kostъka '(little) bone' [Orel 1998: 187] (the same source also notes the rare simple form kɔc {koc}, borrowed from regular Slavic *kostь). The original word ašt {asht} [Orel 1998: 11] is no longer the main equivalent for 'bone' in Standard Albanian, although it is still encountered in some idiomatic expressions and the collective form ɛštǝr {eshtër} 'bones; remains' [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 103].
Номер:11
Слово:breast
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:ʓɔks {gjoks}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 167; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 134; Mann 1948: 148. No etymology. Secondary synonym: kraharɔr ~ krahruar {kraharor} ([Mançe et al. 2005: 167]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 179]). Distinct from ʓi {gji} 'female breast' ([Mançe et al. 2005: 167]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 133]).
Mançe et al. 2005: 218; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 85; Mann 1948: 77; Mann 1957: 46. In [Orel 1998: 68], traced back to Proto-Albanian *dega < Indo-European *dʰegʷʰ- 'to burn'; the etymology is unproblematic and universally accepted.
Номер:13
Слово:claw(nail)
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:θua {thua}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 438; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 353; Mann 1948: 536; Mann 1957: 248. Plural form: θɔɲ {thonj}. The Geg variant is θue {thue} [Orel 1998: 481]. All etymological hypotheses are highly controversial; Orel lists attempts to relate the word to parallels as distant from each other as Greek ὄνυξ, Germanic *xanduz 'hand', and Latin squāma 'fish scale' (!). Orel's own etymology (< Proto-Albanian *atsāna < Indo-European *akʸ- 'sharp') is semantically plausible, but phonetically unexplained except for the regular correspondence "θ : *kʸ".
Номер:14
Слово:cloud
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:ɾɛ {re}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 449; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 300; Mann 1948: 424; Mann 1957: 63. The Geg variant is nasalized: ɾẽ {rê} [Orel 1998: 366]. Derived by Orel from Proto-Albanian *rina, but subsequent etymologies are controversial.
Номер:15
Слово:cold
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:f=tɔh-tǝ {ftohtë}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 1001; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 117; Mann 1948: 117; Mann 1957: 65. Nominal/adjectival derivative from ftɔh {ftoh} (Geg ftof) 'to cool, to make cold' [ibid.]; derived by Orel [1998: 105] from Proto-Albanian *awa=tāya with the privative/negative prefix *awa-. Existing etymologies, listed by Orel, are mostly in conflict as to whether the verbal root reflects Indo-European *tep- 'warm' (thus = 'to de-warm') or *tā(u̯-) 'to melt' (thus = 'to de-melt', 'to freeze').
Номер:16
Слово:come
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:viy {vij}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 705; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 366; Mann 1948: 557; Mann 1957: 66. The Geg variant viɲ {vinj} retains the original nasal consonant; hence Orel's claim that the word is a borrowing from Latin venīre [Orel 1998: 508], which is currently the most phonetically plausible explanation. The suppletive aorist form ɛrða {erdha}, however, goes back to Proto-Albanian *erdza, possibly cognate with Greek ἔρχομαι.
Номер:16
Слово:come
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:ɛrða {erdha}1
Mann 1948: 95. Suppletive aorist form.
Номер:17
Слово:die
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:v=dɛs {vdes}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 958; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 360; Mann 1948: 547; Mann 1957: 98. Aorist: vdiɕa {vdiqa}. Derived by Orel from Proto-Albanian *awa=takya and further from Proto-Indo-European *tekʷ- 'to flow, run away'. The etymology is controversial; the most common alternative is to relate the stem to Indo-European *dʰeu̯- 'to die', which is semantically more plausible, but phonetically less satisfactory (the phonetic alternation s ~ ɕ is best explainable as traces of an original velar or labiovelar consonant). In any case, v= may be safely interpreted as the remains of a fossilized prefix.
Mançe et al. 2005: 851; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 293; Mann 1948: 413; Mann 1957: 106. Connection to Indo-European *kʸwen- 'dog' is undeniable, but the nature of this connection is in debate. According to [Orel 1998: 356], the word is a relatively late loanword from Balkan continuations of Latin canem, since the regular Tosk reflexation of both Proto-Indo-European *-n- (see 'name') and the same phoneme in early Latin borrowings (see 'woman') is r, thus, a form like *ɕɛr would be expected. On the other hand, this is the only explicit example of such a "late Romance borrowing" in the entire basic lexicon, and it is not clear that all alternate possibilities have been ruled out (such as, e. g., dissimilative preservation of the consonant due to the plural form ɕɛn-ǝr; or a possibility of the word going back to a suffixal variant, e. g. *kʸwen-t-, which helped preserve the nasal in Tosk). Considering the fact that the word does, in the end, go back to the most common Proto-Indo-European etymon for 'dog', and that no other equivalent for this meaning has been attested in the entire history of Albanian, we prefer to side with those researchers (Bopp, Stier, Camarda, Hamp, etc., all listed in [Orel 1998: 356]) who treat the item as a genuine cognate rather than a "re-borrowing".
Mançe et al. 2005: 584; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 275; Mann 1948: 383; Mann 1958: 109. In [Orel 1998: 324], derived from Proto-Albanian *pīya. Uncontroversially related to Proto-Indo-European *pō(i)- ~ *pī- 'to drink'.
Mançe et al. 2005: 889; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 352; Mann 1948: 532; Mann 1958: 110. Polysemy: 'dry / skinny'. Adjectival derivative from the verbal stem θay {thaj} 'to dry' [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 351]; in [Orel 1998: 471], traced back to Proto-Albanian *sausnya- and further on to Proto-Indo-European *sauso- 'dry'. This is the most commonly accepted and generally unproblematic etymological solution.
Mançe et al. 2005: 980; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 362; Mann 1948: 551; Mann 1957: 112. In [Orel 1998: 501], derived from Proto-Albanian *wausi-, further to Indo-European *ōus- 'ear'. The etymology is phonetically plausible and generally uncontroversial (alternate attempts, mentioned by Orel, to relate the word to Avestan gaoš- 'to hear', etc., run into more significant phonological differences and are also distributionally unconvincing).
Mançe et al. 2005: 259; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 96; Mann 1948: 89; Mann 1957: 113. The word is polysemous and may refer to 'earth' as both 'soil' (physical matter) and 'substance' ("metaphysical" element). In [Orel 1998: 80], traced back to Proto-Albanian *dzō and further on to Indo-European *dʰgʸʰōm 'earth'; the etymology is phonetically plausible and accepted by most specialists. Secondary synonym: tɔkǝ {tokë} ([Mançe et al. 2005: 259]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 344]); this word is relatively new, and its primary semantics seems to be 'soil' (in an agricultural sense), further hinted at by the external etymology (borrowed from Slavic *tokъ 'threshing floor' [Orel 1998: 459]).
Mançe et al. 2005: 212; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 136; Mann 1948: 151; Mann 1957: 113. According to [Orel 1998: 140], the word can be derived from Proto-Albanian *ed-a- < Indo-European *ed- 'to eat', through the rule "pretonic *-d- > -h- ~ -0-" (for another example of the same type, cf. ve 'widow' < Proto-Albanian *widewā [Orel 1998: 497]). The etymology is somewhat controversial, but not altogether impossible phonetically, and clearly the best solution from the semantic and distributional points of view.
Mançe et al. 2005: 1045; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 364; Mann 1948: 547; Mann 1957: 114. The suffix -zǝ is a standard diminutive element in Albanian; the simple form vɛ {vé} is also encountered in a more archaic use. The Geg variant is vo [Orel 1998: 497]. Based on the Old Albanian form voe, Orel reconstructs the opposition "Early Tosk vae : Early Geg voe" and, claiming that the alternation va- : vo- is diagnostic of Latin loanwords, postulates borrowing from Latin ōvum 'egg'. There are, however, ample grounds for disagreement: the phonetic shape of the Indo-European word is too idiosyncratic to exclude the possibility of these two variants constituting a "vertical" reflexation of the original root rather than a "re-borrowing" (in any case, no traces of any other word that could have meant 'egg' in early Albanian are found, and the root in question is undeniably of Proto-Indo-European origin in the meaning 'egg'). As a working hypothesis, we accept a non-borrowed origin for Albanian.
Mançe et al. 2005: 323; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 364; Mann 1948: 465; Mann 1957: 129. In [Orel 1998: 405], derived from Proto-Albanian *atšīwi 'eyes' (dual) and further from Indo-European *okʷ- 'eye'. The etymology is phonetically plausible and semantically/distributionally perfect; alternate explanations, listed ibid., are, overall, no better phonetically and generally worse from a semantic point of view (e. g., an attempt to derive the word from Indo-European *kʸeu- 'to shine').
Mançe et al. 2005: 219; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 97; Mann 1948: 92; Mann 1957: 133. The word denotes '(hard) fat; lard; suet' and is distinct from lü-rǝ {lyrë} ([Mançe et al. 2005: 219]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 201]), applied more generally to 'liquid fat, oil' (which is natural, considering the word's etymology as a nominal derivative from lüey {lyej} 'to smear, to oil' < Indo-European *lēi- 'to flow, pour' [Orel 1998: 236]). Etymology of ðyamǝ is highly debatable: Orel [1998: 83] reconstructs Proto-Albanian *dzel-mā as a derivative of *dzalā 'buttermilk' (> ðallǝ {dhallë} in the modern language), but this is problematic (why should 'lard' be derived from 'buttermilk' or 'milk' in general?). More likely is some sort of connection with Greek δήμος 'fat', but, as noted by Orel, the initial consonants cannot be explained in terms of regular correspondences between Indo-European languages. Could it be that both words stem from some pre-Proto-Indo-European Balkanic substrate? In any case, the form should not be marked as an externally-driven replacement until further data come to light. Secondary synonym: undüɾǝ ~ ündüɾǝ {undyrë ~ yndyrë}, only attested in [Mann 1948: 540] and [Mann 1957: 133], but not in the more modern dictionaries; this seems to be a more specialized, less basic term, reasonably etymologized as a borrowing from Latin unctūra 'ointment' [Orel 1998: 486].
Номер:27
Слово:feather
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:pɛndǝ {pendë}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 578; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 263; Mann 1948: 359; Mann 1957: 134. According to [Orel 1998: 315], borrowed from Latin penna ~ pinna 'feather'; this conclusion is shared almost unanimously.
Mançe et al. 2005: 473; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 377; Mann 1948: 582; Mann 1957: 138. Derived by Orel from Proto-Albanian *džera < Indo-European *gʷʰer-es- 'flame, heat'. A closely related variant is zyaɾ-m {zjarm} 'fire, heat' [Orel 1998: 524] < Proto-Albanian *džer-ma = Indo-European *gʷʰer-mo- 'warm'. The etymology is plausible and uncontroversial.
Номер:29
Слово:fish
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:pɛšk {peshk}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 810; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 261; Mann 1948: 361; Mann 1957: 138. Transparent borrowing from late Latin piscem id. [Orel 1998: 316].
Номер:30
Слово:fly v.
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:flutuɾ-ɔy {fluturoj}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 321; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 113; Mann 1948: 112; Mann 1957: 142. Borrowed from Romance *fluctulāre < Latin fluctuāre [Orel 1998: 101]; particular details of the borrowing may need correction, but it is clearly not an original Albanian word in any case.
Номер:31
Слово:foot
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:kǝmbǝ {këmbë}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 438; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 164; Mann 1948: 179; Mann 1957: 143. Polysemy: 'foot / paw'. The Geg variant is kambǝ {kambë} [Orel 1998: 177]. Borrowed either from Romance *kamba ~ *gamba or from the same substrate that yielded the Romance word (which does not have a proper Indo-European etymology either).
Mançe et al. 2005: 637; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 279; Mann 1948: 392; Mann 1957: 149. In [Orel 1998: 335], traced back to Proto-Albanian *plā-ta < Indo-European *plē-to- 'full'; a reasonable and uncontroversial etymology. The default entry in [Mançe et al. 2005: 637] is actually the compound expression i mbušur plɔt {i mbushur plot}, in which the first word is an adjectival derivative from mbuš 'to fill' [Orel 1998: 253], a rather etymologically obscure stem.
Mançe et al. 2005: 172; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 153; Mann 1948: 9; Mann 1957: 156. In [Orel 1998: 157], derived from Proto-Albanian *apa (y- is explained as filling hiatus; cf. the historic spelling {ap ~ jap} in [Mann 1948] and [Mann 1957]), further from Indo-European *ap- 'to seize', although the semantic conversion is odd. Alternate etymologies, nevertheless, are generally not as convincing. It should be noted that the suppletive stem ðašǝ {dhashë} in the aorist is a regular continuation of Indo-European *dō- 'to give'.
Mançe et al. 2005: 1001; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 219; Mann 1948: 286; Mann 1957: 159. In [Orel 1998: 267], traced back to Proto-Albanian *mira and further to Indo-European *mēi- ~ *mī- 'mild, weak, nice'; this is a commonly accepted etymology. Borrowing from Latin mīrus 'wonderful' is also suggested by some sources, but runs into semantic problems.
Номер:35
Слово:green
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:ʓɛlbǝɾ {gjelbër}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 259; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 131; Mann 1948: 143; Mann 1957: 162. The former source gives two additional synonyms without specifying any semantic distinctions: blɛɾtǝ {blertë} (blɛrǝt {blerët} in [Mann 1957: 162]) and yɛšil {jeshil}. The form yɛšil is a transparent recent borrowing from Turkish, whereas blɛɾtǝ seems to be somewhat more limited in application than ʓɛlbǝɾ, and is much more rare statistically. According to [Orel 1998: 131], ʓɛlbǝɾ is originally borrowed from Latin galbinus 'greenish-yellow'; this is a phonetically and semantically plausible etymology.
Номер:36
Слово:hair
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:flɔk-ǝ {flokë}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 91; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 113; Mann 1948: 111; Mann 1957: 166. Plural form; the singular is simply flɔk {flok}. There is some overlap between this word and ɕimɛ {qime} ([Mançe et al. 2005: 91]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 296]), but the latter more frequently refers to 'body hair', 'fur', etc., whereas for 'head hair' in most contexts flɔkǝ is used. The word, according to [Orel 1998: 100], is borrowed from Latin floccus 'lock, flock', which seems to be phonetically and semantically plausible.
Mançe et al. 2005: 808; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 90; Mann 1948: 80; Mann 1957: 167. Distinct from kɾah 'arm' [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 179]. In [Orel 1998: 70], traced back to Proto-Albanian *dārā (singularized neutral plural) < Indo-European *ĝhesr- 'hand'. The development of Indo-European *ĝh- > Albanian d- is regular, and the etymology is accepted by most specialists.
Номер:38
Слово:head
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:kɔk-ǝ {kokë}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 153; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 170; Mann 1948: 203; Mann 1957: 171. Polysemy: 'head / bulb / berry / grain'; this helps understand the etymology in [Orel 1998: 189] (borrowing from Latin coccum 'berry'). In modern Albanian, this is unquestionably the main word for 'head', although most dictionaries also list the old form krüɛ {krye} ([Koçi & Skendi 1950: 181]; [Mann 1948: 216]), continuing Proto-Albanian *krānyā < Indo-European *kʸerǝs- 'head' [Orel 1998: 199]. The latter, however, is mostly found in archaic or highly idiomatic expressions, and also shows the usual polysemy of 'head / chief / beginning', etc.
Номер:39
Слово:hear
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:dǝʓ-ɔy {dëgjoj}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 845; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 83; Mann 1948: 72; Mann 1957: 171. Orel [1998: 62] mentions such dialectal forms as ndǝgɔy, dǝlgɔɲ, diligɔɲ, which confirm borrowing < Latin intellegere 'to understand' (the alternate meanings 'obey' and 'understand' are actually listed in [Mann 1948: 72]).
Номер:40
Слово:heart
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:zɛmǝɾ {zemër}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 829; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 374; Mann 1948: 577; Mann 1957: 171. The word has no definitive etymology; of all the numerous suggestions listed in [Orel 1998: 520], the connection with Phrygian κίμερος 'mind' [Hesychius] seems to be the least accidental-looking, but this does not necessarily indicate an Indo-European origin.
Mançe et al. 2005: 804; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 53; Mann 1948: 37; Mann 1957: 179. The Gegh variant is bɾĩ {brî} < Proto-Albanian *brina [Orel 1998: 36]. The most widely quoted etymological connection is to Messapian βρένδον 'deer', βρέντιον 'deer head' [Hesychius]; despite some further parallels in Germanic and Baltic, it is unclear just how archaic this stem actually is (its proto-Indo-European status is quite dubious).
Номер:42
Слово:I1
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:u-nǝ {unë}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 1044; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 356; Mann 1948: 540; Mann 1957: 183. Direct stem. The particle nǝ is detachable, since the pronoun is attested as simply u in dialects [Orel 1998: 486], but further etymology is unclear; Orel hypothesizes about an allegro change < *eʒ we < Indo-European *egʸʰom su̯e 'I myself'. Whatever the real etymology, attempts to trace u directly to Indo-European *egʸʰom are unsubstantiated.
Koçi & Skendi 1950: 224. Indirect stem (dative and accusative cases). Unlike the direct stem, this form properly continues Indo-European *me- [Orel 1998: 486].
Mançe et al. 2005: 937; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 369; Mann 1948: 564; Mann 1957: 208. In [Orel 1998: 515], traced back to Proto-Albanian *awa-rautja and then to Proto-Indo-European *reu̯- 'to tear, destroy'. The etymology is semantically and phonetically plausible, and seems to be the most commonly upheld hypothesis for this stem.
Номер:44
Слово:knee
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:ʓu {gju}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 294; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 134; Mann 1948: 149; Mann 1957: 209. The Gegh variant is nasalized: ʓũ {gjû}. In [Orel 1998: 137], traced back to Proto-Albanian *gluna and then to Proto-Indo-European *ĝenu- as the result of dissimilation from *g(a)nuna. However, the etymology is too highly questionable (assumption of dissimilation + postulation of a secondary n-derivative not confirmed in any of the other branches). The connection with Old Irish glún 'knee', discussed ibid., is more acceptable phonetically, but looks rather bizarre from a distributional point of view (Orel believes that glún shows the same dissimilatory development, but this opinion is, for a good reason, not generally shared).
Mançe et al. 2005: 261; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 85; Mann 1948: 74; Mann 1957: 209. In [Orel 1998: 64], explained from Proto-Albanian *dīja < Indo-European *dʰei̯- 'to observe', a nearly universally accepted etymology. Secondary synonym: ɲɔh {njoh} ([Mançe et al. 2005: 261]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 242]), generally used in the meaning 'to know (smbd.), be acquainted with', etc. (This root actually continues Indo-European *gʸenǝ- ~ *gʸnō-).
Номер:46
Слово:leaf
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:flɛtǝ {fletë}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 324; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 112; Mann 1948: 111; Mann 1957: 213. Polysemy: 'leaf / sheet of paper / wing'. Typologically, in the polysemous pair 'leaf / wing' it is the meaning 'wing' that must be primary (i. e. 'leaf' metaphorically as 'wing of tree'); Orel [1998: 100] is, therefore, right in trying to etymologize the word through the semantics of 'flying', but his particular etymologization from Proto-Albanian *awa-lekta and further to a feeble Indo-European root *lek- 'to fly' (a weak Baltic-Germanic isogloss) is highly dubious. Additionally, the word is phonetically similar to fluturɔy 'to fly' q.v., but whether this similarity is accidental or not cannot be ascertained at this time.
Secondary synonym: ʓɛθ {gjeth} ([Koçi & Skendi 1950: 132]; [Mann 1948: 145]). This word is not even listed in [Mann 1957] as the equivalent for 'leaf' (sg.), and in [Mann 1948] it is mentioned that the more common usage is as a collective plural: 'foliage, leaves'. In [Orel 1998: 133], this word is traced back to Proto-Albanian *gadza "with a secondary th-suffix", further related to Old High German questa 'tuft' and Slavic *gvozdъ 'wood, forest', i. e. an areal "European" isogloss. The etymology is highly questionable, due to certain irregularities with phonetic development in Albanian as well as scant distribution of the supposed parallels; however, most of the alternate etymologies listed in [Orel 1998: 133] are even less convincing.
Mançe et al. 2005: 319; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 336; Mann 1948: 503; Mann 1957: 217. The word is an adjectival stem: 'extended, stretched, lying'; the construction 'to lie' is formed with the aid of the verb ri {rri} 'to sit' (i. e. ri štɾi-ɾǝ). In [Orel 1998: 442], the root štriy is traced back to Proto-Albanian *strinja < Proto-Indo-European *sterǝ- 'to spread, scatter' (with the same nasal infix as in Old Indian str̥ṇā́ti, etc.). This is a plausible and commonly accepted etymology.
Номер:48
Слово:liver
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:mǝlči {mëlçi}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 580; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 215; Mann 1948: 279; Mann 1957: 220. Borrowed from Italian milza 'spleen' [Orel 1998: 259] (semantic shift is due to original usage in such idioms as mǝlči ɛ barδǝ 'lung', literally 'white mǝlči', and mǝlči ɛ zɛzǝ 'liver', literally 'black mǝlči', meaning that the word had been borrowed in the general meaning of 'internal organ').
Mançe et al. 2005: 196; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 131; Mann 1948: 143; Mann 1957: 221. Orel [1998: 130] notes the dialectal form glatǝ and reconstructs Proto-Albanian *dlata < Proto-Indo-European *dln̥gʰ-to-. This is an old, and somewhat dubious, etymological hypothesis (for one thing, no -t-derivative stem is known from this root, and the development of the initial cluster is quite unique; then again, the cluster itself is very peculiar in Indo-European). However, there are no alternate plausible etymologies whatsoever.
Номер:50
Слово:louse
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:mɔr {morr}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 98; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 223; Mann 1948: 292; Mann 1957: 223. In [Orel 1998: 274], traced back to Proto-Albanian *mērwa and then derived from Indo-European *mer- 'to die', by analogy with Greek φθείρ 'louse' < φθείρω 'to destroy'. However, the Greek etymologization looks seriously "folkish" (explanation of an unclear dialectal innovation through a homonym), and so does this particular Albanian etymology (not to mention that a nominal derivative like *mērwa leaves unclear the derivational model). Note: Although [Orel 1998: 476] gives the meaning of θǝri {thëri} as 'louse', this is a mistake: the correct semantics is 'nit'.
Номер:51
Слово:man
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:bur-ǝ {burrë}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 360; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 56; Mann 1948: 43; Mann 1957: 228. Polysemy: 'man / husband'. Etymology is questionable; in [Orel 1998: 42], the word is understood to be of Germanic provenance (< Old High German gibūro with simplification of the anlaut cluster *gb-). There are however, semantic problems with this solution, since the word in Albanian does not share the German semantics of 'peasant, villager', but is only attested in its much more "basic" meaning without reference to social status. It is, therefore, not at all excluded that the Albanian word is related to the Germanic item genetically rather than areally, both being ultimately formed from the same Indo-European root *bʰeu̯ǝ- 'to be'. Attempts to ultimately derive the word from Indo-European *bʰer- 'to bear' (e. g., in the form of the nominal derivative *bʰorno-) do not seem as convincing, since the word specifically denotes a male person rather than an infant. (Interestingly enough, the word is simultaneously assigned to both etymologies - Indo-European *bʰeu̯- and *bʰer- - in J. Pokorny's dictionary!). In any case, the evidence for judging the word as a borrowing is not sufficient to allow us to exclude it from calculations.
Номер:52
Слово:many
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:šumǝ {shumë}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 337; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 351; Mann 1948: 506; Mann 1957: 229. In [Orel 1998: 445], identified as a borrowing from Latin summus 'uppermost, highest' (more likely, the adverbial form summē); the etymology is not in general dispute.
Mançe et al. 2005: 364; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 220; Mann 1948: 287; Mann 1957: 233. In [Orel 1998: 267], traced back to Proto-Albanian *miša, then further to Indo-European *memso-. The etymology is completely uncontroversial.
Mançe et al. 2005: 329; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 143; Mann 1948: 154; Mann 1957: 243. The Gegh form is hanǝ {hanë}. In [Orel 1998: 146], traced back to Proto-Albanian *ksandā, a nominal derivative from Indo-European *(s)kand- 'to shine with a white light (of flame, etc.)' along the same semantic lines as Old Indian candra- 'shining, glittering; moon'. The old Indo-European root *mēns- has been preserved in Albanian muay 'month' [Orel 1998: 276].
Номер:55
Слово:mountain
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:mal {mal}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 156; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 204; Mann 1948: 260; Mann 1957: 245. In [Orel 1998: 243], traced back to Proto-Albanian *mala and then compared with such forms as Proto-Baltic *mala 'land; bank, shore'. However, these parallels, as well as a few other scattered comparanda in J. Pokorny's etymological dictionary, have suspicious distribution and poorly matching semantics. For lack of direct evidence, we do not mark this as a borrowing, but it is quite likely that the word reflects some pre-Indo-European substrate (cf., for that matter, the reconstruction *muɦalV 'mountain' in S. Starostin/S. Nikolayev's North Caucasian Etymological Dictionary > Archi mul, Ginukh malu, possibly Proto-Nakh *lām with metathesis).
Номер:56
Слово:mouth
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:gɔy-ǝ {gojë}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 807; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 124; Mann 1948: 129; Mann 1957: 245. Orel [1998: 120] claims that the dialectal variant {golë} allegedly allows the word to be identified as a borrowing from Italian gola 'throat'. This is, however, quite dubious. First, the Italian word really means 'throat', 'gullet', etc., but never 'mouth'; this would suggest, at best, very early borrowing as a jargonism and then a rare semantic shift to 'mouth' already on Albanian grounds. Second, according to Orel's own correspondences, intervocalic *-l- only yields -y- in Albanian as part of the resonant cluster *-ly-; for an Italian borrowing *gola to shift to gɔyǝ in most dialects would be quite unexpected. The Italian etymology should therefore not be regarded as an "immediately clear" (acc. to Orel) case of borrowing.
Mançe et al. 2005: 273; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 101; Mann 1948: 94; Mann 1957: 248. The Gegh form is emǝn {emën}. In [Orel 1998: 87], traced back to Proto-Albanian *enmen- ~ *inmen-, then, quite uncontroversially, to Proto-Indo-European *(o)noHmn̥.
Номер:58
Слово:neck
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:ɕaf-ǝ {qafë}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 1025; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 292; Mann 1948: 411; Mann 1957: 250. Polysemy: 'neck / mountain pass'. In [Orel 1998: 353], said to be "borrowed from Turk kafa 'occiput, head'". This is possible, but questionable: the Turkish word (itself a borrowing from Arabic qafʔa 'occiput') has extensive polysemy, but not one of its meanings equals 'neck', whereas the Albanian word, on the other hand, seems to have never meant anything else (the meaning 'mountain pass' is clearly a secondary metaphor). Furthermore, the substitution Alb ɕ- < Turk k- is mentioned as "possible" in Orel's etymology, but would still be unusual. Most of the other etymologies mentioned by Orel are, however, even less convincing.
Mançe et al. 2005: 438; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 305; Mann 1948: 427; Mann 1957: 251. Polysemy: 'new / young'. Traced by Orel [1998: 371] back to Proto-Albanian *riya and explained as a zero-grade derivative of Indo-European *er- ~ *or- 'to rise, to make to move', thus, 'arisen (newly)'. This is somewhat unusual, but at least more plausible than attempts by some specialists, listed ibid., to explain the word as reflecting Indo-European *neu̯o- 'new'.
Mançe et al. 2005: 440; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 227; Mann 1948: 304; Mann 1957: 252. In [Orel 1998: 282], traced back to Proto-Albanian *nakti- and further to Proto-Indo-European *nokʷt- 'night'. An uncontroversial etymology.
Номер:61
Слово:nose
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:hund-ǝ {hundë}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 439; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 146; Mann 1948: 163; Mann 1957: 254. In [Orel 1998: 152], traced back to Proto-Albanian *skun-tā, a derivative from *skuna that, by itself, yields Albanian hu (Geg hũ) 'picket, stake, pole, penis' [Orel 1998: 150]. This is currently the most widely accepted etymology; however, a further derivation of *skuna from *skuya by means of a nasal suffix makes the supposed Indo-European connections (with Slavic *xvoya 'fir-needles', etc.) even more dubious.
Mançe et al. 2005: 406; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 239; Mann 1948: 327; Mann 1957: 254. This is the main negative particle before verbal forms; as a wordlist entry, it should be strictly distinguished from the ineligible yɔ {jo} 'no' (used in predicative function, and also to negate adjectival and adverbial forms) and the prohibitive mɔs {mos}. Orel [1998: 302] analyzes nuk as going back to Proto-Albanian *nuka and further on to Indo-European *ne-kʷo- (= Old Indian naca, Latin neque etc.). Another plausible etymology, listed in the same source and attributed to Bopp, analyzes the second morpheme in this stem as identical with Greek οὐκ 'not'.
Номер:62
Слово:not
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:s {sʼ}2
Mançe et al. 2005: 406; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 311; Mann 1948: 444; Mann 1957: 254. The difference between this particle and nuk is unclear from most existing descriptions; they are usually denoted as freely interchangeable, but perusal of various textual material shows that statistically, nuk is far superior to sʼ. It is also the only form of the two that has a reliable external etymology; Orel [1998: 392] writes that sʼ is "identical with čʼ, čǝ {çʼ, çë}", i. e. equates it with the interrogative pronoun 'what?' without sufficient justification. We list both particles as synonymous, but this will have no bearing on further lexicostatistical comparison with other branches of Indo-European.
Mançe et al. 2005: 476; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 241; Mann 1948: 330; Mann 1957: 260. The Geg variant is ɲi {nji}. Derived by Orel [1998: 304] from Proto-Albanian *ainya- < Indo-European *oi-no- 'one'. The etymology is not universally accepted, but seems phonetically plausible (and semantically better than Meyer's alternate comparison with Old Indian anyá- 'other').
Mançe et al. 2005: 1012; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 241; Mann 1948: 330; Mann 1957: 277. Singular form ɲeɾ {njer} also attested in some Geg dialects. In [Orel 1998: 305], traced back to Proto-Albanian *nera, and further to Proto-Indo-European *(a)ner- 'man'; this seems to be a more or less universally accepted and completely plausible etymology.
Mançe et al. 2005: 200; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 327; Mann 1948: 476; Mann 1957: 304. Derived by Orel [1998: 413] from Proto-Albanian *sūya (with a minor consonantal irregularity in the initial position, explained as the result of assimilative influence on the part of *-y-) and then traced back to Proto-Indo-European *sū- 'rain'. The etymology is almost universally accepted.
Номер:66
Слово:red
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:kuɕ {kuq}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 306; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 186; Mann 1948: 228; Mann 1957: 310. Apparently a Romance borrowing, cf. Lat. coccineus 'scarlet' (in [Orel 1998: 205], traced back to a hypothetical Romance *cocceus); ultimately, however, of Greek origin (from κόκκος 'pokeberry', cf. Modern Greek κόκκινο 'red'; further etymology of κόκκος itself is unknown).
Номер:67
Слово:road
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:rugǝ {rrugë}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 204; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 311; Mann 1948: 442; Mann 1957: 320. An undisputed borrowing from Latin/early Romance rūga 'wrinkle; fold' (the semantic development {'fold' > 'road'} is common for this word in Romance languages, cf. French rue, etc.) [Orel 1998: 390]. The partial synonym uðǝ {udhë} ([Mançe et al. 2005: 204]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 354]) is generally used in the abstract meaning 'way' rather than to denote an actual physical object.
Mançe et al. 2005: 301; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 309; Mann 1948: 432; Mann 1957: 321. The Geg variant is raɲ-ǝ {rranjë}. Orel [1998: 384] reconstructs Proto-Albanian *wrad-nyā and traces the root back to Proto-Indo-European *wǝrād-. No better etymology has been offered so far (alternate attempts to explain the word as a borrowing from Latin rādīx are less convincing, since this does not explain the nasal consonant; on the other hand, the same nasal suffix as an archaic extension may be seen in etymologically cognate Celtic forms, cf. Old Irish frén 'root' < *wr̥d-no-).
Номер:69
Слово:round
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:rumbuɫ-ak {rrumbullak}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 310; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 311; Mann 1948: 443; Mann 1957: 322. Original stem rrumbull is borrowed from Romance *rombulus < Latin rhombus, ultimately of Greek origin [Orel 1998: 391].
Номер:70
Слово:sand
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:ɾǝɾ-ǝ {rërë}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 579; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 305; Mann 1948: 423; Mann 1957: 327. The Geg equivalent is ran-ǝ {ranë}, confirming borrowing from Latin arēna 'sand' [Orel 1998: 370].
Mançe et al. 2005: 833; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 352; Mann 1948: 533; Mann 1957: 328. Root structure is CV with vowel alternations (cf. the aorist stem θa-šǝ {thashë}, etc.). Etymology is highly dubious; Orel [1998: 480], following Pokorny and others, suggests cognation with Latin cēns-eō < Proto-Indo-European *kʸens- 'to proclaim, announce', and this seems to be the most common hypothesis, but the shortness of the root and possibility of multiple origins for Albanian *ɵ make the etymology very insecure.
Mançe et al. 2005: 74; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 331; Mann 1948: 488; Mann 1957: 334. The Geg variant is šof {shof}. In [Orel 1998: 425], traced back to Proto-Albanian *sāk-ska and further to Indo-European *sekʷ- 'to follow / to see'. The etymology is plausible, although Orel lists several alternatives.
Mançe et al. 2005: 828; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 106; Mann 1948: 102; Mann 1957: 334. In [Orel 1998: 93], traced back to Proto-Albanian *sparā and further to Indo-European *spor-ā 'seed'. This allows to see it as a formation from the same root as farɔy ~ farɔs 'to destroy, exterminate' < Indo-European *sper- 'to scatter / to destroy'.
Mançe et al. 2005: 831; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 310; Mann 1948: 439; Mann 1957: 346. The first source gives the default equivalent for 'sit' as ri ulur {rri ulur}, where ulur is an adjectival derivative from the verb ul- ~ uɲ- 'to sit down' (originally 'to lower'). However, this seems to be marked usage; in most standard contexts, simply the verb ri is used. This makes the word formally undistinguishable from 'to stand' q.v. The etymology is ambiguous; Orel [1998: 386] prefers to trace the word back to Proto-Albanian *ri-na and, from there, to Indo-European *er- ~ *or- 'to move' with a nasal suffix (as in Old Indian r̥-ṇó-ti, etc.), but there are other possibilities as well.
Orel 1998: 283. Suppletive aorist stem; the full paradigm of this word has the meaning 'to stretch out, to spread' and, according to Orel, goes back to *en=tenya, further to PIE *ten- 'to stretch'.
Mançe et al. 2005: 294; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 194; Mann 1948: 243; Mann 1957: 347. Polysemy: 'skin / hide'. Historically derived from lakur 'naked', which Orel tentatively derives from Indo-European *leu̯k- 'to shine; white' [Orel 1998: 211], although this is somewhat dubious.
Номер:76
Слово:sleep
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:flɛ {fle}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 866; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 112; Mann 1948: 111; Mann 1957: 348. The Geg variant is nasalized: flẽ {flê}. According to Orel's analysis [Orel 1998: 99], f= is historically a prefix here, and the stem goes back to Proto-Albanian *awa=leya-, but further comparisons with a non-existent Proto-Slavic root *lěyati 'to doze, to slumber' are highly dubious. Given the uncertainty of the etymology, it is perhaps preliminary to insist upon treating initial f- here as a detachable morphological element.
Номер:77
Слово:small
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:vɔgǝl {vogël}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 333; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 368; Mann 1948: 562; Mann 1957: 350. Plural form: vɛʓǝl {vegjël}. Orel [1998: 513] traces this back to Proto-Albanian *wāgla, but his subsequent attempt to relate the word to Latin vagor 'to roam around' and Old Irish fán 'slope' < Indo-European *u̯āg- 'crooked' is completely unconvincing on semantic grounds (the semantic development 'crooked, vacillating' > 'small' seems to be unprecedented). The word remains etymologically obscure.
Номер:78
Слово:smoke
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:tüm {tym}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 209; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 351; Mann 1948: 531; Mann 1957: 351. Polysemy: 'smoke / vapour / fog / mist'. Although the word is phonetically similar to Proto-Indo-European *dʰū-mo- 'smoke', it cannot be an inherited reflex of this stem due to serious disagreements in correspondences (Albanian t- is never traced back to Indo-European *dʰ-). Orel [1998: 470] discards the idea of borrowing from Greek θυμός under the pretext that the latter means 'soul, spirit' rather than 'smoke' in Greek, and, instead, suggests regular development from Proto-Albanian *ātuma = Germanic *ēđuma-z 'breath', related to Old Indian ātmán- 'breath, soul'. However, the distribution of this Germanic-Indian isogloss is too feeble, whereas the phonetic resemblance and semantic connection of Albanian tüm are too strong to openly admit coincidence. We prefer to side with Orel's earlier etymological judgement (mentioned ibid.) about Albanian tüm stemming "from a substratum continuation of IE *dhūmos" - possibly a re-borrowing from a Greek dialect in which θυμός did, after all, mean 'smoke' (cf. the presence of several derived verbal stems, e. g. θυμ-ιά-ω, with the meaning 'to smoke', 'to produce smoke', 'to incense'; the Albanian borrowing could also originally refer to 'sacrificial smoke', 'incense', for that matter).
Mançe et al. 2005: 881; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 310; Mann 1948: 439; Mann 1957: 363. This is the same verb as 'to sit' q.v., i. e. the basic meaning is a neutral 'to be located / present'. In order to specifically denote the meaning 'stand', Albanian uses a variety of contextual modifications, such as ri nǝ kǝmbǝ {rri në këmbë} 'to be (placed) on one's feet' [ibid.]. Considering, however, that such usage is highly marked, and not found in the most colloquial situations, it makes better lexicostatistical sense to assume neutralization of the meanings 'stand' and 'sit' in one term (along the same lines as neutralization of the meanings 'hand' and 'arm' in basic usage in many languages that express the semantic difference between the two in a complex descriptive manner). For notes on etymology, see under 'sit'.
Orel 1998: 283. Suppletive aorist stem. See notes on 'stand'.
Номер:80
Слово:star
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:üɫ {yll}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 257; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 371; Mann 1948: 571; Mann 1957: 364. Plural form: üy-ɛ {yje}. Dialectal variant hüɫ {hyll} is also attested. No obvious etymology; Orel's derivation from Proto-Albanian *skiw-ila, itself derived from *skiy-ā (> modern hiyɛ {hije}) 'shadow' is a bit stretched phonetically and quite dubious semantically (although the underlying Indo-European root *skʸāi- does display the meaning 'to shine' in its Germanic and Slavic reflexes). Unsurprisingly, most of the specialists quoted ibid. have their own etymological guesses, none of them any more convincing than Orel's.
Mançe et al. 2005: 285; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 128; Mann 1948: 138; Mann 1957: 368. From Proto-Albanian *gura [Orel 1998: 127]; Almost universally acknowledged as a cognate of Indo-European *gʷer- 'mountain'; if true, this must imply the semantic shift {'mountain' > 'stone'}, since the semantics of 'stone' is not reconstructible for the original *gʷer-.
Номер:82
Слово:sun
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:diɛɫ {diell}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 858; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 85; Mann 1948: 74; Mann 1957: 375. Plural form: diɛy {diej}. No certain etymology; Orel [1998: 65] traces the word back to Proto-Albanian *delwa and further on to Proto-Indo-European *gʰel(u̯)- 'yellow', but Çabej's etymology that links the word with Armenian deɫin 'yellow' is perhaps better. In any case, this is either an areal or a semantically non-trivial replacement.
Номер:83
Слово:swim
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:nɔt-ɔy {notoy}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 584; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 239; Mann 1948: 326; Mann 1957: 379. Transparent borrowing from Romance (*notāre, replacing classical Latin natāre, according to [Orel 1998: 301]).
Номер:84
Слово:tail
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:bišt {bisht}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 997; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 49; Mann 1948: 30; Mann 1957: 381. Traced by Orel [1998: 27] back to Proto-Albanian *būšta; subsequent etymologization from Indo-European *bʰū- 'to grow' (more exact meaning is 'to be, exist') is, however, from the realm of fantasy. Alternate etymologies on Indo-European grounds listed by Orel are equally unsatisfactory. However, the word finds an amazingly close parallel in Basque bustan 'tail', implying that this may be a very old borrowing from a pre-Indo-European substratum in the Balkans (not necessarily a direct ancestor of Basque, but possibly a close "relative").
Mançe et al. 2005: 919; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 38; Mann 1948: 16; Mann 1957: 387. Polysemy: 'that / he' (cf. also the feminine form ay-ɔ {ajo} 'she'). Orel analyzes the form as reflecting Proto-Albanian *a=ei, where *a= is a proclytic particle and *=ei < Indo-European deictic stem *ei-.
Номер:86
Слово:this
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:kü {ky}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 1040; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 189; Mann 1948: 232; Mann 1957: 389. Feminine form: kyɔ {kjo}. In [Orel 1998: 208], analyzed as a reflexation of Proto-Albanian *ka-ei, where *ka- is "a pronominal element" and *-ei is the same root morpheme as in 'that' q.v. This analysis is not self-evident.
Mançe et al. 2005: 932; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 343; Mann 1948: 517; Mann 1957: 433. From Proto-Albanian and Proto-Indo-European *tū [Orel 1998: 455].
Номер:88
Слово:tongue
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:ʓuh-ǝ {gjuhë}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 1045; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 135; Mann 1948: 149; Mann 1957: 394. Reconstructed by Orel [1998: 138] as Proto-Albanian *glusā, based on dialectal forms (Cham gluhë, etc.). However, his subsequent attempt to relate this root to the Balto-Slavo-Germanic isogloss *gals- 'voice; call' is shaky on semantic and distributional grounds. At the same time, the phonetic similarity between *glusā and Greek γλω̃σσα 'tongue' can hardly be overlooked. Suggestions here usually focus on the idea of borrowing from Greek (Pisani, Tagliavini), although the Greek word does not have a proper Indo-European etymology itself. Since Greek γλω̃σσα (Attic γλω̃ττα) goes back to *glōk(ʰ)ya or *glōt(ʰ)ya, one can exclude common borrowing from a pre-Indo-European substrate. Still another hypothesis, one that relates the form to the phonetically non-trivial Indo-European equivalent for 'tongue' (*d(l)ngʰu̯ā), faces almost insurmountable phonetic problems even considering this root's tricky phonetic development in all daughter branches. For the moment, we refrain from treating the word as a borrowing, but the only reliable comparison for it is the Greek word.
Mançe et al. 2005: 262; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 96; Mann 1948: 89; Mann 1957: 394. The Geg variant is ðamb {dhamb}. Traced by Orel [1998: 82] back to Proto-Albanian *dzamba and further on to Indo-European *gʸombʰ- 'sharp edge, peg > tooth'. A near-universally accepted etymology.
Mançe et al. 2005: 190; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 93; Mann 1948: 84; Mann 1957: 399. The Geg variant is drũ {drû}. In [Orel 1998: 76], traced back to Proto-Albanian *druwa and further on to Indo-European *derw- ~ *drew- 'tree'. This archaic word seems to be gradually replaced in the meaning '(growing) tree' by the secondary synonym pɛmǝ {pemë} ([Mançe et al. 2005: 190]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 260]), originally a borrowing from Latin pōmus 'fruit-tree' [Orel 1998: 314]. Most dictionaries either give pɛmǝ and dru as synonyms or even list pɛmǝ as the main entry for 'tree', leaving dru only with the meaning of 'wood' (material). Nevertheless, context analysis shows that pɛmǝ is still primarily used as a generic term for 'fruit tree' rather than 'tree' as opposed to non-tree-like forms of growth; in a phrase like "the juniper is a tree" only dru may be used, not pɛmǝ. It is, therefore, premature to omit dru from the Albanian Swadesh list.
Mançe et al. 2005: 175; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 94; Mann 1948: 87; Mann 1957: 404. From Proto-Albanian *duwō [Orel 1998: 79], further to Proto-Indo-European *du̯ō(u).
Номер:92
Слово:walk (go)
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:šk-ɔy {shkoj}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 265; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 329; Mann 1948: 482; Mann 1957: 158. According to Orel [1998: 421], this is "a late apocopation of shtekoj attested in Northern dialects and based on shtek < shteg" (the latter word means 'path, way'). Provided the form {shtekoj} really exists and the development is not opposite (i. e. škɔy > štɛkɔy by semantic contamination with štɛg), this is a more reasonable etymology than most of the others listed in [Orel 1998: 421].
Mançe et al. 2005: 159; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 240; Mann 1948: 328; Mann 1957: 180. Participial formation from n=ʒɛh {nxeh} 'to heat, warm (smth.)'. The verb is traced back to Proto-Albanian *en-dzerska in [Orel 1998: 303], further related to zyar 'fire' q.v. This is the main Albanian equivalent for 'hot', distinct from n=grɔh-tǝ {ngrohtë} 'warm' [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 236] (< n=grɔh 'to warm' < Proto-Albanian *en-grāya [Orel 1998: 296]; however, if Orel's etymology, placing this together with Slavic *grěyõ, is correct, the two words still eventually go back to the same Indo-European root *gʷʰer-, only with different suffixes).
Mançe et al. 2005: 83; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 355; Mann 1948: 538; Mann 1957: 420. In [Orel 1998: 483], traced back to Proto-Albanian *udr-jā and further to Indo-European *u̯ed- 'water'. Although specialists generally differ as to the exact reconstruction of the suffixal extension, the root link to *u̯ed- is almost universally accepted and phonetically quite plausible.
Mançe et al. 2005: 362; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 232; Mann 1948: 313; Mann 1957: 422. According to Orel [1998: 289], from Proto-Albanian *nō(s), continuing Common Indo-European *ne- ~ *nō-. The etymology is completely uncontroversial.
Mançe et al. 2005: 1018; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 60; Mann 1948: 53; Mann 1957: 424. Traced by Orel [1998: 52] back to Proto-Albanian *tši and further on to Indo-European *kʷid. The variant č is reduced from čǝ; another frequent variant is the complex stem č-farǝ {çfarë}, literally "what sort / kind of?", the second stem in which = farǝ 'seed' q.v.
Mançe et al. 2005: 33; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 42; Mann 1948: 20; Mann 1957: 425. According to Orel [1998: 17], from Proto-Albanian *bardza and further on to *bʰorǝgʸo-, a derivative of Proto-Indo-European *bʰerǝgʸ- 'to shine; white'. This is a plausible and near-universally accepted etymology.
Mançe et al. 2005: 311; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 188; Mann 1948: 231; Mann 1957: 426. According to Orel [1998: 207], from Proto-Albanian *kuša, further on to Proto-Indo-European *kʷo- + *-so- (a compound of the old interrogative and demonstrative stems). Regardless of how correct this particular analysis may be, the fact that Albanian continues the old interrogative stem is obvious.
Mançe et al. 2005: 217; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 127; Mann 1948: 135; Mann 1957: 429. The Geg variant is grue. Traced by Orel [1998: 125] back to Proto-Albanian *grāwā, further on to Proto-Indo-European *gʸerǝ- 'old' (for semantics cf. Greek γραυ̃ς 'old woman'). An older, more traditional etymology relates the word to Indo-European *gʷen- 'woman', but Orel remarks that, if the original stem were really *gʷn-ōn-, the nasal should have been preserved in Geg. This is a serious argument that should probably tilt the decision towards Orel's etymologization, semantic non-triviality notwithstanding. Secondary synonym: fɛmǝɾ {femër} (Geg femǝn {femën}) ([Mançe et al. 2005: 217; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 108]). A borrowing from Latin fēmina [Orel 1998: 95], the word is somewhat more formal and is more often rendered in English as 'female' rather than 'woman'.
Номер:100
Слово:yellow
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:vɛɾð-ǝ {verdhë}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 218; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 362; Mann 1948: 550; Mann 1957: 432. Borrowed from Latin viridis 'green' [Orel 1998: 499]. Mann [1948: 550] notes 'green' as an earlier, obsolete, meaning for this word.
Номер:101
Слово:far
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:laɾg {larg}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 173; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 190; Mann 1948: 237; Mann 1957: 132. Adverbial form. Supposedly borrowed from Latin largus 'wide, large' [Orel 1998: 214], although the additional semantic development, in that case, must have already taken place on Albanian soil.
Номер:102
Слово:heavy
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:rǝndǝ {rëndë}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 934; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 305; Mann 1948: 427; Mann 1957: 172. Polysemy: 'heavy / hard'. The Geg variant is ɾandǝ {randë}. Traced by Orel [1998: 370] back to Proto-Albanian *raunta, an alleged derivative from the same verbal root that is found in the suppletive aorist stem rašǝ of the verb bie 'to fall', ultimately to Indo-European *reu̯- 'to tear'. Both of these etymologizations are phonetically plausible, but highly dubious on semantic grounds. However, alternate etymologies listed ibid. (trying to explain the word as a borrowing from Latin grandis, or as a regular development from Indo-European *gʷr-ndʰo-, etc.) seem to have been proposed on an even more ad hoc basis. Unclear.
Номер:103
Слово:near
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:afǝɾ {afër}1
Mançe et al. 2005: 42; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 21; Mann 1948: 2; Mann 1957: 250. According to Orel [1998: 1], from Proto-Albanian *apsera, a contamination of *aps 'backwards' and *apero- 'after, posterior'; this complex development is suggested in order to explain the irregular shift of *-p- to -f- (since old *-p- is normally preserved in Albanian, whereas old *-sp- and *-ps- yield -f-). In any case, some sort of connection to Old Indian apara- 'posterior, later', etc. is quite likely, but the nature of the connection remains unclear (direct inheritance with irregularity? contamination? borrowing from Germanic *afar-?).
Mançe et al. 2005: 858; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 180; Mann 1948: 218; Mann 1957: 326; Orel 1998: 197. The Geg variant is krüp-ǝ {krypë}. Traced by Orel back to Proto-Albanian *krūpā, further to Proto-Indo-European *kreu̯ǝp- 'rough, grainy'. Alternately, possibly borrowed from Bulgarian krupa 'lump of salt'.
Номер:105
Слово:short
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:škurt-ǝr {shkurtër}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 302; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 330; Mann 1948: 486; Mann 1957: 341. Borrowed from a Germanic source, cf. Proto-Germanic *skurtaz 'short' [Orel 1998: 425].
Mançe et al. 2005: 260; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 130; Mann 1948: 142; Mann 1957: 351. The Geg variant is ʓaɾp-ǝn {gjarpën}, preserving the old nasal consonant. Orel [1998: 130] traces the word back to Proto-Albanian *serpena, further to Indo-European *serp- 'to crawl', as in Latin serpēns 'snake, serpent' (= 'crawler'). Since this cannot be a direct borrowing from Latin (Latin s- always yields š- in borrowings), it is reasonable to think of a parallel areal semantic development. It is interesting, however, that the original verbal stem was not preserved in Albanian.
Mançe et al. 2005: 916; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 144; Mann 1948: 161; Mann 1957: 389. Polysemy: 'thin / sharp'. In [Orel 1998: 150], traced back to Proto-Albanian *skāla, further on to Proto-Indo-European *skel- 'to cut'. This is plausible, although alternate etymologies are possible.
Номер:108
Слово:wind
\1:Albanian\2:Албанский:ɛɾ-ǝ {erë}-1
Mançe et al. 2005: 67; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 102; Mann 1948: 96; Mann 1957: 427. Borrowed from Romance *er(a), from Latin āēr 'air' [Orel 1998: 89].
Mançe et al. 2005: 1013; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 180; Mann 1948: 218; Mann 1957: 430. The Geg variant is krüm ~ krümb {krym(b)}. From Proto-Albanian *krim-, further on to Indo-European *kʷr̥mi- [Orel 1998: 197]. An uncontroversial etymology.
Mançe et al. 2005: 152; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 366; Mann 1948: 558; Mann 1957: 432. Traced by Orel [1998: 509] back to Proto-Albanian *weta, further on to Proto-Indo-European *wet- 'year'. Secondary synonym: mɔt {mot} ([Koçi & Skendi 1950: 223]; [Mann 1948: 294]) - this word is sometimes translated as 'year' in dictionaries, although a more accurate set of meanings is 'season; time of the year; weather' (the word ultimately goes back to *māti < Indo-European *mē- 'to measure' [Orel 1998: 274]).
