Kiggen 1948: 75. Quoted as kɛn=dial in [Bender 1971: 271], where kɛn = 'they' (so the form is actually 'they all').

Nebel 1979: 29. Meaning glossed as 'all, every'. The Rueng variant is reduplicated: eban-eban 'all' [ibid.] or ebɐn-ebɐːn [Nebel 1979: 104]. Distinct from the bound morpheme =d̪ie, used in conjunction with pronominal stems: o=d̪ie 'we all', we=d̪ie 'you all', ke=d̪ie 'they all' etc. [Nebel 1979: 104]. In [Roettger 1989: 30], the forms ebɛn and kɛ=d̪ie ~ kɛ=d̪iɛ ~ kɛ=d̪ia are sometimes listed as alternate synonyms and sometimes are found in complementary distribution across dialects; however, it is not clear how accurate these records really are.

Roettger 1989: 30.

Miller 2006: 105. Derived from the noun waːk 'things', cf. also waːk-ɔ 'bodies' [ibid.]. According to the source, the variant waːk-id̪a is applied to 1st and 2nd persons ('we all', 'you all'); the variant waːk-ɛnd̪a is applicable to 3rd person ('they all'). Quoted as wɔk-ǝnda in [Bender 1971: 269].

Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Not attested.

Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 14. Quoted as ben ~ bene 'all, every, entire, whole, complete, total' in [Kohnen 1994: 17].

Reh 1999: 27. The morpheme gī= is pronominal ('they').

Andersen 1988b: 301. Quoted as bëːt in [Simeoni 1978: 95].

Kiggen 1948: 221, 223. Plural: ŋɛd̪. Quoted as sg. ŋɛːʰt̪, pl. ŋɛt̪ 'ash (wood)' in [Frank 1999: 84]. Distinct from the more specialized term pou, pl. puːk 'burnt cowdung ashes' [Kiggen 1948: 259]. It is this latter term that is listed as pʰokʰ 'ashes' in [Bender 1971: 271] and sg. puɔʰk, pl. puːk 'ash (dung)' in [Frank 1999: 84].

Nebel 1979: 63. Meaning glossed as 'wood-ashes'. Quoted as ŋêːʰt̪ 'ash' in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Distinct from arop 'dung-ashes' [Nebel 1979: 12]. Cf. also NE, SEb ɕol, pl. ɕoːl 'ash, charcoal' in [Duerksen 2005: 36]; this word is clearly derived from 'black' q.v. and corresponds to the compound form ɕol maɕ 'charcoal, soot' (lit. 'black of fire') in [Nebel 1979: 20], so the submeaning 'ash', listed in Duerksen's dictionary, seems suspicious. On the other hand, clearly the same word is also listed as ɕoóːʰl 'ash from grass' in [Andersen 1987: 12]. In [Roettger 1989: 84], the word is listed as ŋɛt̪ (very rarely ŋet̪) for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka.

Roettger 1989: 36.

Miller 2006: 99. Plural form; the singulative is t̪oːl-d̪in. Quoted as tǝːllǝ in [Bender 1971: 269]. Distinct from ɕuːllo 'black ashes from burnt grass, soot' [Miller 2006: 27].

Andersen 2004: 135. Quoted as tat-aŋ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Not attested.

Andersen 1999c: 32. Quoted as t̪aːd̪-iŋ in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. táːd-ìn, pl. tód-ùɲ in [Storch 2005: 112].

Heasty 1937: 16. Quoted as burr in [Kohnen 1994: 23].

Reh 1999: 12. Plural: bū-yí. Distinct from lìek 'ash of burnt land' [Reh 1999: 42].

Andersen 1989: 5. Quoted as bur ~ buːr in [Simeoni 1978: 96]. Distinct from lìek 'ash from grass' [Andersen 1988a: 76].

Kiggen 1948: 150. Polysemy: 'bark / pod / shell of egg, etc.'. Singular and plural forms are the same. Quoted as sg. kuʰm, pl. kʋːʰm in [Frank 1999: 84]; as kʰʋm in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 68, 108. Plural: pat. Quoted as sg. paâːʰt, pl. páʰt 'bark, shell' in [Andersen 2002: 20]. Phonetic variants of this root in [Roettger 1989: 32] include paʰt ~ paːʰt ~ pat.

Roettger 1989: 32.

Miller 2006: 49. Literally = 'the trees' wrapping', cf. poːʈ-i 'to wrap' [Miller 2006: 92]. Cf., however, also pottin 'bark (of tree)' in [Miller 2006: 92]; it is not clear if this is an incorrectly spelled variant of the same root or a completely different entry (it is also not confirmed in any of the text examples). In [Bender 1971: 269], the word for 'bark' is listed as ʓe-na, i.e. simply 'tree' q.v.; this is probably the result of incorrect glossing.

Andersen 2004: 135. Plural: pʌ́t-ʌ̀ŋgʌ́. Quoted as pǝt-ǝkai in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 66. Plural: kʋ́ːbáɲ-áːk.

Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. Cf. sg. pıɗ-at̪, pl. pıʈ 'shell' in [Andersen 2000a: 34] (a different root).

Heasty 1937: 80. Polysemy: 'bark / skin / shell / a kind of grass'. Quoted as sg. pǝ̄d-ɔ́, pl. pǝ̄d in [Gilley 2000: 15]; as sg. pad̪-o, pl. pat̪ 'bark, shell, peel, husk' in [Kohnen 1994: 155].

Reh 1999: 7. Plural: ā=pɔ́g-ɛ́. Initial ā= is a fossilized nominal prefix.

Andersen 1988b: 266.

Kiggen 1948: 126. Plural: ʓiːɕ. Quoted as sg. ʓiɕ, pl. ʓiʰːɕ in [Frank 1999: 84]; as ʓıc̪ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 95. Locative: yiɕ. Plural: yɛɕ. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach / uterus / rumen'. Phonetic variants for this word in [Roettger 1989: 34] include yaɕ ~ yaʰɕ ~ yɛɕ ~ yeɕ (the latter only in the Aliab subdialect of Agar). Cf. also ʓuɲ 'lower belly' [Nebel 1979: 37].

Roettger 1989: 34. Quoted as sg. ʓíɕ, pl. ʓît̪ in [Reid 2010: 29].

Miller 2006: 57. Quoted as kʌ́n-ʌ́ 'stomach' in [Andersen 1999a: 100]; as kʋn-ǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 137. Meaning glossed as 'stomach'. Quoted as ǯiɲ-ɛ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Not attested.

Andersen 2000a: 37. Plural: bul-uk. Meaning glossed as 'stomach', but quoted as buli 'belly' in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 107. Plural: yɛt̪ ~ yɛt̪-i. The meaning 'belly' is found only in the English-Shilluk index; the Shilluk-English part of the dictionary glosses the word as 'intestines'. Quoted as yiɕ ~ yiʓ, pl. yɛt̪ 'belly, womb, interior (feeling); inside of anything; the contents of volume; extent, curve, winding; kind, species; in, into, therein, wherein, inside' in [Kohnen 1994: 219].

Reh 1999: 25. Plural: íd̪-í. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'.

Not attested.

Andersen 2004: 138. Meaning glossed as 'stomach'. Semantic difference between ʓíɲ and kʌ̀n remains unclear (perhaps one of the two words is really 'abdomen', but there are no indications of that in Andersen's papers).

Kiggen 1948: 75. Quoted as mıː=diːtʰ in [Bender 1971: 75] (with the relativizer attached).

Nebel 1979: 25. Polysemy: 'big / tall / old'. Quoted as dìʰt 'big' (modified to díːʰt in the construction kɔ̂ːʰɕ díːʰt-kùʰ 'your elders') in [Andersen 2002: 17]. Morphological variants in [Roettger 1989: 31] include dit ~ a=dit ~ kǝ=dit.

Roettger 1989: 31. Differently in [Reid 2010: 34]: ʔé=ʔâːʰy 'big' (reduplicated stem).

Miller 2006: 40.

Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Andersen 2007b: 76. Attested as part of the predicative form: ɗɔ̌ːŋ-kı́ 'it is big'. Cf. also the plural form ɗɔ̀ŋ-ɔ̀k 'big' (applied to young men, in the sense of 'strong') in [Andersen 2015: 545].

Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 29. Plural: dɔŋ. Polysemy: 'big / old / great / important'. Quoted as n. dɔŋ ~ dɔŋ-o 'greatness, largeness, height, size; old age; reputation, authority', v. dɔŋ-o 'to become great, large; to grow, to get big, old' in [Kohnen 1994: 45].

Reh 1999: 24. Plural stem: dɔ́ːŋŋ-ɔ́. Verbal stem with polysemy: 'to be big / to be old'.

Andersen 1988a: 94. Quoted as dwoŋ in [Simeoni 1978: 97]. The same source also adds dit as a synonym.

Miller 2006: 99. The dictionary entries consist of complex (reduplicated) forms: t̪ol-t̪olo 'big' ~ t̪olla-t̪ollo 'great, very'; however, textual examples frequently show the adjective in the non-reduplicated form, cf. bwam ɛkɛ t̪ol t̪olo "his throwing stick is big", but ɛkɛ ɕoːɕɕin t̪ɛrin ɲin i ona t̪olan "he sat down opposite the big building". In [Bender 1971: 269], quoted as tǝl-ʓin 'big'. Textual examples in [Miller 2006] do not allow to determine whether ɖwaŋ- or tol- is the most suitable equivalent - they are encountered with approximately the same statistical frequency and in interchangeable contexts. We include both forms as technical synonyms.

Kiggen 1948: 78. Plural: diːd. Quoted as sg. dit, pl. diːt in [Frank 1999: 84]; as ditʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 25. Plural: diɛt. Quoted as absolutive dít, oblique dìt in [Andersen 2002: 9]; as dit ~ dıt in [Roettger 1989: 31] (same root in all subdialects of Dinka).

Roettger 1989: 31. Quoted as plural dîiːt 'birds' in [Reid 2010: 129].

Miller 2006: 36. Plural: ɖiːr-go. Quoted as sg. ɖíː-n-ʌ́, pl. ɖíːr-gʌ́ in [Andersen 1999a: 100; Andersen 1992: 185]; as sg. diː-n-u in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 137, 145. Plural: díːr-gʌ́. Quoted as diː-n in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 39. Plural: ɗı̀ːɗ-ı̀ːn.

Andersen 1999c: 74. Quoted as de-n-ɛt̪ in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 103; Kohnen 1994: 211. Plural: wiɲ.

Reh 1999: 81. Plural: wɛ̀ɲ.

Andersen 1999e: 256. Quoted as sg. wiɲ-o, pl. wiɲ in [Simeoni 1978: 97].

Kiggen 1948: 135. 3rd p. sg.: kai-ɛ. Polysemy: 'to bite / to sting'. Examples in the dictionary show that the word is applicable at least to insects and dogs. Quoted as kʰɛc̪ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 37. Polysemy: 'to bite / to snap / to catch'. Variants recorded as kɐɕ, kɛɕ in [Duerksen 2005: 85]. Quoted as à=kɛ̂ːʰɕ 'he is biting' in [Andersen 1987: 10]; as kaɕ for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 34]. The word ɕam 'to eat' q.v. is listed with the meaning 'to bite' for the Southwestern dialect in [Duerksen 2005: 33], but not in Nebel's dictionary, which is why we do not include it on the list as a synonym.

Roettger 1989: 34. Quoted as kâɕ in [Reid 2010: 53].

Miller 2006: 58, 59. Quoted as kày-ɛ́ 'they bite' in [Andersen 1999a: 101]; as kâː-t̪ân 'they will bite him' in [Andersen 1992: 192]; as ka-ɲǝ 'bite' in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 139. Verbal noun: kàɲ-ɲʌ́. Quoted as kaɲ-ǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 83; Andersen 2015: 519.

Andersen 1999c: 67. Quoted as a=kaʓ-ar in [Bender 1971: 272]. Cf., however, also the form nan-ʈır "it is being bitten" in [Andersen 1999c: 75]. It is unclear which of the two roots is a better semantic match for the Swadesh being, so we include both in the list for the time being (kaɕ is etymologically more archaic, but nan- has a direct parallel in the Kurmuk dialect of Buruun).

Heasty 1937: 40. Imperative form; the participial form is kaʓ-o. Polysemy: 'bite / sting / harvest'. Quoted as kaʓ 'to bite; to ache; to pluck off, to gather (the durrah ears); to squeeze in, to stick fast, to hold fast, to pinch' in [Kohnen 1994: 75].

Reh 1999: 34. Detransitivized stem: kʌ̀-ò. Polysemy: 'bite / sting'.

Andersen 1988a: 89. Quoted as kʌy-o in [Simeoni 1978: 97].

Kiggen 1948: 51. Same word as 'to eat'. Examples in the dictionary show that the word, just like kaɕ, is applicable to insects and dogs. Since it is currently impossible to establish the semantic difference, we treat them as synonyms.

Andersen 1999c: 75.

Kiggen 1948: 53. Polysemy: 'black / clear (of water)'. Quoted as =ɕarr in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 20. Polysemy: 'black / dark / dark blue'. Quoted as à=ɕòːʰl 'it is black' in [Andersen 1987: 13]. Quoted as ɕol ~ ɕuol ~ ɕuɔl ~ a=ɕol ~ a=ɕuol ~ ke=ɕol ~ kʋ=ɕol for the majority of Dinka dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 37]. The only alternate synonym is ma=ɕar in some subdialects of Rek and Agar = ɕar 'black, dirty', ma=ɕaʰr 'black; black male animal' [Nebel 1979: 19, 55].

Roettger 1989: 37. Quoted as ɕáːʰr in [Reid 2010: 55].

Miller 2006: 105. Cf. also ulla-ullo 'dark (very)' [ibid.]. Quoted as ʋl-ʔʋl in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 153. Attested as part of the form ʔùl-àŋ 'it is black'. Quoted as ul-ǝŋ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 41. Attested as part of the form ʔʋ́l-ʌ́kı́ 'it is black'.

Andersen 1999c: 24. Quoted as ɔl-ǝ-ʔɔl (reduplicated stem) in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 53. Polysemy: 'black / dirty, filthy'. Quoted as loʓ ~ loɕ 'black, dirty, dark; impure, indecent, obscene; dangerous' in [Kohnen 1994: 104].

Reh 1999: 16. Polysemy: 'black / dark / dirty'. Cf. ɕùll-ò 'to become black / to become dirty' [Reh 1999: 17].

Andersen 1988a: 94. Quoted as ɕol in [Simeoni 1978: 97].

Kiggen 1948: 273. Plural: rim. Quoted as sg. riɛm, pl. rim in [Frank 1999: 84]; as rriyɛm in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 77. Plural: rim (glossed as 'much blood') [ibid.]. Quoted as riɛ́ːm in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Quoted as riɛm for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 32].

Roettger 1989: 32.

Miller 2006: 115. Without the suffix, cf. yim 'dura (red)' [ibid.]. Quoted as yîm-mʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 100]; as yim-gʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 139. Plural form; the singulative is yìm-máɲ. Quoted as yim-gǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Not attested.

Andersen 1999c: 13. Plural form; the singulative is rım. Quoted as rem-at̪ in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. rém-àt̪, pl. rém in [Storch 2005: 109].

Heasty 1937: 87. Quoted as rem-o in [Kohnen 1994: 169].

Reh 1999: 70. Plural: rɛ̄m.

Andersen 1999e: 265. Quoted as rim-o in [Simeoni 1978: 97].

Kiggen 1948: 59. Plural: ɕou. Quoted as sg. ɕɔɣ, pl. ɕɔːʰɣ in [Frank 1999: 84]; as c̪ʋaː in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 99. Plural: yom. Quoted as yuɔːm in [Duerksen 2005: 195]; as sg. yuɔɔ̂ːʰm, pl. yòːm in [Andersen 1987: 16, 18]. Quoted as yuɔm for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 32] (the Ageer subdialect also has the additional variant yuom).

Roettger 1989: 32.

Miller 2006: 86. Plural: ow-wo. Quoted as sg. ʔʌ́ː-nʌ́, pl. ʔʌ̂w-wʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 100; Andersen 2006: 12]; as ʋ-nǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 145. Plural: ʔʌ́w-gʌ̀. Quoted as ou-nǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 51. Plural: ʔʌ̀ːw.

Andersen 1999c: 13. Plural: ʔʌːp [An.13]. Quoted as sg. ʔáw-it̪, pl. ʔʌ́ːb in [Storch 2005: 107]. Cf. źwǝd̪ 'bone' in [Bender 1971: 272] (perhaps a misprint for *ʌwǝd̪?).

Heasty 1937: 21; Kohnen 1994: 31. Plural: ɕu. Quoted as sg. ɕɔ̀ʰːg-ɔ́ʰ, pl. ɕūʰw in [Gilley 1992: 88].

Reh 1999: 16. Plural: ɕùː.

Andersen 1988a: 68. Quoted as sg. ɕoː, pl. ɕuː in [Simeoni 1978: 97].

Kiggen 1948: 138. Plural: kaː-t̪. Quoted as sg. kaw, pl. kæːʰ-t̪ in [Frank 1999: 84]; as kaw in [Bender 1971: 271]. Distinct from t̪in, pl. t̪iːn 'female breast' [Kiggen 1948: 313].

Nebel 1979: 69. Quoted as sg. pɛːm, pl. pem in [Duerksen 2005: 142]; as pɛɛ̂ːm in [Andersen 1987: 16]. According to Duerksen's dictionary, there is also a Southwestern variant of this word glossed as pɛːk. There are also several other words, scattered across the dictionary and glossed as 'chest': ɐgɐu 'chest (of body)' [Duerksen 2005: 9], ʓou 'chest' [Duerksen 2005: 77], teŋ 'chest (of body)' [Duerksen 2005: 161]; the word 'heart' q.v. can also be used in the same meaning. However, out of all these, only pɛm is found in the meaning 'chest' in Nebel's dictionary, so we tentatively leave it to occupy the primary slot. Distinct from t̪iːn, pl. t̪in '(female) breast, udder' [Nebel 1979: 87].

Not attested. Cf. t̪ın 'breasts (female)' in [Roettger 1989: 34].

Miller 2006: 51. Plural: ʓɔ-t-ko. Meaning glossed as 'chests (part of body)'. Distinct from sg. tyin-nɛ, pl. tyin-gɛ '(female) breast, teat' [Miller 2006: 101], quoted as sg. t̪ién-nʌ́, pl. t̪îen-gʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 101; Andersen 2006: 4].

Not attested. Cf. t̪ı́n-nʌ̀ 'female breast' [Andersen 2004: 145], quoted as tɛn-gǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2007b: 39. Meaning glossed as 'chest'.

Andersen 1999c: 72. Polysemy: 'chest / heart'. Distinct from sg. t̪in-it̪, pl. t̪ın 'female breast' [Andersen 1999d: 8].

Heasty 1937: 45. Also ko-ɕ ~ koː-r id. Plural: ko-t̪. Quoted as sg. kǝ́w, pl. kōò-d̪ in [Gilley 2000: 6]. Although glossed as 'chest, breast' in Heasty's dictionary, the word is only glossed as 'chest' by Gilley, and there is a distinct word for 'female breast': sg. t̪iʰn̪-o, pl. t̪iʰn̪ [Heasty 1937: 98].

Reh 1999: 34. Plural: kóː-t̪í. Meaning glossed as 'chest'. Distinct from t̪ùn̪-ò, pl. t̪ùn̪ 'breast' [Reh 1999: 76].

Not attested. Cf. t̪ùn̪-ò 'breast (female)' in [Andersen 1988a: 67].

Kiggen 1948: 323. 3rd p. sg.: waːŋ-ɛ. Quoted as waˤŋ in [Bender 1971: 271]. Transitive and intransitive usage.

Nebel 1979: 21, 22. Cf.: ɕuàːɲ 'am I to burn it?' vs. à=ɕuɛ̂ːɲ 'he is burning' in [Andersen 1987: 15]. The verb has both transitive and intransitive usage. Cf. also ɲop 'to burn, roast (on an open fire)' [Nebel 1979: 67] (this seems to have the semantics 'burn to a crisp, roast' rather than the required 'burn smth. down'). In [Roettger 1989: 36], the most commonly listed equivalent for 'to burn' is ɲop (with occasional phonetic variants ɲɔp and ɲuɔp), although several subdialects have dɛp as an alternative or additional synonym; this latter word is glossed as dɛp 'to burn (intr.)' in [Nebel 1979: 24].

Roettger 1989: 36. Differently in [Reid 2010: 48]: ɕwɛ̀ːʰɲ 'burn'. Roettger's entry is identical to the Nuer equivalent, while Reid's is the same as in Dinka. Reid specifies that the verb is "antipassive", but not "transitive".

Miller 2006: 99. The dictionary lists the following forms: t̪oɲ-ga (trans.) 'ignite a fire, burn something'; t̪oɲ-gan id.; t̪oɲ-ɲo (intrans.) 'ignite a fire'; t̪oːɲ (intrans.) 'ignite many fires'; t̪oːɲ-ga (trans.) 'ignite many fires'; t̪oːɲ-gan id. Quoted as t̪ʌ̀ɲ- 'light, burn' in [Andersen 1999a: 112]. Differently in [Bender 1971: 269]: illǝ 'burn'. This may be a misglossing, cf. illa 'soot' in [Miller 2006: 48].

Not properly attested. Cf. il 'burn' in [Bender 1971: 268]; however, considering that the same root in Bender's entry for 'to burn' for Mabaan seems to be wrong for the required Swadesh meaning, it is better not to trust his entry for Jumjum, either.

Andersen 2007b: 62. Attested in the phrase "I am burning the dry leaves".

Andersen 1999c: 77. Attested in the phrase "The person is burning the grass". Differently in [Bender 1971: 272]: el-de 'burn' (cf. Bender's entries for Mabaan and Jumjum).

Heasty 1937: 86; Gilley 1992: 88. Imperative form; the participial form is rab-o. Quoted as rap ~ rab 'to set on fire' in [Kohnen 1994: 167] (the alternate meanings 'to turn up, down, away' probably represent homonyms); cf. wot rab en 'the house has been burned down by him'. The older root waŋ, also listed by Heasty as a potential synonym, is glossed by Kohnen as 'to be partly burnt; to scorch, to scald oneself' [Kohnen 1994: 206], implying a slight semantic shift (examples are: "my dress was partly burnt by the fire", "I scorched my hand", "take care, you will burn yourself", etc.).

Reh 1999: 80. Detransitivized stem: wʌ́ːŋ-ó.

Andersen 1988a: 89. Cf. á=wáːŋ-ɛ̀ "he burnt it" [Andersen 1988a: 81]. Quoted as waŋ-o in [Simeoni 1978: 97].

Kiggen 1948: 275. Plural: riop. Quoted as sg. rioʰp, pl. roʰːp in [Frank 1999: 86]; as rriʋp in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 78. Meaning glossed as 'claw', but also as 'fingernail' in the English-Dinka index on p. 139. Quoted as sg. rióːʰp, pl. riòp 'nail' in [Andersen 1987: 12]. Attested phonetic variants in [Roettger 1989: 34] involve riop ~ rioʰp ~ riɛp.

Roettger 1989: 34. Meaning glossed as 'claw'.

Miller 2006: 49. Plural: kɛy-yɛ. (The complete form is in-tɛ kɛː-nɛ 'fingernail', where the first part = 'hand' q.v.). Quoted as kɛ̂ːn-nʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 104]; as key-yɛn in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 145. Cf. also kʋ́rk-ʋ̀gɛ́nɛ́n 'their nails' [Andersen 2004: 136]. Quoted as kɔrk-ʋŋgʋ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 64.

Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 49. The complete form is kwɔʰŋ lwɛd-o, pl. kwoŋ lwɛt-i, where lwɛd-o = 'finger'. Quoted as sg. kwoŋ-o, pl. kwoŋ in [Kohnen 1994: 94], with polysemy: 'nail / claw', and both kwoŋ lwed-o 'finger-nail' and kwoŋ tyel-o 'toe-nail' listed as possible combinations.

Reh 1999: 39. Plural: kwʌ̀-g-lwɛ̀ːd-í. The second component of this compound formation is lwɛ́ːd-ɔ́ 'finger' [Reh 1999: 45]. The first is independently glossed as sg. kwʌ̀nn-ò, pl. kwʌ̀-gì ~ kwʌ̀nn-è 'scale (of fish)' [Reh 1999: 39].

Andersen 1988a: 69.

Kiggen 1948: 259. Plural: puaːr-i. Meaning glossed as 'firmament, cloud'. Quoted as pʷaˤrr in [Bender 1971: 259]. Differently in [Frank 1999: 85]: tiʰk, pl. tiæʰk 'cloud, fog'. In [Kiggen 1948: 296], this word is listed as tiːk, pl. tieɣ 'rainbow', cf. also the compound tiːk puaːr 'shade of clouds, haze, mirage' [ibid.].

Nebel 1979: 71. Meaning glossed as 'white clouds'. The word apparently has a large number of phonetic variants: pial (Northeast, Southwest), piɵːl (Southeast), piɐːr (general) [Duerksen 2005: 142]. In [Andersen 1987: 16], the variant piaáːʰr is attested for the Agar Dinka dialect. In [Roettger 1989: 36], this word is attested as pioʰl in the Bor dialect and in the Malual subdialect of Rek; as poʰl in the Agar dialect; as puɔl in the Rek proper subdialect of Rek. All the subdialects of Padang-Ageer show a completely different root: luaʰt ~ luat ~ luaːʰt (also attested as luɛt in the Twic subdialect of Rek). In [Nebel 1979: 52], this word is attested as luɐt 'cloudy sky; clouds'.

Roettger 1989: 36.

Miller 2006: 93. Plural: pɔl-t̪an ~ pɔl-d̪in. Polysemy: 'sky / cloud / heaven'. Quoted as pɔl-o in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 145. Totally different in [Bender 1971: 268]: yoyo 'cloud'.

Andersen 2007b: 41. According to Andersen, borrowed from Berta.

Andersen 1999d: 83; Andersen 2000a: 33. According to the second source, the plural form kɔl means 'clouds' the singular form kol-it̪ means 'sky'. Quoted as kɔl 'cloud' in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 83. Plural: pɔl. Quoted as sg. pɔl-o, pl. pɔl in [Kohnen 1994: 162] (cf. also the morphological variant pɔːl 'firmament' in the same source).

Not attested in Reh's dictionary.

Simeoni 1978: 98. Plural: pol. Not attested in Andersen's papers.

Kiggen 1948: 147. Adjective and noun. Quoted as kʰɔɕ-kʰɔɕ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 49. Verbal/adjectival stem: 'to become cold'. Quoted as lır ~ lir ~ liɛr ~ a=lır ~ a=lir ~ ke=lir ~ kɛ=lir ~ kʋ=lir for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 37] (all forms represent phonetic and morphological variants of the same root). Cf. also wir 'cold' (noun) [Nebel 1979: 95].

Roettger 1989: 37.

Miller 2006: 70. Quoted as lʋ-lui in [Bender 1971: 269].

Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Not attested.

Probably not attested. The word is not found in any of T. Andersen's papers, and in [Bender 1971: 272] the equivalent for 'cold' is yɛ́mit̪, which (a) looks like a noun and (b) is identical with the Kurmuk word for 'wind' q.v., so this could easily be an accidental misglossing. Moreover, in [Storch 2005: 104], 'coldness' is glossed as déy-ɔ́n, implying that déy- might be the basic equivalent for 'cold'.

Heasty 193: 53. Meaning glossed as 'cool, cold'. Quoted as lib 'cool, fresh' in [Kohnen 1994: 102]. This seems to be the default equivalent for 'cold' as applied to objects such as 'water'. But cf. also koʰʓ-o 'cold, coldness' (marked as a noun) [Heasty 1937: 45], a standard term applied to cold weather (e.g. piɲ da koʓ-o 'it is cold', where piɲ = 'earth, world').

Reh 1999: 57. Verbal stem: 'to be cold'.

Andersen 1988a: 94. Quoted as ŋiɕ in [Simeoni 1978: 98]. The same source also adds the (noun?) koyo as a synonym [ibid.].

Kiggen 1948: 26, 32. Irregular paradigm: 1st p. sg. baː ~ baː-ɣa, 3rd p. sg. bɛː-ɣɛ. Quoted as bı-rr in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 14, 15. Paradigmatic information: main form bɛ-n, indicative form a=bɔ ~ a=ba, imperative sg. ba-r, pl. ba-k. Cf. forms in Agar Dinka: à=bɔ́ʰ 'he is coming' [Andersen 2002: 12], bâːʰ-r 'come!' [Andersen 1987: 2]. Morphological variants of this root in various dialects and subdialects of Dinka, as attested in [Roettger 1989: 35], include bɛ-n ~ bɛʰ-n ~ bɔʰ ~ ba-r ~ baʰ-r.

Roettger 1989: 35.

Miller 2006: 6. Quoted as bɛ-d-i in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 135. Attested in the form ʔʌ́ːt̪-ʌ́n-ʌ̀ 'I came'. Quoted as ǝt̪-ǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 37. Attested in the form ʔòd̪-ú-ud̪-ı́ 'I came'.

Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 14; Gilley 2002: 23; Kohnen 1994: 18.

Reh 1999: 62.

Simeoni 1978: 98. Not attested in Andersen's papers.

Kiggen 1948: 178. 3rd p. sg.: liu-ɛ. Quoted as liyah in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 89. Polysemy: 'to die / to break (a pot) / to finish, cease'. Attested as t̪ou in all dialects and subdialects of Dinka (only the Ruweng subdialect has the phonetic variant t̪uou) in [Roettger 1989: 35]. Cf. also riar 'to die, perish' [Nebel 1979: 77] (same root as in the noun riar 'twilight in the evening' [ibid.], with a metaphoric development?); riap 'to die (men, cattle, plants)' [Nebel 1979: 77] (a plural action stem).

Roettger 1989: 35.

Miller 2006: 100. Quoted as t̪u-n̪i- in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 137. Quoted as t̪u-n̪u in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 33.

Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 98. The English-Shilluk section of the dictionary states that t̪ɔ is "used mostly of animals" and adds two euphemistic constructions: (a) lay yino "a polite way of saying a person is dead. It is a combination of two words: laɲ meaning 'lost' and yino meaning 'some far away unknown place'"; (b) laɲ "literally means 'lost'"; lɔɲ "is perhaps from the same word and is used by the Anuaks". In [Kohnen 1994: 199], t̪ɔ is glossed as 'to die; to suffer, to be exhausted; to be most excellent in"; the expression lai yino 'to disappear, to vanish' has the submeaning 'to die' in "distinguished language" [Kohnen 1994: 97]. Based on the comparison of these sources, we suppose that t̪ɔ is still the "neutral" rather than the "markedly vulgar" term, and include it in regular comparison.

Reh 1999: 76. The root is t̪ɔ̀w-.

Simeoni 1978: 99. Not attested in Andersen's papers.

Kiggen 1948: 127. Plural: ʓioːɣ. Quoted as sg. ʓioʰk, pl. ʓioʰːk in [Frank 1999: 85]; as ʓiukʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 36. Plural: ʓɔk. The Rueng variant is sg. ʓo, pl. ʓok [Nebel 1979: 35]. Quoted as sg. ʓok, pl. ʓɔ̀ːʰk in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Phonetic and morphological variants in various Dinka subdialects, listed in [Roettger 1989: 31], include ʓo ~ ʓoʰ ~ ʓoŋ ~ ʓoʰŋ, but the root is always the same.

Roettger 1989: 31.

Miller 2006: 46. Plural: gɔːk-o. Quoted as sg. gɔ̂ːŋ-ʌ̀, pl. gɔ̂k-kʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 100; Andersen 1992: 202]; as gɔŋ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 137. Quoted as goŋ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Not attested.

Andersen 1999c: 66; Andersen 1999d: 18. Plural: guɣ-iɲ. Quoted as gɔk in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 37. Plural: gwɔʰːg. Polysemy: 'dog / spinning top'. Quoted as sg. gwɔ̂ʰk, pl. gwɔ̂ʰːk in [Gilley 1992: 82]; as sg. gwōg, pl. gwóòg in [Gilley 2000: 6]; as sg. gwok, pl. guok in [Kohnen 1994: 67].

Reh 1999: 28. Plural: gùú.

Andersen 1988a: 67. Quoted as sg. gwok, pl. guː in [Simeoni 1978: 99].

Kiggen 1948: 195. 3rd p. sg.: maːd̪-ɛ. Quoted as mat̪ in [Bender 1971: 271]. Polysemy: 'to drink / to smoke'.

Nebel 1979: 23. Quoted as dèk in [Andersen 1993: 8]; as dɛk for the majority of Dinka dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 34], with dek and deʰk as additional phonetic variants in a few of the subdialects. The old Nilotic word for 'to drink' is still found in [Duerksen 2005: 113] as mat̪ 'drink all', maːt̪ 'drink all (milk or merissa)'. However, mat̪ in [Nebel 1979: 56] and màːt̪ in [Andersen 1993: 12] are only glossed in the meaning 'to smoke'.

Roettger 1989: 34.

Miller 2006: 71, 75. Past stem: maːn-n-o [ibid.]. Quoted as mɔɕ-a in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 148. The quoted form is nominalized ('drinking'). The same form is probably quoted as man̪-ǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2015: 514. Topicalized form: máːt̪-ı̀ [Andersen 2015: 519].

Andersen 1999c: 73. The two forms are morphophonological variants. Cf. mat-ar 'drink' in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 58. Imperative form; the participial form is mad̪-o. Quoted as mat̪ in [Gilley 1992: 178] and in [Kohnen 1994: 115].

Reh 1999: 47. Detransitivized stem: mʌ́d̪-ó. Cf. also the causative stem: māːt̪ 'to water (animals)' [ibid.].

Andersen 2000b: 83. Quoted as mat̪ ~ mad̪-o in [Simeoni 1978: 99].

Kiggen 1948: 153. Quoted as kʰʋːtʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 132. Verbal stem: 'to become dry'; the adjectival form is ɕi kot̪ 'dry (when wet before)'. For some reason, only found in the English-Dinka index rather than in the main body of the dictionary. Some partial synonyms: buoŋ 'to wither, to dry' [Nebel 1979: 17]; dou 'to dry up (of river)' [Nebel 1979: 26]; riel 'to be strong, hard, dry, difficult' [Nebel 1979: 77] (applied, e. g., to grass). In [Roettger 1989: 38], the most common equivalent for 'dry' is riɛl ~ rial ~ rıl; the form kot̪ is only listed as an alternate synonym for the Alor and Ngɔk subdialects. Additional synonyms also include (a) t̪iaŋ ~ t̪iaːŋ (main equivalent for the Rek proper subdialect of Rek; secondary equivalent for the Malual subdialect of Rek and most of the Agar subdialects) = t̪iaŋ 'to dry, to bask' (as in "the crocodile basks in the sun") in [Nebel 1979: 87]; (b) dɔɲ (Twic subdialect of Rek) = dɔɲ 'to fade; to be tiring' in [Nebel 1979: 25]. As usual, it is unclear how accurately the semantics is represented in Roettger's materials.

Roettger 1989: 38. Cf. also kâaːʰr (1 sg.), kɔ̂ɔːʰr (3 sg.) 'to dry' in [Reid 2010: 36, 55].

Miller 2006: 49. Reduplicated adjectival derivate from the verb iw-a 'to dry'. Quoted as iːyu in [Bender 1971: 269].

Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. Initial ʔa= is a copula.

Andersen 2007b: 62. Attested in the plural form ʔı̀w-ı́ːn (said of dry leaves).

Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. Initial a= is a copula. Cf. also ʔɛ́w-ɔ́n 'drought, dryness' in [Storch 2005: 103] (a productive nominal derivate).

Heasty 1937: 98. Adjective; the corresponding verbal stem is t̪wow [Heasty 1937: 99]. Quoted as t̪wa (adjective), t̪wɔwo (verb) in [Kohnen 1994: 200, 201].

Reh 1999: 73. Intransitive verb: 'to dry up, to wither up' (of clothes, trees, etc.). Cf. also the transitive verb: táːl 'to dry sth. (things)' [ibid.].

Andersen 1988a: 98. Verbal root, with the meaning listed as 'get dry'. Quoted as t̪wow-u 'dry' in [Simeoni 1978: 99].

Kiggen 1948: 127. Plural: ʓiːt̪. Quoted as sg. ʓiʰt̪, pl. ʓiʰt̪-ni in [Frank 1999: 85]; as ʓıt̪ʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 97. Plural: yit̪. Quoted as sg. yíʰɕ, pl. yiìʰːt̪ in [Anderson 1987: 14, 15]. Quoted as yiɕ for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33].

Roettger 1989: 33.

Miller 2006: 52. Plural: ʓye-t-kɛ ~ ʓye-t-ku. Quoted as ʓi-t-kǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Bender 1971: 268. Plural form. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Not attested.

Andersen 1999c: 72. Quoted as idi in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. ʔíːɕ, pl. ʔíːy-ín ~ ʔíːy-àk in [Storch 2005: 100].

Heasty 1937: 108. Polysemy: 'ear / leaf'. Quoted as sg. yí-d̪, pl. yìd̪ in [Gilley 2000: 7]; as sg. yit̪, pl. yid̪-i 'ear / leaf' in [Kohnen 1994: 222].

Reh 1999: 29. Plural: íd̪-í.

Andersen 1988a: 68. Quoted as sg. it̪, pl. id̪-i in [Simeoni 1978: 100].

Kiggen 1948: 207. Plural: muɔn. Polysemy: 'earth / ground / mud'.

Nebel 1979: 71. Polysemy: 'earth / bottom'. It is not quite clear if 'earth (ground)' and 'earth (soil)' are lexically distinguished, but cf. also, as a possible candidate for inclusion, tiop 'clay, mud, soil; grave' [Nebel 1979: 83]. Cf. also for the South Central (Agar) dialect: sg. kɞːt̪, pl. kɐːt̪ 'earth' [Duerksen 2005: 90], not found in Nebel's dictionary. In [Roettger 1989: 36], the lexemes piɲ ~ pıɲ and tiɔp ~ tiop 'earth' are found scattered chaotically across various dialects and subdialects, sometimes as synonyms and sometimes individually; the situation with their real usage remains unclear.

Roettger 1989: 36.

Miller 2006: 97. Plural: t̪ɛr-ko. Polysemy: 'earth / land / ground / soil / dirt / dust / country'. The same word is listed as ʈɛːr 'earth, ground, dirt, dust' for several dialects [Miller 2006: 102].

Not attested.

Not attested.

Andersen 1999d: 3. Meaning glossed as 'soil'.

Heasty 1937: 50. Plural: laʰp. Meaning glossed as 'mud, clay, soil, earth, world, people'. A close synonym is piɲ 'earth, ground, world' [Heasty 1937: 83]; however, in the English-Shilluk index Heasty specifies that lab-o "carries with it more the idea of soil", which suits the Swadesh meaning better. Cf. the semantic glossing "piece of land" for sg. pı́ɲ, pl. pı̀ɲ in [Gilley 2000: 7]. Cf. also lab-o 'earth, soil, clay, mortar, cement, mud; world, climate' in [Kohnen 1994: 97]; piɲ 'earth, world, soil, country; weather, climate; situation, circumstances; down, downwards, below, under, beneath, on the ground' in [Kohnen 1994: 160].

Reh 1999: 58. Meaning glossed as 'soil, land; earth'. Distinct from pɛ̄ɲ 'earth, ground, world; down' [Reh 1999: 66].

Simeoni 1978: 100. In Andersen's papers, the only encountered equivalent is pı́ɲ [Andersen 1988a: 67], better translated as 'land'.

Kiggen 1948: 1951. 3rd p. sg.: ɕaːm-ɛ. Polysemy: 'to eat / to cheat / to bite'. Quoted as ɕam [in Bender 1971: 271]. Cf. also intransitive mid̪-ɛ 'to eat, to live on', causative mit̪-ɛ 'to feed' [Kiggen 1948: 201, 203].

Nebel 1979: 18. Polysemy: 'to eat / to attack (of wild animals) / to cheat / to win, bewitch'. Quoted as ɕàm in [Andersen 1993: 8]. Quoted as ɕam for the majority of dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 34]; the only exception is the Luac subdialect of Rek, where 'eat' is listed as mit̪, and the same word is also listed as an alternate synonym for Rek proper (mıt̪) and Agar proper (miɛd̪). In [Nebel 1979: 58], the word mit̪ is explained as the intransitive verb 'to take food, eat'; it is perfectly possible that in one subdialect the transitive and intransitive meanings may have merged in a single lexical root.

Roettger 1989: 34. Somewhat dubious: in [Reid 2010: 36], the meaning 'eat' is correlated with the same verb ɕáːm as in Nuer and Dinka. The verb mit̪ goes back to the common Nuer-Dinka verb with the intransitive meaning 'to eat (food), to feed'; it is possible that in the dialect described by Roettger, it may have replaced the original transitive verb *ɕam as well, but this would need to be confirmed; for now, one should keep in mind that this might be a false lexicostatistical distinction between Reel and Nuer-Dinka.

Miller 2006: 2. Transitive form; the intransitive equivalent is am-mo. Quoted as ʔam- in [Andersen 1992: 198]; as am-ʓa in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 147. Precise quoted forms are ʔám-ɛ́ (3 sg. p.), ʔàm-mʌ́ (verbal noun). The latter is probably quoted as am-mǝ 'eat' in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 32, 34. The two forms are morphophonological variants.

Andersen 1999c: 68. The two forms are morphophonological variants. Cf. am-ed̪ 'eat' in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 18; Kohnen 1994: 27. Stylistic synonyms: kat "eat, dine (a polite word for important people)" [Heasty 1937: 42]; daʰp "eat (this word is not in common use; when used it is to conceal the fact that one is eating)" [Heasty 1937: 24]

Reh 1999: 14. Detransitivized stem: ɕʌ̀m-ò. Also functions as a noun: 'food item / crop'. Cf. the causative stem: ɕāːm 'to feed' [ibid.].

Andersen 1988a: 89. Quoted as ɕam-o in [Simeoni 1978: 101].

Kiggen 1948: 305. Attested as part of the compound expression tuɔŋ diet, pl. toŋ diːn, where the second part is the genitive form of 'bird' q.v. Quoted as tʰuɔŋ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 85. Plural: toŋ. Polysemy: 'egg / bastard'. Quoted as sg. tuɔ́ːŋ, pl. tôʰŋ in [Andersen 1987: 14, 15]. Quoted as tuɔŋ for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33].

Roettger 1989: 33.

Miller 2006: 62. Plural: kum-go. Quoted as sg. kûm-mʌ̀, pl. kûm-gʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 16]; as kʋm in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 139. Plural: kúm-gù. Quoted as kʋm-mʋ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 51. Plural: kʋ́m.

Andersen 1999d: 13. Plural: kʋm. Quoted as kɔm-at in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. kum-at̪, pl. kum in [Storch 2005: 109].

Heasty 1937: 94. Cf. tɔŋ gyɛn-o 'chicken egg' [ibid.]. Quoted as sg. toŋ-o, pl. toŋ in [Kohnen 1994: 189].

Reh 1999: 78. Plural: tɔ̀ŋ.

Andersen 1999e: 256. Plural: tɔ̀ŋ [Andersen 1988a: 67]. Quoted as sg. toŋ-o, pl. toŋ in [Simeoni 1978: 100].

Kiggen 1948: 322. Polysemy: 'eye / single grain of any thing'. Suppletive plural: ɲin. Quoted as sg. waŋ, pl. waʰŋ in [Frank 1999: 85] (without any suppletive forms!); as wɛŋ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 66, 137. Plural: ɲiːn. Polysemy: 'eye / face / place'. Quoted as pl. ɲiíːʰn 'eyes' in [Andersen 1987: 19]. Quoted as ɲın for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33].

Roettger 1989: 33.

Miller 2006: 106. Plural: woŋ-gu ~ ɲin-gɛ (suppletive). Quoted as sg. wáŋ-ʌ́, pl. ɲı̂ŋ-gʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 19]; as waŋ-ʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 138. Cf. wàŋ-ı̀ 'my eye'. Quoted as waŋ-i in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 43. Attested as a possessive form: wàŋ-gı́ː 'my eye'. Suppletive plural: ŋı̀n 'eyes' [Andersen 2015: 534].

Andersen 1999d: 10; Andersen 2006: 19. Suppletive plural: ŋın. Quoted as wǝŋ in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. wɔ́ŋ, pl. ɲén in [Storch 2005: 121].

Heasty 1937: 101. Suppletive plural: ɲiʰŋ. Polysemy: 'eye / grain / particle'. Quoted as sg. wāŋ, pl. ɲı̄ŋ in [Gilley 2000: 9]; as sg. waŋ, pl. ɲiŋ 'eye; opening; hole; grain; drop; small pieces of; direction; size' in [Kohnen 1994: 205].

Reh 1999: 81. Suppletive plural: ɲɛ̄ŋ.

Andersen 1988a: 67. Quoted as sg. waŋ, pl. (suppletive) ɲiŋ in [Simeoni 1978: 100].

Kiggen 1948: 313. Meaning glossed as 'uncooked fat'. Quoted as t̪iol in [Bender 1971: 271]. Cf. lied̪, pl. lit̪ 'oil, butter, fat, grease' [Kiggen 1948: 175], clearly referring to liquid rather than solid fat.

Nebel 1979: 58. Polysemy: 'fat / oil / grease'. In [Duerksen 2005: 142], this word is listed as belonging to the Southwestern dialect (cf. also a specialized Southwestern term d̪iap 'fat of belly' [Duerksen 2005: 51]), opposed to South Central (Agar) piaːt 'fat'. This latter term is also confirmed as piaàːt in [Andersen 1987: 16]. The equivalents in [Roettger 1989: 33] are, for the most part, irrelevant, since they refer to 'grease' rather than 'solid fat'.

Roettger 1989: 33. Meaning glossed as 'grease'.

Andersen 1992: 192. Not attested in [Miller 2006], where only the word ɲɔːn 'oil' is present instead [Miller 2006: 84]. The equivalent ɕaːŋ 'fat' in [Bender 1971: 269] actually refers to the adjective 'fat', cf. ɕaːŋ-o 'fat; become fat' in [Miller 2006: 18].

Andersen 2004: 145. Differently in [Bender 1971: 268]: aɕagɔŋ 'fat' (this is probably an adjective).

Andersen 2007b: 64.

Not attested. Cf. aɕaβɔn 'fat' in [Bender 1971: 272], but this is probably the adjective 'fat'. Cf. also sg. yawàt̪, pl. yʌ́wʋ̀t̪ 'oil' in [Storch 2005: 119].

Heasty 1937: 61. Plural: ma-t̪. Meaning glossed as 'oil, grease of any kind, any liquid that is thick'. Quoted as mow ~ mɔw, pl. ma-d 'butter, oil, fat, grease' in [Kohnen 1994: 121]. Apparently, there is no lexical distinction between 'solid fat' and 'liquid fat' in Shilluk.

Reh 1999: 46. Plural: mʌ́-d̪í. Meaning glossed as 'oil, fat, grease'.

Andersen 1989: 8, 18. Plural: dwʌ̀l-ê ~ dwèl-ê. Quoted as dual-o in [Simeoni 1978:]. Cf. màːw 'oil' in [Andersen 1988a: 67].

Kiggen 1948: 131. Plural: ʓuaːt.

Nebel 1979: 61. Plural: nak. Quoted as nɔ̂ːʰk in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Quoted as nɔk for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33].

Roettger 1989: 33.

Miller 2006: 112. Plural: wyeg-go.

Andersen 2004: 142, 161. Plural: líyʌ́ŋ-gʌ́.

Not attested.

Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. According to [Storch 2005: 111], 'feather' is sg. rı̀y-ʌnı́t̪, pl. riːg, i.e. might be the same word as 'hair' q.v.; however, she transcribes the forms for 'feather' and 'hair' differently, and it is unclear if we really deal with two different words or the same one inaccurately transcribed in one instance.

Heasty 1937: 76. Plural: okɔːn. Quoted as okwon ~ ukwon, pl. okon 'feather, ostrich-feather' in [Kohnen 1994: 149].

Reh 1999: 61. Plural: ókúo-rí.

Andersen 1988: 307. Quoted as sg. ukond-o, pl. ukond-e in [Simeoni 1978: 100].

Kiggen 1948: 194. Plural: mai. Quoted as sg. maɕ, pl. maʰɕ in [Frank 1999: 86]; as maɕ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 55. Plural: mɛɕ. Quoted as sg. màːɕ, pl. mɛ̂ːʰɕ in [Andersen 2002: 6]. Quoted as maɕ for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 36].

Roettger 1989: 36. Quoted as máɕ, pl. mɛ̂ːʰy in [Reid 2010: 36, 53].

Miller 2006: 71. Plural: meː-ko. Quoted as sg. mâː-ɲ-ʌ̀, pl. mêː-kʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 103]; as maː-nʓʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 141, 144. Plural: mʌ́-ɕ-kʌ̀. Quoted as ma-ɲ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 40.

Andersen 2000a: 39; Storch 2005: 108. Plural: mʌy-it̪ (maːy-it̪ according to Storch). Quoted as ma-ɕ in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 57; Gilley 1992: 43; Kohnen 1994: 112 ('fire, lamp').

Reh 1999: 46. Plural: mʌ̀ɕ.

Andersen 1999e: 264. Quoted as sg. maɕ, pl. maʓ-o in [Simeoni 1978: 101].

Kiggen 1948: 267. Plural: reɕ. Quoted as sg. rɛɕ, pl. rɛːɕ [Frank 1999: 86]; as rrɛɕ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 75. Plural: rɘɕ. Quoted as sg. rɛ́ːʰɕ, pl. rèɕ in [Andersen 2002: 4]. Phonetic and morphological variants in [Roettger 1989: 31] include rɛɕ ~ rɛːɕ ~ rɛʰɕ ~ rɛi, but the root is always the same.

Roettger 1989: 31. Quoted as plural réɕ, genitive plural réeːy in [Reid 2010: 53].

Miller 2006: 114. Plural: ya-ko. Quoted as sg. yiêɲ-ɲʌ̀, pl. yá-kʌ́ in [Andersen 2006: 16]; as ya-ku (pl.) in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 141, 144. Plural: yàk. Quoted as yak-ɕan in [Bender 1971: 268].

Not attested.

Andersen 2000a: 35. Plural: rɛɕ. Quoted as sg. rɛ̀y-ʌ́nı́t̪, pl. rɛ̀ɕ in [Storch 2005: 111]. Also quoted as rɛɕ in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 86. Plural: reɕ. Quoted as sg. rèːʰʓ-ɔ́ʰ, pl. ríɕ in [Gilley 1992: 88]; as sg. rɛ̄ʓ-ɔ́, pl. rı̄ʓ in [Gilley 2000: 15]; as sg. reʓ-o, pl. riʓ ~ riɕ in [Kohnen 1994: 168].

Reh 1999: 70. Plural: rɛ̄-ɕ.

Andersen 1988: 107. Quoted as sg. re-o, pl. riɕ in [Simeoni 1978: 101].

Kiggen 1948: 250. 3rd p. sg.: paːr-ɛ.

Nebel 1979: 69. Quoted as páʰr in [Andersen 1987: 21]. Quoted as paːʰr ~ paʰr ~ par ~ pɛʰr for the majority of Dinka dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 35]. The only exception is the Dongjol subdialect of Padang, where 'fly' is glossed as gɔːʰr (no equivalent in Nebel's dictionary).

Roettger 1989: 35.

Miller 2006: 90. Quoted as péy- in [Andersen 1999a: 104].

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Heasty 1937: 81. Quoted as par-o 'to run away, to fly away; to jump' in [Kohnen 1994: 157].

Reh 1999: 46.

Not attested.

Kiggen 1948: 60. Singular and plural forms are the same. Meaning glossed specifically as 'foot'; but cf. also the compound expression pat ɕoːɣ 'sole of foot', where pat = 'palm of hand or sole of foot' [Kiggen 1948: 251]. It is this latter expression that is listed as the default equivalent for 'foot' both in [Frank 1999: 86] (sg. paʰt-ɕioʰk, pl. paʰt-ɕioʰk-niʰ) and in [Bender 1971: 271] (pʰɛtʰ-ɕioukʰɛ 'foot'); at the same time, the simple stem ɕioʰk is listed as 'leg' in [Frank 1999: 87]. Numerous textual examples in Kiggen's dictionary show that Nuer does not properly distinguish 'leg' from 'foot', and that pat ɕoːɣ is a specially marked expression ('sole of foot'), so we unambiguously select ɕoɣ as the primary entry.

Nebel 1979: 20. Plural: ɕok. Polysemy: 'foot / track / pole'. Quoted as sg. ɕóːʰk, pl. ɕòʰk 'foot' in [Andersen 1987: 4, 19]. Attested phonetic variants in [Roettger 1989: 34] include ɕok ~ ɕoʰk ~ ɕiok (the latter only in the Twic subdialect of Rek).

Roettger 1989: 34. Plural: ɕok [Roettger 1989: 40].

Miller 2006: 22. Plural: ɕie-gu. Quoted as sg. ɕíy-ʌ́, pl. ɕîːe-gʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 14]; as kiɛ in [Bender 1971: 269]. Distinct from t̪iɛ́l-ʌ́ 'leg' [Andersen 1999a: 101] = tyɛl-u 'shin; lower leg' [Miller 2006: 101].

Andersen 2004: 158. Attested only in the plural: kìy-gʌ́. Cf., however, kie 'foot' (sg.) in [Bender 1971: 268]. Distinct from t̪ı́r- 'leg' [Andersen 2004: 154].

Andersen 2007b: 43. Attested as part of the possessive form kı̀ːr-ı́ː "my foot". Distinct from t̪èːl 'lower leg' [Andersen 2007b: 46].

Andersen 2006b: 12. Meaning glossed as 'leg', but no separate form for 'foot' is attested. Also quoted as ker-ɛ 'foot' in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 96. Plural: tyɛl. Polysemy: 'foot / foundation / root'. Quoted as sg. tyel-o, pl. tyel 'foot, leg, root, foundation; prop, stem, trunk, stalk (of plants); kind, species, manner; sense, contents (of a speech); earnestness, seriousness; time, main, principal' in [Kohnen 1994: 194]. No separate form for 'leg'.

Reh 1999: 77. Plural: tı̀ɛl. Polysemy: 'foot / leg'. Distinct from mùt-ò 'foot, leg (of king); joint (of finger, sorghum, etc.)' [Reh 1999: 50].

Andersen 1988a: 67. Plural: tı̀ɛl. Meaning glossed as 'leg'. Quoted as sg. tyel-o, pl. tyel, with polysemy: 'foot / leg' in [Simeoni 1978: 101, 104].

Kiggen 1948: 311. Verbal stem: 'to fill, be full, add'.

Nebel 1979: 87. Verbal stem: 'to be full'. Cf. à=t̪iàʰŋ "it is full" in [Andersen 1987: 14].

Not attested.

Miller 2006: 62.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Heasty 1937: 81. Quoted as paŋ-o 'to be, to become full, fillied; deep' in [Kohnen 1994: 156].

Reh 1999: 65. Polysemy: 'full / deep (of river)'.

Simeoni 1978: 101. Not attested in Andersen's papers.

Kiggen 1948: 203. 3rd p. sg.: moːɕ-ɛ. Differently in [Bender 1971: 271]: t̪opʰ 'give'. This verb is given in [Kiggen 1948: 314] as t̪ob 'to cause, infect, hand over' and is not seen in text examples in the default meaning 'give'.

Nebel 1979: 96. The two variants of the stem are glossed as 'to give smth.' and 'to give smbd.' respectively. For the Rueng dialect, the equivalent is listed as gam 'to answer, believe; assent, confess; give' (it also seems to serve as the default verb 'to give' in the Agar dialect: cf. à=gɛ́ːʰm "he is giving" in [Andersen 1987: 24]). Cf. also muɔːɕ 'to present smbd. with smth.' [Nebel 1979: 60]. This is one of the most serious points of disagreement between [Nebel 1979] and [Roettger 1989: 35], where the phonetic/morphological variants gam ~ gaːm ~ gɛm ~ gɛːm ~ gɛʰm are listed as the default equivalent for the meaning 'give' for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka, while the root yek is not even mentioned. It is not clear if this data should be fully trusted, considering that in Nebel's materials there are many textual examples of yek 'to give'.

Roettger 1989: 35.

Miller 2006: 110, 116. Quoted as wwɛn-gǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 145. Quoted as eɲ-ǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2015: 529.

Bender 1971: 272. Probably a verbal noun. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 98; Kohnen 1994: 200.

Reh 1999: 15. Detransitivized stem: ɕìp-ò.

Andersen 1989: 15. Quoted as ɕipp-o in [Simeoni 1978: 101]. Additional synonym: mʌ́g- 'give' [Andersen 1988a: 87], quoted as maka ki in [Simeoni 1978: 101]. The difference between the two terms is unclear.

Heasty 1937: 102; Kohnen 1994: 207. The difference between t̪ot̪ and wek is impossible to establish based on dictionary evidence - cf. t̪ot̪-i yan 'give me!', wek-i yan 'give me!' in [Kohnen 1994: 200, 207]. A third equivalent is muʓ 'give, present, give free, give away' [Heasty 1937: 61; Kohnen 1994: 121], whose meaning seems to be slightly more specialized.

Kiggen 1948: 104. Adjectival stem; the corresponding verbal stem is gɔɕ, 3rd p. sg. gɔaɣ-ɛ 'to be good'. Quoted as gʷaʔɛ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 69. Polysemy: 'nice / good / handsome / kind'. An additional dialectal form (or morphological variant?) of the same root is puɔt̪ [Nebel 1979: 72]. Cf. à=pàt̪ 'it is good' in [Andersen 1987: 3]. In [Roettger 1989: 38], the following variants of this stem are attested across dialects: pat̪ ~ piat̪ ~ a=pat̪ ~ a=piɛt̪ ~ a=piat̪ ~ a=pɔt̪ ~ a=puɔt̪. Additionally, the synonymous etymon dik ~ dık ~ a=dik is also listed in the meaning 'good' in the Ruweng-Pan-Aru area (for Pan, it is listed as the only equivalent) = dik 'be handsome, nice, kind' in [Nebel 1979: 25].

Roettger 1989: 38. Quoted as lɛ̂ʰŋ in [Reid 2010: 69].

Miller 2006: 94. Quoted as pwɛɕi in [Bender 1971: 269].

Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Andersen 2015: 537. Adverbial form.

Andersen 1999d: 22. Verbal stem: 'to be good'. Quoted as pat̪-u-pat̪ (reduplicated adjectival stem) in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 27. Meaning glossed as 'good, beautiful, pretty, grand, great, fine, wonderful, dandy, excellent, and like adjectives; in the small number of adjectives in the language this word is much overworked'. Quoted as doɕ 'good, nice, beautiful, honest; a very long time' in [Kohnen 1994: 44]. Cf. also mɛt 'sweet, good, happy, fertile' [Heasty 1937: 59] = mɛt 'sweet, nice, delightful' [Kohnen 1994: 117].

Reh 1999: 10. Verbal stem: 'to be good'. Plural: bɛ́y-ɔ́. Partial synonym: wɔ́p, pl. wɔ̀p-ɛ̀ 'to be good / to be beautiful' [Reh 1999: 83], seemingly more applicable to physical beauty than general abstract positive nature.

Andersen 1988a: 94. Quoted as ber, pl. biyy-o in [Simeoni 1978: 102].

Kiggen 1948: 298.

Nebel 1979: 83. Polysemy: 'green / raw'. Cf. a different equivalent in [Duerksen 2005: 134]: ŋɵk 'green (plants)', probably related to the Southeastern form ŋɵːk 'wet' [ibid.]. This stem, however, is not found at all in [Nebel 1979].

Not attested.

Miller 2006: 102. Polysemy: 'green / wet'.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Heasty 1937: 58; Kohnen 1994: 114. According to Kohnen, with polysemy: 'green / blue / yellow / unripe / impure (of women after child-birth)'.

Reh 1999: 47. Verbal stem. Polysemy: 'green / unripe / young'.

Simeoni 1978: 102. Not attested in any of Andersen's papers.

Kiggen 1948: 201. Plural: nieːm-ni (sic!). Quoted as sg. n̪im, pl. n̪iaʰm in [Frank 1999: 86]; as niyɛˤm in [Bender 1971: 271]. No difference between 'head hair' and 'body hair'. From an etymological point of view, Kiggen's variant with m- seems to be secondary (assimilated).

Nebel 1979: 65. Plural: n̪im. In [Roettger 1989: 33], the most common variant is n̪iɛm; more rare phonetic variants include niɛm ~ n̪im ~ n̪iɛʰm ~ miɛm (initial m- is only attested in the Twic subdialect of Bor), but all the forms clearly represent the same root.

Roettger 1989: 33.

Miller 2006: 50. Plural: ʓye-yo. Quoted as ʓei in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 158. Plural form. Quoted as ʓe-k in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 77. Attested forms: rı́ː-gı́k 'his hair', rı́ː-gı́ːk 'my hair'.

Andersen 2000a: 35. Plural: rıːk. Quoted as re in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. rèy-ènít̪, pl. rèy-ák in [Storch 2005: 112] (but see also 'feather' for more comments on Stroch's transcription).

Heasty 1937: 61. Plural form. Singulative: yey-o. Quoted as yɛːy-ɔ in [Gilley 2002: 23]; as yei in [Kohnen 1994: 218].

Reh 1999: 31. Plural form. Singulative: ʓɛ́ː-nnɔ́.

Simeoni 1978: 102. Singulative: yerr-o. Not attested in any of Andersen's papers.

Kiggen 1948: 292. Plural: teːʈ. Polysemy: 'hand / arm'. Quoted as sg. teʰt, pl. tet 'arm from shoulder' in [Frank 1999: 84]; as tʰıtʰ 'hand' in [Bender 1971: 271]. The meaning 'hand' is glossed as sg. paʰ-tet, pl. paʰ-tet-niʰ in [Frank 1999: 86] = paːʈ teʈa 'palm of hand' in [Kiggen 1948: 292]; see notes on 'foot' for the semantics of the first component.

Nebel 1979: 19. Plural: ɕin. Polysemy: 'hand / finger'. Quoted as sg. ɕíːn, pl. ɕìn in [Andersen 1987: 14, 15]. Distinct from koːk, pl. kok 'arm' [Nebel 1979: 42]. Quoted as ɕin in the majority of Dinka dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 34], but also as ɕın (Ngɔk subdialect of Padang and Twic subdialect of Bor) and as ɕıːn (Nyarweng subdialect of Bor).

Roettger 1989: 34. Quoted as sg. tèeːt, pl. téeːʰt in [Reid 2010: 119].

Miller 2006: 8, 16. Plural: byeŋ-ko. Quoted as biːêŋ-ʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 101]; as biyǝŋ-ʋ in [Bender 1971: 269]. The old West Nilotic equivalent for 'hand' is still listed in sources: sg. ʔin-t̪u, pl. ʔin-ku [Miller 2006: 49], quoted as sg. ʔîn-t̪ʌ̀, pl. ʔîn-kʌ̀ 'hand' in [Andersen 2006: 5]. However, the absolute majority of contexts for 'hand' in Miller's dictionary lists bieŋ-o as the main equivalent. Obviously, the old word is still preserved in the language, but it seems to have become completely marginalized.

Andersen 2004: 138, 145. Plural: ʔìn-kʌ́. Quoted as in̪-t̪e in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 50. Meaning glossed as 'hand' (not 'arm').

Andersen 1999d: 18. Plural: ʔin. Quoted as en-at̪ in [Bender 1971: 272]. Different from sg. gaːl ~ gaːl-at̪, pl. gʌl-uk ~ gol-uk 'arm, hand' [Andersen 1999d: 9; Andersen 2000a: 34; Storch 2005: 99].

Heasty 1937: 20. Plural: ɕiʰŋ. Quoted as sg. ɕìŋ-ɔ̀, pl. ɕíŋ in [Gilley 1992: 83]; as sg. ɕin-o, pl. ɕiŋ 'hand; power' in [Kohnen 1994: 30]. Distinct from baʰt, pl. baːt 'arm' [Heasty 1937: 13].

Reh 1999: 15. Plural: ɕɛ̄ŋ.

Andersen 1988b: 267. Quoted as sg. ɕiŋ-o ~ ɕin-o, pl. ɕiŋ ~ ɕin in [Simeoni 1978: 102]. Distinct from bàt 'arm' [Andersen 1988a: 67].

Kiggen 1948: 326. Plural: wo-t̪. Polysemy: 'head / top / big load of anything'. Quoted as sg. wiʰ-ɕ, pl. wiːʰ-ɕ in [Frank 1999: 86]; as wı-ɕ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 65. Plural: n̪iːm. Polysemy: 'head / top'. Quoted as sg. n̪òm, pl. n̪iìːʰm in [Andersen 1987: 4, 19]. Quoted as nom ~ nɔm ~ n̪ɔm ~ n̪om ~ mom ~ muom for various subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33].

Roettger 1989: 33. Quoted as ywíʰ-ɕ, pl. ʔɔ́-t̪ in [Reid 2010: 30, 38].

Miller 2006: 112. Plural: wye-t̪-ku. Quoted as wiéɲ-ʌ́ in [Andersen 1999a: 101]; as ieɲu in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 137. Quoted as wi-ɲɛ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2015: 551. The exact quoted form is wʌ́-ɗı́ 'its head' (of a gazelle).

Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 103. Plural: waʰt̪. Polysemy: 'head / top'. Quoted as sg. wī-ɕ, pl. wâʰt̪ in [Gilley 1992: 86]; as sg. wī-ʓ, pl. wǝ̄ǝ̀d̪ in [Gilley 2000: 1]; as sg. wi-ɕ ~ wi-ʓ ~ wi, pl. wa-t̪ 'head, top, summit, surface; worth, value, estimation; bundle, bunch; on, upon, on the surface, on the top of' in [Kohnen 1994: 210].

Reh 1999: 82. Plural: wí-d̪í. Polysemy: 'head / bundle'.

Simeoni 1978: 102. Plural: wi-d̪i. Not attested in any of Andersen's papers.

Kiggen 1948: 177. 3rd p. sg.: liːŋ-ɛ. Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen / to feel / to obey'. Quoted as lı:ngɛ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 71. Quoted as pìŋ in [Andersen 1993: 8]. Attested as piŋ ~ pıŋ in all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 35].

Roettger 1989: 35.

Miller 2006: 101. Quoted as t̪iːêŋ- in [Andersen 1999a: 102]; as tieŋ-gya in [Bender 1971: 269].

Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Not attested.

Andersen 1999c: 6. Quoted as tɛŋ-gɛ in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 53; Kohnen 1994: 103. Polysemy: 'hear / understand'.

Reh 1999: 82. Nominalized form: 'hearing'. Intransitive stem: wı̀ɲ-ò 'to be heard'.

Andersen 1988a: 83. Quoted as wiɲʓ-i in [Simeoni 1978: 102].

Kiggen 1948: 180. Plural: lɔi. Quoted as sg. lɔɕ, pl. loʰɕ in [Frank 1999: 86]; as lɔːɕ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 72. Plural: puo-t̪. Polysemy: 'heart / chest / mind / intention, will'. Quoted as sg. pwóːʰw, pl. pwoòːʰ-t̪ in [Andersen 2002: 20]. Phonetic variants attested in [Roettger 1989: 34] include piou ~ piɔu ~ puou ~ piouʰ (the latter only in the Bor proper subdialect of Bor).

Roettger 1989: 34.

Miller 2006: 57. Plural: kim-t̪an. Quoted as kiːm-a in [Bender 1971: 269]. 'Physical' heart, distinct from yom-u 'heart (seat of the emotions, not literal heart)' [Miller 2006: 118].

Andersen 1999a: 144. The listed form is plural: kíːm-d̪àŋŋı́. Quoted as kim-e in [Bender 1971: 268].

Not attested.

Andersen 1999c: 72. Polysemy: 'chest / heart'. Cf. ɕɔdɛ 'heart' in [Bender 1971: 272] (clearly a different word).

Heasty 1937: 59. Plural: min. Quoted as sg. min-o, pl. min-i in [Kohnen 1994: 118]. According to Heasty, distinct from pyeʰw, pl. pyeʰ-t̪ 'heart' as 'seat of the affections' (i.e. figurative). This latter form is quoted as pʸɛ́ʰw 'heart' in [Gilley 1992: 25]; as sg. pyow ~ pyɔw, pl. pye-t̪ ~ pe-t̪ 'heart, mind, life, sense' in [Kohnen 1994: 165].

Reh 1999: 81. Plural: wɛ̀ɲ. Homophonous with 'bird' q.v.

Andersen 1988a: 69. Quoted as sg. a=dund-o, pl. a=dund-e in [Simeoni 1978: 102].

Kiggen 1948: 304. Plural: tuɔŋ-ni. Polysemy: 'horn / tusk / stump of branch left on tree'. Quoted as tʋŋ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 85. Plural: tuoŋ. Quoted as sg. tùːʰŋ, pl. tûʰŋ in [Andersen 1987: 15, 19]. Quoted as tuʰŋ for most subdialects of Dinka, sometimes simplified to tuŋ, in [Roettger 1989: 33].

Roettger 1989: 33.

Miller 2006: 103. Plural: ʈwoŋ-ko. Quoted as sg. tûːʌŋ-ʌ̀, pl. tûʌŋ-kʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 8]; as tuwoŋ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Andersen 2007b: 51. Plural: túŋ-ít̪. Somewhat dubious, since the meaning is glossed as 'horn (as musical instrument)'. However, this is the common West Nilotic equivalent for 'horn' in general, and no other word with this meaning is attested for Kurmuk in available publications.

Andersen 2000a: 36. Plural: tuŋ-ak. Quoted as tuŋ-e in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 94. Plural: tuŋ-i. Quoted as sg. tūŋ, pl. tùŋ in [Gilley 2000: 8]; sg. tuŋ, pl. tuŋ-i 'horn, side, direction' in [Kohnen 1994: 190].

Reh 1999: 78. Plural: tùŋ-ì.

Andersen 1988a: 107. Quoted as sg. tuŋ, pl. tuŋ-i in [Simeoni 1978: 103].

Kiggen 1948: 18. Object form: ɣa; verbal suffix a. Quoted as hɛ-n in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 74. The short (unstressed?) form is ʔan [Nebel 1979: 9]. Object/possessive form: ʔa [Nebel 1979: 1]. Various dialectal realizations of the word include: yɛ-n ~ ɛ-n ~ ɣɛ-n ~ ɣɛː-n [Roettger 1989: 30].

Roettger 1989: 30. Quoted as ʔɛ́ʰn (with a "reduced" variant ʔɛ́ʰ) in [Reid 2010: 41].

Miller 2006: 113. Quoted as ʔìyà in [Andersen 1999b: 504]; as ʔi in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 1999a: 155. Quoted as ék=à in [Bender 1971: 155].

Andersen 2007b: 31. Short form; the full stem is ʔáː-nı́š [Andersen 2007b: 59].

Bender 1971: 272. Full stem, cf. Kurmuk ʔáː-nı́š.

Heasty 1937: 105. Quoted as ya ~ ya-n in [Kohnen 1994: 216].

Reh 1996: 164. Emphatic "long" form; the corresponding short (clitical) stem is simply ā.

Andersen 1999e: 265. Quoted as a-ni (full form), a (prefix / suffix form) in [Simeoni 1978: 33].

Kiggen 1948: 210. 3rd p. sg.: naɣ-ɛ. Polysemy: 'to kill / to suffer from cold, hunger, etc.'. Quoted as nɛkʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 59. Polysemy: 'to hurt / to kill / to beat (in game)'. Cf. the alternate morphological variant nak, glossed as 'to slaughter' [Nebel 1979: 60]. Quoted as nàʰk 'to kill' in [Andersen 1993: 8]. In [Roettger 1989: 35], phonetic and morphological variants nɔʰk ~ nɔk ~ nɔːk ~ nak ~ naʰk ~ nɛk are rather chaotically scattered across dialects, but all of them seem to represent the same lexical root.

Roettger 1989: 35. Quoted as 1st p. sg. náːʰw in [Reid 2010: 36].

Miller 2006: 79. Quoted as nʌŋ- (past stem) in [Andersen: 1992: 197]; as n̪ǝŋǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 139. Verbal noun: nʌ̀ŋ-ŋʌ́. Quoted as nǝŋ-ǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 45; Andersen 2015: 519. Polysemy: 'to hit / to kill'.

Bender 1971: 272. The exact quote form is nag-adɔk. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers, but well supported by etymological data.

Heasty 1937: 63. Participial form: nag-o. Quoted as nak (participial form nag-o ~ nak-o ~ nek-o) in [Kohnen 1994: 126].

Reh 1999: 51. Detransitivized stem: nʌ̀-ò.

Andersen 1988a: 75.

Kiggen 1948: 204. Plural: moaːl. Quoted as sg. muɔʰl, pl. muaʰl in [Frank 1999: 87]; as mɔːlʸ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 65. Plural: n̪iɔl. Quoted as n̪iaâːl in [Andersen 1987: 16]. The Northeastern dialectal form is glossed as miaːl in [Duerksen 2005: 115]. In [Roettger 1989: 34], the most common phonetic variant is n̪ial, but the Abiliang subdialect of Padang has nial; the Dongjol and Ngok-Sobat subdialects have mial; and the Ageer subdialect has miɔl.

Roettger 1989: 34.

Miller 2006: 110. Plural: ʔwoŋ-gu.

Not attested.

Andersen 2007b: 50.

Andersen 1999c: 10.

Heasty 1937: 22. Plural: ɕɔŋ. Quoted as sg. ɕúʰŋ, pl. ɕɔ̀ŋ in [Gilley 1992: 88]; sg. ɕuŋ, pl. ɕɔŋ in [Kohnen 1994: 33].

Reh 1999: 17. Plural: ɕɔ́ŋŋ-ı́.

Andersen 1989: 17. Plural: ɕɔ̀ŋg-ı̀. Quoted as sg. ɕuŋ, pl. ɕoŋg-i in [Simeoni 1978: 104].

Kiggen 1948: 218. 3rd p. sg.: ŋaɕ-ɛ. Polysemy: 'to know / to think'. Quoted as nɛɕ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 63. Cf. also, from the same root, ŋieɕ 'to know to, be learned, have experience' [ibid.]. Dialectal variation: ŋiɕ ~ ɲiɕ [Duerksen 2005: 125]. Attested as ŋiɕ for the majority of Dinka dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 35]; the Bor proper subdialect of Bor and most of the Agar subdialects, with the exception of Aliab, feature the palatalized variant ɲiɕ.

Roettger 1989: 35. Quoted as ŋàʰɕ in [Reid 2010: 56].

Miller 2006: 81. In [Bender 1971: 269], the equivalent of 'know' is listed as urkɛndɛ, which is probably a variant of the same stem as urkati 'able' in [Miller 2006: 105].

Andersen 2004: 144. Attested as part of the form ŋʌ́ʓ-ʓ-ʌ̀ 'I know him'. Quoted as ŋǝʓ-in in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 38; Andersen 2015: 546. The two forms represent different morphophonological variants.

Bender 1971: 272. Probably a verbal noun. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 69. Participial form: ŋaʓ-o. Cf. also ŋaɕ 'make known, inform, tell' [ibid.]. Quoted as ŋaɕ ~ ŋaːɕ 'to know, to be able, to feel' in [Kohnen 1994: 130].

Reh 1999: 56. Distinct from lɔ̄ɲ 'to know how to do smth., to be able to' [Reh 1999: 44].

Simeoni 1978: 104. Not attested in any of Andersen's papers.

Kiggen 1948: 127. Plural: ʓiːt̪. Same word as 'ear' q.v. Quoted as sg. ʓiʰt̪-ʓiat̪, pl. ʓiʰt̪-ʓiɛn in [Frank 1999: 85] (a compound formation with 'tree' q.v.); as ʓıt̪ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 96. Plural: yɔr. Dialectal variety: lɐr (sg. and pl.) ~ yɐr (pl.: yɞr ~ yɐːr) [Duerksen 2005: 98, 191]. In [Roettger 1989: 32], this root is listed as yaːr ~ yaʰːr ~ yaʰr ~ a=yaʰːr ~ yar for several subdialects of Dinka (mostly in the Rek and Agar clusters); however, it frequently alternates with various simple and extended variants of the word 'ear' (yiɕ ~ yit̪ ~ yiːs, etc.), and sometimes also (in the Ageer subdialect of Padang and in two subdialects of Agar) with the form a=pam, which probably corresponds to Nebel's a=pam 'rubberplant' [Nebel 1979: 10]. We do not formally include the form yiɕ 'leaf' as a synonym, since our main source [Nebel 1979] does not mention its usage in this meaning.

Roettger 1989: 32. Same word as 'wear' q.v. Alternate synonym: yar [ibid.].

Miller 2006: 52. Somewhat dubious, since only the meaning 'ear' is listed. However, there is little reason to doubt that the usual African polysemy 'ear / leaf' is typical of Mabaan as well, because there is one textual example in Miller's dictionary confirming that (ʓaːn ʓyit-kɛ yoːɕi doki "the leaves of the tree have sprouted" [Miller 2006: 56]); also, cf. =ʓi-t-kǝ 'leaf' (actually a plural form) in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 144. Plural: gı̀t̪-kʌ́. Quoted as -git̪-ke in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 62. Plural form.

Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 108; Kohnen 1994: 222. Same word as 'ear' q.v.

Reh 1999: 11. Plural: bɔ̀ːg-ɛ̀. Polysemy: 'leaf / husk / slough of snake'.

Not attested in any of Andersen's papers under the meaning 'leaf' (only 'ear'), but attested in that meaning in [Simeoni 1978: 104]: sg. it̪, pl. id̪-i. The same source lists an additional synonym: sg. bog-o, pl. bog-e 'leaf'. However, this word is specifically quoted in [Andersen 1988: 103] as bɔ̀ːg-ɔ̀ 'dry leaf'.

Kiggen 1948: 299. Meaning glossed as 'to lie down, to sleep'. 3rd p. sg.: tɔi-ɛ.

Nebel 1979: 83. Meaning glossed as 'lie down, go to sleep'.

Not attested.

Miller 2006: 79. Meaning glossed as 'lie down, sleep, stay (e.g. overnight)'.

Andersen 2004: 137. Meaning glossed as 'to lie down'.

Andersen 2015: 516. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'. Attested, among other things, in the phrase "The dik-dik is lying near the stone".

Andersen 2000a: 31. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'.

The precise equivalent is hard to establish based on existing sources. Cf. the following candidates: (a) but 'to lie down; recline; be confined to one's bed' [Heasty 1937: 16] = but-o 'to go to bed, to be bed-ridden' [Kohnen 1994: 24] (this seems to be a dynamic rather than static verb, with very narrow bed-related semantics as per Kohnen); (b) ryep piɲ 'lie on the stomach' (where piɲ = 'earth' q.v.) [Heasty 1937: 90] = ryep piɲ 'to put, to lay something with the face or the upside downwards on the ground' [Kohnen 1994: 179]; (c) rɛɲ 'to lay down (so that it my dilate), rɛɲ yiʓi piɲ 'lay down your belly on the ground, i.e. lie, face downwards!') [Kohnen 1994: 169]. Neither of these three candidates fully conforms to the required Swadesh meaning, so we refrain from filling the slot at the moment.

Reh 1999: 52. Meaning glossed as 'to lie down'. The verbal stem proper is ɲàːŋ; pɛ̄ɲ is the nominal-adverbial extension meaning 'earth; down'.

Simeoni 1978: 105. Meaning glossed as 'lie down' or 'sleep'. Only attested in the meaning 'sleep' in Andersen's papers (see 'sleep'), but no alternate candidate for the meaning can be found.

Kiggen 1948: 60. Plural: ɕoaːɲ. Quoted as ɕʷɛn in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 21. Quoted as ɕuáʰɲ in [Andersen 1987: 14]. Dialectal variation: ɕuɐɲ ~ ɕuɜɲ [Duerksen 2005: 38]. Listed as ɕuɛɲ ~ ɕuɛʰɲ for various subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 34].

Roettger 1989: 34.

Miller 2006: 30. Polysemy: 'liver / inside of seed'. Plural: ɕyɛn-go. Quoted as sg. ɕiɛ̂n-nʌ̀, pl. ɕiɛ̂d̪-gʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 16]; as ɕɛnǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Not attested.

Andersen 2000a: 34. Plural: kın. Quoted as ken-ǝt in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. kɛ́n-ʌ̀t̪, pl. kɛ́n in [Storch 2005: 109].

Heasty 1937: 74. Quoted as sg. o=ɕuɲ, pl. o=ɕuɲ-i in [Kohnen 1994: 147]. Initial o= is a fossilized nominal prefix.

Reh 1999: 19. Plural: ɕwı́ɲɲ-ı́.

Andersen 1988a: 67.

Kiggen 1948: 30. Quoted as bɛrr-bɛrr in [Bender 1971: 271]. Cf. also the "emphatic" synonym ɕuaːr-ɛ 'to be very long or tall', ɕuaːr me 'very long, tall' [Kiggen 1948: 64-65].

Nebel 1979: 14. Plural: bar. Polysemy: 'long / high / tall'. Dialectal variants of the word (phonetic and morphological) in [Roettger 1989: 31] include baʰːr ~ a=baʰːr ~ kǝ=baʰːr ~ bɛʰːr ~ a=bɛʰːr ~ kǝ=bɛʰːr ~ a=bɛːr ~ a=baʰr, but all dialects share the exact same root.

Roettger 1989: 31. Cf. bé=bɛ̂ʰr (reduplicated stem) 'tall' in [Reid 2010: 34]; also the nominal derivate bɛ́ɛ́ːʰr (with ultra-long vowel) 'tallness, length' in [Reid 2010: 54]. Alternate synonym: ɕuar 'long' [Roettger 1989: 31].

Miller 2006: 6. Reduplicated adjectival stem; cf. the simple verbal stem beːy '(to be) long, tall' [Miller 2006: 5]. Quoted as bɛ-bɛːi in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 146. The root is attested as part of the form bʌ́ːy-ɕɔ̀ndɛ́ 'which is long'. Quoted as bǝːy-ǝŋ 'long' in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 76.

Andersen 1999c: 22. Verbal stem: 'be long, be tall'. Cf. bǝr-bǝr ~ bǝr-ǝ-bǝr 'long' (reduplicated adjectival stem) in [Bender 1971: 272]. Cf. also bár-ɔ̀n 'height' (productive nominalized derivate from the same root) in [Storch 2005: 103].

Heasty 1937: 13. Polysemy: 'long / tall / high'. Quoted as sg. bâːʰr, pl. bāːr-ì in [Gilley 1992: 90]; as bar 'long, high, deep' in [Kohnen 1994: 15].

Reh 1999: 9. Plural stem: bʌ́y-ó.

Simeoni 1978: 105. Not attested in Andersen's papers.

Kiggen 1948: 240. Quoted as ɲaːkʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 66. Quoted as ɲɔ̀ːʰk in [Andersen 1987: 4]; as ɲɔk ~ ɲɔʰk in [Roettger 1989: 32].

Roettger 1989: 32.

Andersen 2006: 4. Plural: ɲʌ̂ːk-ʌ̀. Quoted as ɲǝg-ɕan in [Bender 1971: 269]. Curiously, in [Miller 2006: 84] this word (sg. ɲoːk-ɕan, pl. ɲoːk) is only listed in the meaning 'bedbug'. In the collective meaning 'lice', Miller quotes the form tiːyɛn [Miller 2006: 98] that has no parallels in other sources. Considering the evidence from Andersen and Bender as well as external data, we assume that there may be a semantic mistake in Miller's dictionary, pending further research on the issue.

Andersen 2004: 142. Quoted as ɲǝk-ɕǝŋ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Not attested.

Andersen 1999c: 95; Andersen 1999d: 22. Plural: yʌːk. Quoted as yǝk in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. yʌk-ʌn-ıt̪, pl. yaːk in [Storch 2005: 111].

Heasty 1937: 69. Quoted as sg. ɲwag-o, pl. ɲuok in [Kohnen 1994: 145].

Reh 1999: 55. Plural: ɲùú.

Andersen 1988: 107.

Kiggen 1948: 331. Quoted as sg. wu-t, pl. wu-niʰ in [Frank 1999: 87].

Nebel 1979: 58. Suppletive plural: ror. Polysemy: 'man / husband / to be brave'. The bound form of this stem is glossed as moɲ in [Duerksen 2005: 117], cf. moɲ dɨt 'old man', etc. Quoted as mòɕ in [Andersen 1987: 4]; as moɕ for all Dinka dialects except for the Nyarweng subdialect of Bor (where the form is mʋɕ) in [Roettger 1989: 31].

Roettger 1989: 31. Quoted as sg. ɕɔ́w, pl. ɕɔ̀w 'husband' in [Reid 2010: 53].

Miller 2006: 105. Plural: ʔua-yo. Quoted as ʔûːa-n ~ ʔûːa-nʌ̀ in [Andersen 1992: 186].

Andersen 2004: 137. Meaning glossed as 'man'.

Not attested.

Andersen 1999c: 3. Dubious; meaning glossed as 'male' rather than 'man'. However, the root is the same as in the default equivalent for 'man' in other Mabaan-Burun dialects.

Heasty 1937: 38. Suppletive plurals: (a) ʓɔg; (b) ɕwow. Quoted as sg. ʓāl-ɔ̀, pl. ɕwɔ̀w in [Gilley 2000: 1]; as sg. ʓal-o ~ ʓal, pl. ɕwɔw or ʓɔk 'man, male, husband' in [Kohnen 1994: 70].

Reh 1999: 15. Irregular plural: ɕʋ̀ɔw. The singular form looks like a reduplication. Polysemy: 'husband / man (male of human beings)'.

Andersen 1988: 99. Quoted as sg. ɕiɕw-o, pl. ɕwou 'husband' in [Simeoni 1978: 37]; the word 'man' is understood in that source as 'person' q.v.

Kiggen 1948: 228. Cf. tʰı-ŋwan in [Bender 1971: 271] (incorrectly segmented there as tʰıŋ-wan) = Kiggen's te ŋuaːn, where te is a relativizer.

Nebel 1979: 37. Said of people. Cf. also kiːt̪ 'many, numerous' (of substances?) [Nebel 1979: 41]. Dialectal variation: ʓuɜɕ ~ ʓuaɕ [Duerksen 2005: 77]. In [Roettger 1989: 30], the most common equivalent for 'many' is ʓueɕ ~ a=ʓueɕ ~ ka=ʓueɕ ~ ka=ʓuiɕ. The form kit̪ ~ a=kit̪ is found as an alternate synonym in several subdialects, but is listed as the main and only equivalent only in the Luac subdialect of Rek. Another, very rare, equivalent is gak (Twic subdialect of Bor) ~ a=gak (Dongjol subdialect of Padang) = gak 'to stay about; go on doing the same thing' [Nebel 1979: 30], cf. such examples as yi a=gak dɔl 'you laugh much', indicating an adverbial usage in the derived meaning 'a lot of time'.

Roettger 1989: 30.

Miller 2006: 23. Quoted as ɕǝŋ-ɕǝŋ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Not attested.

Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. Initial a= is most likely a copula.

Heasty 1937: 70. Meaning glossed as 'many, much'. Quoted as ŋɛɲo 'much, many, a great number of' in [Kohnen 1994: 132]; cf. also the corresponding verb ŋeɲo 'to become many (more); to augment, to increase (numerically)' [ibid.]. 'Cf. also gir 'much, many, plentiful, abundant' [Heasty 1937: 34] = gir 'much, many; great multitude, quantity of...; lot' [Kohnen 1994: 61].

Reh 1999: 75. Qualifying verb: 'to be much, to be many, to be a lot'.

Simeoni 1978: 105. Not attested in Andersen's papers.

Kiggen 1948: 275. Plural: riŋ. Quoted as sg. riʰŋ, pl. riːʰŋ in [Frank 1999: 87]; as rrıŋ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 78. Quoted as ríːʰŋ in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Quoted as riŋ for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 32].

Roettger 1989: 32. Quoted as rîːʰŋ, pl. ríʰŋ in [Reid 2010: 56].

Miller 2006: 118. Plural: yoŋ-go. Quoted as sg. yʌ̂ŋ-ŋʌ̀, pl. yʌ̂ŋ-gʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 10]; as yǝŋǝ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 145. Plural: yʌ̀ŋ-gʌ̀. Quoted as yǝŋ-ǝ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 30; Andersen 2015: 512. Plural: kúkúk-ùŋì 'meats' [Andersen 2015: 523]. The original West Nilotic word for 'meat' is also attested by Andersen: ríŋ-ít̪ 'meat' [Andersen 2007b: 82]. However, it is not found in even a single textual example in either of the two articles surveyed for this wordlist. We have to assume that ríŋ-ít̪, at best, serves as an archaic or narrowly specialized term in the language, and that the lexical innovation kɔ̀ːkɔ́ːk functions as the neutral equivalent for 'meat'.

Andersen 1999c: 83; Storch 2005: 107. Plural form; the singulative is riŋ-it̪. Differently in [Bender 1971: 272]: kɔgɔk 'meat' (cf. notes on Kurmuk).

Heasty 1937: 87; Kohnen 1994: 171 (only the variant with r- in Kohnen's materials).

Reh 1999: 71. Plural: rīŋ.

Andersen 1988a: 67. Quoted as sg. riŋ-o, pl. riŋ in [Simeoni 1978: 105].

Kiggen 1948: 248. Plural: paː-t̪. Quoted as sg. pay, pl. paʰ-t̪ in [Frank 1999: 87]; as pʰaːy in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 69. Plural: pɛi. Polysemy: 'moon / month / tympanum (of ear)'. Quoted as pɛ̀ːy, pl. pɛ̀ʰi in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Phonetic variants in various dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 35] include pɛi ~ pɛːi ~ pɛiʰ ~ pɛːiʰ ~ pei ~ peiʰ.

Roettger 1989: 35.

Miller 2006: 89. Plural: pon-ko. Quoted as pâːn-nʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 100]; as paːn in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 137. Quoted as pǝ-n in [Bender 1971: 268].

Not attested.

Bender 1971: 272. Quoted as pl. pàːɕ, sg. pàːy-it̪ in [Storch 2005: 108]. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 28. Plural: dwa-d. Polysemy: 'moon / month / egg-yolk'. Quoted as sg. dway, pl. dwa-t in [Gilley 1992: 86]; as sg. dway ~ dwey, pl. dwa-t in [Kohnen 1994: 48].

Reh 1999: 25. Plural: dwʌ̀-dè.

Andersen 1989: 18. Plural: dwè-dì ~ dwʌ̀-dì. Only attested in the meaning 'month' in the quoted source, as well as in [Simeoni 1978: 106] (sg. dwʌy, pl. dwʌ-di), but since no other equivalent for 'moon' is recorded and no examples of lexical differentiation between 'moon' and 'month' are known for this area, it is reasonably safe to assume that the word means 'moon' as well.

Kiggen 1948: 249. Plural: paːm. Same word as 'stone' q.v. Quoted as sg. paʰm, pl. paːʰm in [Frank 1999: 87]; as pʰɛm in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 33. Plural: gat. Quoted as gɔt in [Roettger 1989: 37], but only for the Rek dialect. The majority of other Dinka dialects and subdialects (including even the Malual subdialect of Rek) have kur ~ kuːr as 'mountain', i. e. the same word as 'stone' q.v.

Roettger 1989: 37.

Miller 2006: 92. Polysemy: 'stone / mountain'. Plural: pom-ko. Quoted as sg. pʌ̂ːm-ʌ̀, pl. pʌ̂ːm-kʌ̀ [Andersen 2006: 16]; as pʋm-ʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 137, 144. Plural: pʌ́m-kʌ̀. Quoted as pǝm in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 51. Plural: pʌ́m-ít̪.

Andersen 2000a: 39. Plural: pʌm-it̪. Also quoted as pǝm in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 45. Same word as 'stone' q.v. Plural: kiʰt-i. Quoted as sg. kid-i, pl. kit-i 'stone, mountain, hill' in [Kohnen 1994: 83].

Reh 1999: 36. Plural: kít-é. Same word as 'stone' q.v.

Simeoni 1978: 103. Plural: kitt-e. Meaning glossed as 'hill'. Same word as 'stone' q.v.

Kiggen 1948: 315. Plural: t̪uːɣ. Polysemy: 'mouth / opening / edge / lip / language / gate'. Quoted as sg. t̪ok, pl. t̪uːk in [Frank 1999: 87]; as t̪ɔːkʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 88. Plural: t̪oːk. Polysemy: 'mouth / opening / border / language / news'. Quoted as t̪òʰk in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Quoted as t̪ok for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33].

Roettger 1989: 33. Quoted as t̪ók in [Reid 2010: 37].

Miller 2006: 100. Plural: t̪uggu ~ t̪uggɛ. Quoted as t̪úk-ʌ́ in [Andersen 1999a: 101]; as t̪ukʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Bender 1971: 268. The common West Nilotic equivalent for 'mouth' is glossed as t̪ùk 'lip' in [Andersen 2004: 137].

Andersen 2007b: 50.

Andersen 1999c: 72. Quoted as tɔk in [Bender 1971: 272]. Cf. also pɔk 'mouth' in [Andersen 1999c: 3]; semantic difference is unclear.

Heasty 1937: 31. Plural: d̪ɔk-i. Polysemy: 'mouth / language / entrance / door'. Quoted as sg. d̪ɔ́g, pl. d̪ɔ̀g in [Gilley 2000: 1]; as d̪ɔ́k in [Gilley 1992:23]; as sg. d̪ok ~ d̪o, pl. d̪og ~ d̪o 'mouth, muzzle, beak; language, advice, counsel, opinion, order, pronunciation, declaration, statement; beginning, end, border, edge, brim, margin, opening, hole' in [Kohnen 1994: 53].

Reh 1999: 21. Plural: d̪ɔ́g-ı́. Polysemy: 'mouth / language'.

Andersen 1999e: 265. Quoted as sg. d̪ok, pl. d̪og-i in [Simeoni 1978: 106].

Kiggen 1948: 63. Plural: ɕoːd. Quoted as sg. ɕiʋʰt, pl. ɕiʋːʰt in [Frank 1999: 87]; as ɕuu̯tʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 77. Plural: riɛn (only attested in [Duerksen 2005: 151]; according to Nebel, in some dialects the basic form rin already behaves as a formal plural). Quoted as rın ~ rin for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 38].

Roettger 1989: 38.

Miller 2006: 114. Plural: yen-g-o. Quoted as yyɛn-tʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 135, 148. Plural: yʌ̀nt̪ʌ́ŋ-gʌ́. Quoted as yǝn-t̪ǝŋ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 63.

Andersen 2000a: 35. Plural: mʋŋ-ın. Quoted as mɔŋ-ɔn in [Bender 1971: 272]; as moŋ-ɔn in [Storch 2005: 104].

Heasty 1937: 67. Quoted as ɲiŋ in [Kohnen 1994: 142]. The word is homonymous with the suppletive plural form of the word 'eye', q.v., but we have no reason to suppose that this is a case of polysemyCf. also ɕyaʰk, pl. ɕyaʰkː-iʰ 'name' in [Gilley 1992: 82] - clearly a nominal derivate from the verbal root ɕaʰk 'to name' [Heasty 1937: 18] = ɕak 'to compose songs, to make poetry, to sing of' [Kohnen 1994: 26], but no such nominal derivates are actually attested in Heasty's or Kohnen's dictionary.

Reh 1999: 53.

Simeoni 1978: 106. Not attested in Andersen's papers.

Kiggen 1948: 228. Quoted as sg. ŋuaʰk, pl. ŋuæʰk in [Frank 1999: 87]; as ŋʷɔːk in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 97. Quoted as yɛt̪ for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 34]. Additionally, cf. ŋoːk 'nape (of neck)' [Nebel 1979: 64; Duerksen 2005: 134], possibly related to ŋuk 'neck (of fish)' [Duerksen 2005: 136]; and ŋguik 'vertebra (backbone) near the head' [Nebel 1979: 64].

Roettger 1989: 34.

Miller 2006: 40. Plural: ɖɔːg-gɔ. Quoted as sg. dúaŋ-ʌ́, pl. dɔ̂ːg-gʌ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 101, Andersen 2006: 11]; as dwɔŋ-ɔ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 137. Cf. the possessive: dóŋ-ú 'your neck' [ibid.]. Differently in [Bender 1971: 268]: bǝlbɔl-e 'neck'.

Andersen 2015: 537.

Andersen 1999c: 22; Bender 1971: 272. Quoted as sg. dɔk, pl. dóːg-én in [Storch 2005: 118].

Heasty 1937: 61. Plural: mut-i. Quoted as sg. mūd-ɔ̀, pl. mùd in [Gilley 2000: 16]; as mut-o ~ mun 'neck' in [Kohnen 1994: 122]. The alternation between -t- and -n- is irregular and unexplained, but the two forms are still clearly variants rather than different roots.

Reh 1999: 31. Plural: ʓı́ɛt̪-ı́.

Simeoni 1978: 106. Plural: ŋud-i. Not attested in any of Andersen's papers.

Not attested in Kiggen's dictionary (most of the English textual examples with the word 'new' correspond to various idiomatic constructions in Nuer). In [Bender 1971: 271], the meaning 'new' is glossed as miː=paːyʓɛkʰ, where the first morpheme is a relativizer and =paːy-, most likely, is 'moon' q.v., i. e. probably something that has to do with the new moon, cf. Kiggen's pai-ɛ bi tɛd̪i 'at next new moon, next month' [Kiggen 1948: 249], etc., although the last component in Bender's equivalent remains unclear.

Nebel 1979: 65. Cf. also the verbal stem yam 'begin, start, found, invent', also functioning as the adjective 'new, modern' [Nebel 1979: 96]. Dialectal equivalents: ʓot 'new' in Jieng [Nebel 1979: 36], possibly related to ʓɵt 'young man' [ibid.]. In [Roettger 1989: 38], the word ɲal is not attested at all. Instead, the situation is as follows: (a) all of the Alor and Rek subdialects feature the form yam; (b) all of the Agar and Bor subdialects feature the form ʓot ~ ʓut; (c) for many of the Padang and Ageer subdialects, the word is not attested at all, but cf. Dongjol and Pan gɔl 'new' = gɔl ɕok 'to begin' in [Nebel 1979: 32]; Ngok-Sobat a=peloi ~ a=peyik (no parallels in [Nebel 1979]). On the whole, this is clearly an unstable item, but only Nebel's ɲal does not have a clearly secondary verbal origin, so we preserve it as the default equivalent.

Not attested.

Miller 2006: 111. Cf. the simple adverbial stem woːn 'recently; newly' [ibid.]. Quoted as wwɔn-ɔ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. Initial a= is probably a copula.

Not attested.

Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 65.

Reh 1999: 52. Qualifying verb. Plural stem: ɲʌ́r-ó.

Andersen 1988a: 94. Quoted as ɲʌn in [Simeoni 1978: 106]. The same source adds ando as a synonym [ibid.].

Kiggen 1948: 323. Quoted as sg. wæːʰr, pl. wæːʰr-iʰ in [Frank 1999: 87]; as wæːˤr in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 93. In [Roettger 1989: 37], this item is only listed as wɛːʰr ~ wɛːʰ for the Ruweng subdialect, and as an alternate synonym wɛʰːr ~ wɛʰr for the Rek proper and Twic subdialects of Rek. For all the subdialects except for Ruweng, a different form is attested: wakou ~ wɔkɔu ~ wakɔu ~ mɔkɔu, corresponding to wakɔu 'at night' [Nebel 1979: 91], i.e. a special adverbial form. Roettger's wordlists make it impossible to understand if the noted form is a former adverb that has replaced the original noun in all these dialects, or if it is still an adverb, glossed instead of the required noun.

Roettger 1989: 37. Quoted as wɛ́ɛːʰr in [Reid 2010: 55].

Miller 2006: 79. Plural: nin-ko. Differently in [Bender 1971: 269]: aɕa 'night' (not confirmed in Miller's dictionary). Cf. also the adverbial form weːnʓi 'in the night' [Miller 2006: 107].

Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Not attested.

Andersen 1999c: 22. Quoted as sg. wár-ìn, pl. wàr-dín in [Storch 2005: 111]. Differently in [Bender 1971: 272]: aban 'night'.

Heasty 1937: 99, 101. Quoted as war in [Kohnen 1994: 206].

Reh 1999: 80. Plural: wʌ́rr-é.

Andersen 1999e: 265.

Kiggen 1948: 330. Plural: wuːm-ni. Quoted as sg. wum, pl. wuːm in [Frank 1999: 88]; as wʋm in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 94. The plural form is listed as wuːm in [Duerksen 2005: 187]. Quoted as wum for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 33].

Roettger 1989: 33.

Miller 2006: 112. Plural form, glossed in the dictionary as 'noses'; however, a more correct glossing would be 'nostrils (pl.) = nose (sg.)', cf. the notation ʔûʌm-mʌ̀ 'nostril' in [Andersen 1999a: 101]. Quoted as wʋm-gʋ in [Bender 1971: 269]. The form liːɛ̂ɲ-ʌ̀, glossed as 'nose' in [Andersen 2006: 8] = liɛːɲ-u 'bridge of nose' in [Miller 2006: 66].

Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Andersen 2007b: 59.

Andersen 2000a: 35. Plural: ʔum-ak. Quoted as om-an in [Bender 1971: 272]; as sg. ʔúm, pl. ʔúm-àk in [Storch 2005: 121].

Heasty 1937: 89. Cf. o=rom-e d̪ano 'nose' in [Kohnen 1994: 152] = o=rɔm 'nostril' in [Heasty 1937: 78] (Kohnen's entry literally = 'man's nostrils').

Reh 1999: 79. Plural: úmm-í.

Andersen 1988a: 67. Quoted as sg. um, pl. umb-i in [Simeoni 1978: 106].

Kiggen 1948: 48, 54, 55. The most standard way of expressing negation in a Nuer sentence is raising of intonation on the pronominal marker in the verbal construction. Cf. the examples in [Nyang 2013: 63]: č-ɛ̀ mìt̪ 'he ate' vs. č-ɛ̄ mīt̪ 'he cannot eat' (where č- is the perfective marker and -ɛ is the 3rd p. sg. marker). In Kiggen's dictionary, this is reflected in the form of dictionary entries ɕ=à "neg. part. 1st pers. sing.", ɕ=è ~ ɕ=ì "particle used for negative past tense", as opposed to "unaccented" ɕ=a, ɕ=e ~ ɕ=i for the corresponding affirmative forms.

Nebel 1979: 3, 19. This is the basic negative particle for present (non-perfect) tense forms (a=ɕi bɔ 'he does not come'). In [Andersen 2007: 95], it is glossed as ɕèʰ ~ à=ɕèʰ. In [Roettger 1989: 30], this is the most common equivalent for basic negation, usually glossed as a=ɕi ~ a=ɕie, more rarely as a=ɕi-n, a=ɕieyɛ, a=ɕeyɛ-n, a=ɕı-n. In a few dialects, most notably some subdialects of Agar and Bor, the form a=liu 'not' is listed as an additional synonym. This form is cognate with the negative verb liu 'be absent, missing; not to be' in [Nebel 1979: 50] and is probably not eligible for the position of basic negation.

Roettger 1989: 30. Quoted as =t̪íl- in [Reid 2010: 164], where the morpheme is described as a negation particle (morphologically, it seems to be incorporated within the verbal form).

Miller 2006: 6. Quoted as bɛ̂ː in [Andersen 1992: 186].

Not attested.

Andersen 2015: 514.

Not attested.

Heasty 1937: 12, 80. Negative particle. Quoted as pa ~ fa in [Kohnen 1994: 155].

Reh 1999: 9. Negative particle, used with verbs in the imperfective aspect.

Andersen 1988c: 315. Negative particle, used with verbs in the imperfective (non-completive) aspect. Quoted as ba in [Simeoni 1978: 49].

Kiggen 1948: 138. Glossed as "neg. past act. partic."; seems to correspond to the negative particle that is glossed in [Nyong 2013: 63, 64] as kı́n-. The semantic difference between simple tone lowering and this special particle is not well understood.

Nebel 1979: 39. This is the basic negative particle for perfective tense forms (a=keɕ bɛ-n 'he did not come'). In [Andersen 2007: 95], it is glossed as kêːʰɕ and identified as an auxiliary verb.

Reh 1999: 36. Auxiliary verb, used in the past tense and in the prohibitive function.

Andersen 1988c: 314. Auxiliary verb, used in completive constructions. Described as "the neg. particle 'k + vowel + r + vowel'" for past tense constructions in [Simeoni 1978: 50].

Kiggen 1948: 141. Quoted as kʰɛl in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 84. Consistently listed as tok for all subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 31].

Roettger 1989: 31.

Miller 2006: 29. Quoted as ɕiːɛ́lɔ̀ in [Andersen 1999a: 104]; as ɕɛlɔ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 142. Quoted as kɛ́lòkʰ in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2015: 541.

Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 7. Quoted as a=kyel in [Kohnen 1994: 6].

Reh 1999: 2. Without the prefix, cf. the noun ɕı̀ɛl 'solitariness' [Reh 1999: 16].

Andersen 1989: 9. Quoted as a=ɕyelo in [Simeoni 1978: 31]. The same source also lists toːk as an alternate synonym, "presumably taken from Dinka".

Kiggen 1948: 265. Suppletive plural: naːd̪. Quoted as sg. raːn, pl. naːt̪ in [Frank 1999: 88]; as rrɛn in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 75. Suppletive plural: kɔɕ. Quoted as sg. raàːn, pl. kɔ́ɕ in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Cf. also ʓaŋ, pl. ʓieŋ 'people, Jange tribe, tribesman' [Nebel 1979: 35].

Reid 2010: 18. Suppletive plural: nêːy [Reid 2010: 33]. Only the plural form is attested in Roettger's materials, quoted as nei 'people' in [Roettger 1989: 38].

Miller 2006: 73. Plural: ma ~ ma-ka. Quoted as sg. mé-nʌ́, pl. má-kʌ́ in [Andersen 1999a: 102]; as mɛ-n̪n̪u in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 137. Quoted as mɛn in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 34; Andersen 2015: 510. Suppletive plural: ʔùlʌ̀n 'people' [Andersen 2007b: 38].

Andersen 1999c: 66. Quoted as t̪aːrɔk in [Bender 1971: 272]; as t̪arɔ́k in [Storch 2005: 114], with suppletive plural ʔʋ̀lʌ̀l.

Heasty 1937: 30. Polysemy: 'person / child, baby'. Suppletive plurals: (a) tɛdo 'people' [Heasty 1937: 91]; (b) ʓi, with the accompanying note: "tɛdo is a more general term than ʓi; ʓi are generally known to the people discussing them" [Heasty 1937: 39]. Quoted as sg. d̪ān̪ɔ̀, pl. ʓī in [Gilley 2000: 19]; as d̪an-o, pl. ʓi 'human creature, person, man, woman, child; one, somebody, anyone, someone' in [Kohnen 1994: 51]. Cf. also ŋan 'person (the person is someone not known)' [Heasty 1937: 70] = ŋān 'person' [Gilley 1992: 23] = ŋan 'anyone who, the one that, who' [Kohnen 1994: 131].

Reh 1999: 20. Suppletive plural: ʓɛ̀y 'people'.

Andersen 1999e: 265. Suppletive plural: ʓìy 'people' [Andersen 1999e: 254]. Quoted as d̪an̪-o, pl. ʓou 'man' in [Simeoni 1978: 105].

Kiggen 1948: 234. Plural: n̪il-i. Polysemy: 'rain / weather'. Quoted as niyaːl in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 23. Polysemy: 'rain / thunderstorm / rainy season'. Cf. also Deŋ 'ancestor of the Jang and Jieng tribes and worshipped; believed to have been taken to heaven during a storm' [Nebel 1979: 24]. Quoted as dèːʰŋ in [Andersen 1987: 4]. Quoted as deŋ for all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 36]. In [Duerksen 2005: 43], the paradigm for several dialects is quoted as sg. deŋ, pl. dɘŋ, with polysemy: 'rain / sky' (although the usual word for 'sky' is n̪iaʰl [Nebel 1979: 65] = n̪ial [Duerksen 2005: 129]).

Roettger 1989: 36. Quoted as kwôt̪ in [Reid 2010: 56].

Miller 2006: 82. Plural: ɲol-d̪in. Quoted as ɲaːl-u in [Bender 1971: 269]. Cf. also koːriya 'rain; west' in [Miller 2006: 59].

Andersen 2004: 145. The exact quoted form is plural: ɲál-kʌ̀ 'rains'. Quoted as ɲaːl in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2007b: 41; Andersen 2015: 518.

Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 46; Kohnen 1994: 88 ('rain, thunderstorm, lightning').

Reh 1999: 38. Plural: kúːnnʰ-é.

Andersen 1988a: 67. Quoted as kot̪ in [Simeoni 1978: 108].

Kiggen 1948: 179. Quoted as =lwal in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 52. Nominal form; the complete adjectival form is ma=lual. The dialectal equivalent in Bor is glossed as ɕir [Nebel 1979: 20]. Cf. also t̪it̪ 'reddish, rose colour' [Nebel 1979: 88]. In [Roettger 1989: 37], the situation is as follows: (a) lual ~ ma=lual 'red' is only listed as an alternate synonym for the Gɔk subdialect of Agar, the Ngɔk subdialect of Ageer, the Twic subdialect of Bor, and the Malual ('Red') subdialect of Rek; (b) the most frequent equivalent for 'red' is t̪it̪ ~ t̪it ~ t̪iːt̪ ~ t̪iɛt ~ t̪iɛt̪ ~ tiɛt̪ ~ a=t̪it̪ ~ kʋ=t̪it̪ ~ kɛ=t̪it̪ ~ kɘ=t̪it̪, attested in one of these variants everywhere except for Gɔk; (c) another rare equivalent is a=luat ~ kɘ=luat (Gɔk and Agar proper subdialects of Agar) = luat 'become reddish, yellow' [Nebel 1979: 52]. Judging by external comparanda (Nuer), lual is clearly the most archaic equivalent for 'red', and it remains unclear if Roettger's semantic glossing is perfectly accurate and whether (b) does not really denote some specific shade of 'red'.

Roettger 1989: 37.

Miller 2006: 98. Reduplicated stem. Cf. also t̪i-nna 'very red' [ibid.]. Quoted as tìd̪-án in [Andersen 1992: 203]; as t̪it̪id̪ʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Andersen 2007b: 73.

Bender 1971: 272. Reduplicated stem. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers, but cf. mı́ɲ-ɔ̀n 'redness', mı́ŋ-mı́ŋ 'red' (ŋ may be a typo for ɲ) in [Storch 2005: 103].

Heasty 1937: 48; Kohnen 1994: 90.

Reh 1999: 40. Qualitative verb. Plural: kwáy-ɔ́.

Andersen 1999e: 270. Quoted as kwar, pl. kwayy-o in [Simeoni 1978: 108].

Kiggen 1948: 87. Plural: dup. Meaning glossed as 'path, road'. Quoted as duʔpʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 28. Plural: d̪ol. Meaning glossed as 'path, road; way'. Cf. the dialectal form puor 'cleaned road' in the Agar dialect = 'cultivation, farming' in the other dialects [Nebel 1979: 72]; this word is quoted as sg. puôːʰr, pl. piàːʰr 'road' in [Andersen 1987: 15]. Cf. also Agar and Rueng kuer 'road, path, river' < kuer 'to flow, run (water), leak' [Nebel 1979: 44]; this word is quoted as kuèːʰr 'path' in [Andersen 1987: 15]. In [Roettger 1989: 36], the situation is as follows: all the subdialects of Padang-Ageer, as well as the Luac subdialect of Rek, the Twic and Nyarweng subdialects of Bor, and most of the subdialects of Agar, have kuer ~ kuɛr ~ kuɛʰr 'path'; the variant d̪ɘl ~ d̪ɛl ~ dɘl is essentially confined to most of the subdialects of Rek, the Bor proper subdialect of Bor, and (as an additional synonym) some of the subdialects of Agar. It is unclear, as usual, just how accurate this representation is, but at least the information on Rek seems to be consistent with the information in Nebel's dictionary (where the main focus is also on the Rek dialect).

Roettger 1989: 36.

Miller 2006: 93. Plural: pɔː-ko. Meaning glossed as 'path'. Quoted as sg. pʌ́y-ʌ́, pl. pɔ̂ː-kʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 14]; as pɔy-ʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 141. Meaning glossed as 'path'. Quoted as pǝi in [Bender 1971: 268].

Not attested.

Andersen 1999d: 3. Plural: pʋːr-ın [Andersen 2006: 16]. Quoted as pɔr in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 108. Plural: yieʰt̪. Quoted as sg. yoː, pl. yeʰːt̪ in [Gilley 1992: 86]; as sg. yōó, pl. yēèd̪ in [Gilley 2000: 6]; as sg. yo, pl. yiet̪ in [Kohnen 1994: 222].

Reh 1999: 31. Plural: ʓíe-d̪í. Polysemy: 'road / path / way / manner'.

Andersen 1988: 72. Meaning glossed as 'road'. Quoted as a=lola 'path' in [Simeoni 1978: 107]. The same source also lists yoː 'path' as a synonym. The latter is clearly the old equivalent for this notion, as confirmed by external Luo data; however, it is never found in any of Andersen's papers, and it remains unclear if its meaning has narrowed down or become figurative in modern Päri. Additionally, cf. gʌr 'path' in [Andersen 1988b: 303].

Kiggen 1948: 201. Plural: mit̪. Polysemy: 'roots of plant / feelers of fish'. Quoted as mei- in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 57. Polysemy: 'root / tendril of climbing plants'. Quoted as sg. meèːy, pl. mêːy in [Andersen 2002: 21]. Phonetic variants of this root in [Roettger 1989: 32] include mei ~ meʰi ~ meːi ~ meːiʰ.

Roettger 1989: 32.

Miller 2006: 7. Plural: bɛː-kɛ. Miller notes the presence of the more rare equivalent bɛːk-ɕan in the speech of younger people; this is probably an analogical innovation based on the re-analyzed plural form bɛː-kɛ. Quoted as bɛ̀ːŋ-ɲán in [Andersen 1992: 192]. Cf. also kerke 'root' in [Bender 1971: 269], corresponding to kɛrkɛ 'branches of tree' in [Miller 2006: 56].

Andersen 2004: 156. Quoted as biɕ-an in [Bender 1971: 268].

Not attested.

Andersen 1999c: 83. Plural: bıːr. Quoted as ber-it̪ in [Bender 1971: 83]. Clearly the same word (sg. bìr-it̪, pl. bır) is listed in [Storch 2005: 107] in different meanings, allowing to postulate polysemy: 'root / vein / sinew / muscle'. (She does list a separate pl. biːr, sg. bir-it̪ 'root' on p. 108, but considering the frequency of such a polysemy, it is reasonable to suggest that this is really the same word).

Heasty 1937: 18. Plural: byɛr-i. Polysemy: 'root / source (of smth.)'. Cf. also tyɛl-o 'foot', with polysemy: 'foot / foundation / root' [Heasty 1937: 96], although the English-Shilluk part of the dictionary explicitly states that byɛr-o is 'root of plants'. Quoted as sg. byèːr-ɔ̀, pl. byēr in [Gilley 1992: 82]; sg. byɛr-o, pl. byɛr-i 'root; womb, afterbirth' in [Kohnen 1994: 25].

Reh 1999: 45. Plural: lwɛ̀ːd-ı́. Polysemy: 'finger / root'. The old root bìer-ò seems to have only been preserved in the meaning 'placenta, afterbirth' [Reh 1999: 10].

Not attested.

Kiggen 1948: 280. Cf. another reduplicated stem with the same meaning: gul-gul ~ gɔl-gɔl 'round, rolled up' [Kiggen 1948: 116].

Nebel 1979: 79. Cf. roŋ 'stone of a fruit; nut' [ibid.].

Not attested.

Miller 2006: 62. Reduplicated adjectival stem. Meaning glossed as "rounded" (as in "the back of the kola shell is rounded"), so the inclusion is somewhat dubious.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Heasty 1937: 4. Noun and adjective ('round, circular; a ring or circle'). Quoted as a=dulo 'round, circular; cipher, zero' in [Kohnen 1994: 4].

Not attested.

Andersen 1988b: 308. Meaning glossed as 'round thing' (nominal). However, the same word is quoted as a=dundo 'round' in [Simeoni 1978: 109].

Kiggen 1948: 175. Plural: lid. Quoted as sg. liɛt, pl. lit in [Frank 1999: 88]; as lʸɛtʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 49. Polysemy: 'dust / sand'. Quoted as liɛɛ́ːt 'sand' in [Andersen 1987: 16]; as sg. liɛːt, pl. lit in [Duerksen 2005: 101]. Quoted as liɛt ~ liɛʰt ~ liɛːt ~ liɛːʰt for all the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 36].

Roettger 1989: 36.

Miller 2006: 81. Plural: ŋom-gɔ ~ ŋɔp. Quoted as ŋɔm-ʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 155. Quoted as tɛŋal in [Bender 1971: 268].

Not attested.

Bender 1971: 272. Quoted as teːŋ-ɔ̀l (collective), teːŋ-ɔ̀l-ɛ́t̪ (singulative) in [Storch 2005: 108]; cf. also the plural form teːŋ-it̪ 'heaps of sand' [ibid.], allowing to segment out -ɔl as a suffix. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 49. Meaning glossed as 'sand' or 'sandy soil'. Quoted as sg. kwōʓ-ɔ̀, pl. kwóòʓ in [Gilley 2000: 11]; as kwiʓ-o ~ kuoʓ-o in [Kohnen 1994: 93].

Reh 1999: 5. Plural: ā=kùː-í. Distinct from lɔ̀t 'fine sand' [Reh 1999: 44].

Andersen 1989: 17. Plural form; the singulative is ŋòːm-ó. Quoted as ŋom in [Simeoni 1978: 109]. The same source also adds 'earth' as an additional meaning, although the word is not found in this meaning in any of Andersen's papers.

Kiggen 1948: 320. 3rd p. sg.: waːɣ-a. This is the main verb that introduces direct speech, distinct from several other verbs with meanings closer to 'tell', 'inform', etc., e. g. lar 'to say, to recommend' [Kiggen 1948: 168]. The latter is listed in [Bender 1971: 271] as larre 'to say', but Kiggen's data show that it is hardly eligible for inclusion.

Nebel 1979: 53. Polysemy: 'to say / to think'. Distinct from lek 'to tell, order (a person)', lɛk 'to say (tell)' [Nebel 1979: 48], cf. also in [Duerksen 2005: 99]: lek 'to confess, order, tell (a person)', lɛk 'informing; information' (noun). Phonetic variants luɛl ~ luel (also luıl in the Nyarweng subdialect of Bor) are attested in the majority of dialects and subdialects in [Roettger 1989: 35]. For the Luac subdialect of Rek and the Aliab subdialect of Agar, the same source lists ʓam as the default equivalent; in [Nebel 1979: 35], this verb is glossed with the meaning 'talk, speak', and it is uncertain how accurate the semantic glossing in [Roettger 1989: 35] actually is.

Roettger 1989: 35.

Miller 2006: 45. Morphophonological variants of the root include gwag-, gwaŋ-, gɔː-, gɔːg-. Cf. gɔ́k-ʌ̀ 'I say', gûːag-ɛ́ 'they said' in [Andersen 1999a: 111]. Quoted as gɔk-t̪i in [Bender 1971: 269].

Bender 1971: 268. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Not attested.

Bender 1971: 272. Probably a nominalized form. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 45. Participial form: kob-o. Quoted as ko ~ kop ~ kob-o 'to say, to speak, to tell; to think, to imagine' in [Kohnen 1994: 85]. Cf. yi kob adi "what did you say?", etc. Another equivalent is ɕa ~ ɕama 'to say' [Kohnen 1994: 26], often used to introduce direct speech; but it seems to be limited to specific bound contexts, and is not at all found in this meaning in [Heasty 1937].

Reh 1999: 37. The semantically close verb wāːɕ 'to say smth., to speak, to talk, to tell smth.', judging by the examples, is more frequently used in the latter meanings than in the function of the most basic direct speech marker [Reh 1999: 80].

Andersen 2000b: 77. Quoted as kob-o in [Simeoni 1978: 109].

Kiggen 1948: 212. 3rd p. sg.: nɛːn-ɛ. Intransitive verb; the transitive correlate 'to examine, inspect, witness' is listed as nɛn, 3rd p. sg. nɛn-ɛ [ibid.]. Quoted as nɛːn-i in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 83. Polysemy: 'to see / to look'. Quoted as tîːʰŋ in the phrase "the woman saw the girls" in [Andersen 1987: 22]. Quoted as tiŋ ~ tıŋ for the majority of dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 34], but a couple alternate synonyms are attested as well: (a) the Ruweng subdialect has daʰi 'see' instead of tiŋ, and the form dai is also listed as an alternate synonym for tiŋ in Agar; in [Nebel 1979: 22], the word daʰi is glossed as 'look at, observe'; (b) in the Aliab subdialect of Agar, the equivalent is ŋem, and the form ŋɛm is also listed as an alternate synonym for tiŋ in the Bor proper subdialect of Bor; this form finds no equivalent in Nebel's dictionary.

Roettger 1989: 34.

Miller 2006: 121. Quoted as yûːar- in [Andersen 1992: 197]. Differently in [Bender 1971: 269]: gɔr-ɕa 'see' = gɔr-ɕa 'look at, see' [Miller 2006: 46].

Andersen 2004: 145. Nominalized form. Quoted as yɔr-ro in [Bender 1971: 268].

Andersen 2015: 519. Cf. also ʔɔ́ːk- 'to see', attested in one textual example in [Andersen 2015: 550]; difference between the two items remains unclear.

Not properly attested. Cf. ɔukud̪ar 'see' in [Bender 1971: 272], a form with unclear morphological segmentation.

Heasty 1937: 63. Meaning glossed as 'look at, see, expect, look for, wait for'. Quoted as nen 'to see, to look; to live, to feel; to wait for' in [Kohnen 1994: 125].

Reh 1999: 33. Detransitivized form: ʓít-ó. Cf. also nɛːn 'to see (smth.), to look (at smth./smbd.)' [Reh 1999: 51]. Text examples in [Reh 1996] show clearly that ʓʋ̀ːt is the main equivalent for 'to see'; nɛːn seems to have more of a directional meaning ('to look').

Andersen 1989: 13. Quoted as nen-o 'look' in [Simeoni 1978: 105]. Textual examples in Andersen's papers clearly show that the word is the basic equivalent for both 'to see' and 'to look'.

Kiggen 1948: 154. Polysemy: 'seed / remnants (of cloth)'. Quoted as kʷai in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 39. Plural: kɔ-t̪. Quoted as sg. káːʰw, pl. kɔ́ːʰ-t̪ in [Andersen 1987: 15]. Cf. also t̪eːl, pl. t̪ɛl 'seed' in [Duerksen 2005: 171] (not confirmed in Nebel's dictionary). In [Roettger 1989: 32], singular and plural variants are listed rather chaotically across dialects; singulative variants include kau ~ kauʰ, and plural variants include kɔt̪ ~ kɔʰt̪ ~ kɔʰːt̪. Only in the Ruweng subdialect, instead of this common root, we find ɲın 'eye' in the meaning 'seed'.

Roettger 1989: 32. Listed as kɔ-t̪ / kuai, where the first form is probably plural (see external parallels in Dinka).

Miller 2006: 56. Meaning glossed as 'seed (e.g. pumpkin)'. Singulative: kɛː-ɲan. Differently in [Bender 1971: 269]: pʸeɕa 'seed' (cf. pyeɕɕa bora 'to spread out' in [Miller 2006: 95]).

Andersen 2004: 145. Plural: kʌ̀w-kʌ́. Differently in [Bender 1971: 268]: pin̪ǝ 'seed'; cf. piːt̪- 'to sow', pìːn̪-n̪ʌ́ 'sowing' in [Andersen 2006b: 12].

Not attested.

Andersen 2000a: 33. Plural: kʌp. Quoted as kab in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 95. Quoted as kod̪ ~ koːd̪ in [Kohnen 1994: 85]. The form seems to be a plurale tantum.

Reh 1999: 38. Plural: kòː-d̪ì.

Andersen 1989: 5.

Kiggen 1948: 244. 3rd p. sg.: ɲuːr-ɛ. Quoted as ɲuːr-i in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 67. Meaning glossed as 'sit, sit down, establish'. Cf. also t̪oɕ 'to sit down; to be buried alive', listed in [Duerksen 2005: 174] for the Northwestern dialect; it corresponds to t̪ɔɕ 'to squat (on tiptoe)' in [Nebel 1979: 88]. Most of the dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 35] have the variant ɲuɕ; only in the Agar proper subdialect of Agar the attested form is ɲɔʓ-ɛ.

Roettger 1989: 35.

Miller 2006: 20, 22. Quoted stems include ɕi-en, ɕiy-o, ɕoː-n. Quoted as ɕǝɕa in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 147. Quoted as ɕǝ-ʓinʔiɲi in [Bender 1971: 268] (unclear morphological composition).

Not attested properly, but cf. t̪aːrak kɪː kʌ d̪ɔːl "the man is sitting", literally "the man is staying on [his] anus" [Andersen 2015: 515]; this example shows that the general meaning of 'sitting' is rendered by the verb kı́ː 'to stay, be located' with certain nominal-adverbial modifiers.

Bender 1971: 272. Probably a nominalized form. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 82. Participial form: pek-o. Quoted as pek-o, also pek-a piɲ (where piɲ = 'earth' q.v.) 'to sit down' in [Kohnen 1994: 158].

Reh 1999: 66. The verbal root is pì; pɛ̄ɲ is the nominal modifier 'earth' q.v.

Simeoni 1978: 110. The second word is 'earth, ground'. Additional synonym: bed-o [ibid.]. Not attested in any of Andersen's papers.

Kiggen 1948: 116. Plural: guːp. Meaning glossed as 'skin; leather'; cf. guɔb waŋ 'eye lid' (lit. = 'skin (of) eye'), showing that the word is applicable to humans. Quoted as sg. guɔʰp, pl. guːp in [Frank 1999: 88]. Different equivalent listed in [Bender 1971: 271]: kɛl 'skin'. No such word is found in Kiggen's dictionary, but cf. perhaps kol 'skin of animal' [Kiggen 1948: 149], not applicable to humans.

Nebel 1979: 23. Meaning glossed as 'skin (of men)'. Distinct from bioːk 'skin, hide' (animal) [Nebel 1979: 16]. Cf., however, dɛ̂ːʰl 'skin' in [Andersen 1987: 25], quoted in the sentence "the man is giving a skin" (this shows that in at least some dialects, such as Agar, the word is also applicable to animal skin). Phonetic variants of the root in [Roettger 1989: 32] include dɛl ~ dɛʰl, also dɛn in one subdialect of Padang. The form biok ~ bioʰk is listed as an alternate synonym for three additional subdialects, and the form guop is listed as an alternate synonym only for the Abiliang subdialect of Padang; it corresponds to guop, pl. gup 'body, oneself' in [Nebel 1979: 34], and, although clearly cognate with Nuer guɔb 'skin', cannot be judged as a lexicostatistical match with Nuer.

Roettger 1989: 32. Quoted as gwɔ̂ʰp in [Reid 2010: 30].

Miller 2006: 6. Plural: bey-yo. Quoted as sg. bɛ̂ː-nán, pl. bɛ̂y-yʌ̀ in [Andersen 2006: 5]. Differently in [Bender 1971: 269]: minwarɛ 'skin' (an unclear compound form).

Andersen 2004: 139. Plural: bɔ́y-gʋ̀. Quoted as bɔ-n̪ɔn-de in [Bender 1971: 268].

Not attested.

Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers.

Heasty 1937: 24; Kohnen 1994: 42. Polysemy: 'skin / hide / body / whip made of hippo hide'.

Reh 1999: 66. Plural: péːn-è. Meaning glossed as '(thin) skin'. Distinct from '(thick) skin': sg. kùot, pl. kóːd-é [Reh 1999: 38]. It is unclear which of these two terms should be considered the default one for denoting human skin, but since the second term is also glossed as 'hide', it might be presumed that it more often refers to animal than human skin.

Andersen 1988a: 67. Plural: dènd-ì [Andersen 1989: 4]. Quoted as sg. del, pl. dend-i in [Simeoni 1978: 110]. The same source also adds sg. pien, pl. peːn-e as a synonym.

Kiggen 1948: 214. 3rd p. sg.: niːn-ɛ. Quoted as niyɛn in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 61. The nominal equivalent is nin 'sleep (n.)' [ibid.]. Attested as niːn ~ nin in all dialects and subdialects of Dinka in [Roettger 1989: 35].

Roettger 1989: 35.

Miller 2006: 79. Cf. also nin-d̪o 'to lie down, sleep, stay (e.g. overnight)' [ibid.]. Quoted as nin-kʋ in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 154. Attested in the phrase "but he is not sleeping". Differently in [Bender 1971: 268]: nin-kǝ 'sleep' (probably a verbal noun). The fact that Bender's alternative is etymologically supported with data from Mabaan and Buruun makes Andersen's entry somewhat dubious; however, pending the publication of more accurate data on Jumjum, we go along with Andersen's selection since this is our primary source.

Andersen 2007b: 37; Andersen 2015: 543. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'.

Andersen 2000a: 31. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'. Quoted as nen-e in [Bender 1971: 272].

Heasty 1937: 63. Quoted as nenn-o 'to sleep, to fall asleep' in [Kohnen 1994: 126].

Reh 1999: 12. Intransitive verb.

Andersen 1988c: 304. Attested in the phrase lwàːk bùt-ò kı́ wʌ́ːr ̀"people sleep at night". Quoted as but-o in [Simeoni 1978: 110]. The latter source also lists nin-e as a synonym, but it looks like the lexical distribution between these two forms in Päri might be the same as in Anywa ('lie' vs. 'sleep').

Kiggen 1948: 301. Adverbial and adjectival stem (ke=tɔ-t 'a little, a while'; me=tɔ-t, pl. te=toa-ni 'small'). Quoted as =tʰɔtʰ in [Bender 1971: 271].

Nebel 1979: 86. Plural: t̪iː. Cf. also kor 'be small, little, young' [Nebel 1979: 42] (applied not only to age, cf. the example "the cloth is too small"; however, the primary semantics of this stem seems to refer to more abstract qualities than physical size). It is only this second root, however, that is listed as the equivalent for 'small' in [Roettger 1989: 31]: kor ~ kur ~ a=kor ~ a=koːr ~ kǝ=kor.

Roettger 1989: 31.

Miller 2006: 36. Reduplicated stem. Quoted as diɛr-ɕe in [Bender 1971: 269].

Andersen 2004: 142. The listed form is dɛ́ːd-àŋ 'it is small'. Quoted as dɛd-aŋ in [Bender 1971: 142].

Not attested.

Bender 1971: 272. Not attested in any of T. Andersen's papers. Cf. tʋ́l-ɔ̀k 'smallness' in [Storch 2005: 114].

Heasty 1937: 98. Plural: t̪ɛn̪-i ~ t̪ɔn̪-o. Quoted as t̪îʰn̪ in [Gilley 1992: 23]; as t̪in, pl. t̪onn-o ~ t̪onn-i ~ t̪enn-i in [Kohnen 1994: 198]. Cf. also ɲa, pl. ɲwɔli 'small' (prepositional adjective, seemingly acting as a diminutive morpheme or having the meaning 'young') [Heasty 1937: 65].

Reh 1999: 75. Qualitative verb. Plural: t̪ɛ́r-ɔ́. Cf. the reduplicated stem: t̪ı̀ːn̪-t̪ı́ːn̪ 'to be very small, to be tiny'.