Browne 1996: 88. Renders Greek πάντες ~ πάντα. Adverbial form, derived from kel- 'limit, fulness' [Browne 1996: 87].

Werner 1987: 112. Meaning glossed as 'all; each'; the word has both adjectival and nominal functions. Quoted as malleː in [Lepsius 1880: 358].

Armbruster 1965: 136. Plural form: mallɛ-nč ~ mallɛ-nčı. Quoted as malle, pl. malle-ri ~ malle-nɕi in [Massenbach 1962: 214].

Hofmann 1986: 124. Quoted as malle in [Massenbach 1962: 214].

Kauczor 1920: 95. The lengthier variant tugu-keɲe is also quoted ibid. as characterizing the speech of the older generation. The suffix -keɲe ~ -kene is also encountered with numerals, e. g.: ˈor-keɲe 'both' (see 'two'), tˈɔǯu-kkene 'all three', etc.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 40.

Krell 2012: 40.

Thelwall 1977: 199.

Werner 1993: 117. Quoted as pòɕíɕì in [Thelwall 1983: 110]. Additional synonyms: túmmár ~ tùmmàníɕɕí "all, everybody" [Werner 1993: 134]; tàssìɕí "all" [Werner 1993: 128]. Textual examples, however, confirm pòɕɕíɕí- as the most common equivalent for the adjectival meaning 'all' (of people, animals, etc.).

Browne 1996: 118. Renders Greek πάντες ~ πάντα; the semantic difference between miššan- and kell-o is impossible to determine based on attested evidence (it certainly has nothing to do with the difference between 'all = omnis' and 'all = totus'). We include both words as "technical" synonyms. Still other forms with similar meanings are: (a) malle- 'all, every' (encountered rarely and, seemingly, in adjectival rather than nominal function) [Browne 1996: 110]; (b) watto- {ouatto- ~ wattω-} 'whole, all, entire' [Browne 1996: 131] (this word definitely seems to display the semantics of totus and is therefore ineligible for inclusion); (c) ǯimmil- {ǯimml̄- ~ ǯm̄ml̄-} 'all, entire, whole' [Browne 1996: 189]. Overall, available evidence makes it rather hard to determine the most basic and "neutral" equivalent for 'all' in Old Nubian (not to mention that there may have been dialectal variation).

Not attested.

Werner 1987: 380. Quoted as ùbúr-tì in [Bell 1970: 136]; as obur-ti ~ ubur-ti, with polysemy: 'ashes / gray' in [Lepsius 1880: 374]. The component -ti is an old fossilized nominal suffix.

Armbruster 1965: 207. Plural form: ubˈur-tı-nč ~ ubˈur-tı-nčı. Quoted as ubˈur-ti in [Massenbach 1962: 238].

Hofmann 1986: 175. Quoted as ubˈur-ti in [Massenbach 1962: 238].

Kauczor 1920: 49.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 48.

Krell 2012: 48.

Thelwall 1977: 199.

Werner 1993: 137. Quoted as úfù-dì in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Not attested.

Bell 1970: 124. Polysemy: 'chaff / bark'. In [Lepsius 1880: 312], an entirely different word is listed in the meaning 'bark': gabaːd. However, the reverse German-Nubian index also lists the complex form koi-n aʓin [Lepsius 1880: 417], where the first word = 'tree' q.v. and aʓin = Bell's àɕì.

Armbruster 1965: 72. Plural form: gˈabad-ı.

Hofmann 1986: 65. Quoted as gabad in [Massenbach 1962: 188].

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 42.

Krell 2012: 42.

Not attested.

Werner 1993: 75. Quoted as áɕɕí-dí in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Armbruster 1965: 115. Plural form: kˈaːččı-nč ~ kˈaːččı-nčı. This word is glossed based on a more generic semantics than gˈabad: 'investing tissue, rind, bark, skin, crust, shell, husk, pod'. However, both words are simply glossed as 'bark of tree' when found in idiomatic formations with the word for 'tree': ǯˈowwıŋ kˈaːččı = ǯˈowwıŋ gˈabad. The difference between the two is unclear, and we treat them as technical synonyms.

Browne 1996: 181. Renders both Greek γαστήρ 'stomach' and κοιλία 'belly', so, apparently, with polysemy: 'belly / stomach', normal for Nubian languages in general.

Werner 1987: 379; Bell 1970: 137. Plural form: tùː-nɕìː. Quoted as tuː, pl. tuː-guː in [Lepsius 1880: 400], with polysemy: 'belly / stomach'.

Armbruster 1965: 204. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach / inside, interior'. Plural form: tˈu-nč ~ tˈu-nčı. Quoted as tuː in [Massenbach 1962: 237].

Hofmann 1986: 173. Quoted as tuː in [Massenbach 1962: 237].

Kauczor 1920: 49, 62. Plural form: te-ti-l. Glossed as tɛtɛ 'stomach' in [Jabr el Dar 2006: 186].

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 45.

Krell 2012: 45.

Thelwall 1977: 199. Meaning glossed as 'belly (inside)', opposed to ɛr-ti 'belly (outside)'. Although the latter meaning could be regarded as a closer fit for the Swadesh definition, we hesitate to include it instead of tuː, since known information is not sufficiently reliable to postulate a lexical replacement in Birgid (other Nubian languages do not generally distinguish between 'inside of belly' and 'outside of belly', so the situation deserves additional investigation).

Werner 1993: 135. Glossed with polysemy: 'stomach / midst / inside'. The meaning 'belly' or 'abdomen' is not listed as such, but the word is listed in the meaning 'belly' in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Browne 1996: 36. Verbal root: 'to be great' (Browne glosses the meaning as 'great' since it is rarely, if ever, attested in contexts describing physical largeness, but it consistently renders Greek μέγας, and, with the additional evidence of modern Nobiin, there is little doubt that it was the default equivalent for 'big' in Old Nubian as well).

Werner 1987: 344; Bell 1970: 127. Plural form: dàwwí-kúː. Quoted as dauw ~ dauwi, pl. dauw-iː 'big, high' in [Lepsius 1880: 283] (also dauwi-r ~ dauwu-r id.).

Armbruster 1965: 55. Polysemy: 'big / old'. Plural form: dˈuː-l-ı ~ dˈuː-l-ı-nč ~ dˈuː-l-ı-nčı. Quoted as duː-l, pl. duː-l-i ~ duː-l-i-nɕi in [Massenbach 1962: 183]. Stem-final -l may be considered a fused suffix, based on external (cf. Nobiin dàwwí) as well as internal evidence (it is found in multiple other adjectival stems).

Hofmann 1986: 54. Quoted as duː-l, pl. duː-l-i in [Massenbach 1962: 183].

Kauczor 1920: 82. Polysemy: 'big / old'.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 41.

Krell 2012: 41.

Thelwall 1977: 199.

Werner 1993: 115. Additional synonym: kòːré 'big / old' [Werner 1993: 101; Thelwall 1983: 110]. Textual examples confirm that pér is generally used in the simple meaning 'big' ('big toes', 'big cheeks', etc.), whereas kòːré more commonly refers to age ('old').

Browne 1996: 84. Renders both Greek πετεινόν 'bird' and στρουθίον 'sparrow', so the more precise meaning is probably '(small) bird'.

Lepsius 1880: 340 (quoted as kauarti in Lepsius' orthography). Plural form: kauar-tiː. The suffix -ti reflects the old fossilized singulative marker. Not attested in [Werner 1987].

Armbruster 1965: 120. Plural form: kˈawır-tɛ-nč ~ kˈawır-tɛ-nčı. Quoted as kawir-te ~ kawwer-te in [Massenbach 1962: 205]. Cf. also fˈoːǯa 'small bird' [Armbruster 1965: 72].

Hofmann 1986: 108. Quoted as kawir-te ~ kawwer-te in [Massenbach 1962: 205].

Kauczor 1920: 49. Singulative form; the plural form is glossed as simply kɔmil. The plural form is listed as komiːl-i in [Jabr el Dar 2006: 186].

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 42.

Krell 2012: 42.

Thelwall 1977: 199. Plural form: kwɑːr-e.

Werner 1993: 75. Also hàːbéd-dí id. Quoted as àːbé-dì in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Browne 1996: 21. According to Browne's dictionary, attested only once, but confirmed as the verb 'to bite' by further parallels in Modern Nobiin.

Werner 1987: 339. Cf. àɕ-í-mùːn 'he does not bite'. Cf. àɕɕ-í 'he bites' in [Bell 1970: 124]. Quoted as aʓʓ-e ~ aʓʓ-e-de in [Lepsius 1880: 266].

Armbruster 1965: 4. Of people / animals (for insects, kˈal 'to eat' q.v. is used instead). Quoted as aɕɕ in [Massenbach 1962: 169] (where, however, the word is additionally glossed as 'to sting /e. g. of scorpions/', contra Armbruster).

Hofmann 1986: 18. Quoted as aɕɕ in [Massenbach 1962: 169].

Kauczor 1920: 124.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 45.

Krell 2012: 45.

Not attested.

Werner 1993: 75. Quoted as àɕɕà (imperative) in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Not attested. The most likely candidate would be a verbal stem with the same root as udm- {oudm-} 'dark(ness)' [Browne 1996: 131], found applied to "dark people" (Ethiopians); however, this is highly indirect evidence ('darkness' and 'black' could have easily been different lexical roots in Old Nubian).

Werner 1987: 381. Polysemy: 'black / dark'. Plural forms: ùrm-ìː ~ ùrùm-gúː. Quoted as urum 'black; blue' in [Lepsius 1880: 407].

Armbruster 1965: 212. Plural forms: urˈumm-ɛ-rı ~ urumm-ˈɛ-nč ~ urumm-ˈɛ-nčı. Adjectival stem, formally derived from the noun ˈurum 'black substance' [ibid.]. Quoted as urˈum-e, pl. urˈum-e-ri in [Massenbach 1962: 239].

Hofmann 1986: 178. Quoted as urˈum-e, pl. urˈum-e-ri in [Massenbach 1962: 239].

Kauczor 1920: 82. Plural form: ur-e.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 49.

Krell 2012: 49.

Thelwall 1977: 199. Quoted as uːdi-a in [MacMichael 1920: 207].

Werner 1993: 137. Quoted as úd-ì in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Browne 1996: 46. Renders Greek αἱ̃μα.

Werner 1987: 346; Bell 1970: 129. Quoted as diːs in [Lepsius 1880: 287].

Armbruster 1965: 78. Polysemy: 'blood / menses'. Quoted as geːw ~ geːu in [Massenbach 1965: 191].

Hofmann 1986: 72. Quoted as geːw ~ geːu in [Massenbach 1965: 191].

Kauczor 1920: 45. Graphically transcribed as o̺go̺r.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 43.

Krell 2012: 43.

Thelwall 1977: 199.

Werner 1993: 141; Thelwall 1983: 110.

Browne 1996: 32. Renders Greek ὀστου̃ν. The orthographic variant {ŋisri-} is met once as part of a toponym and is probably accidental. Cf. also kier- 'bone', a hapax in [Browne 1996: 90]: probably the same word (possibly a poorly written kisr-, with the variation between voiced and voiceless velar orthographically admissible).

Werner 1987: 353. Plural form: gìsìr-kúː. Quoted as gisir in [Lepsius 1880: 312].

Armbruster 1965: 122. Plural forms: kıhˈı̃d-ı ~ kˈıhıd-ı. Quoted as kiːd ~ koːd in [Massenbach 1962: 207].

Hofmann 1986: 111. Polysemy: 'bone / nature, character / self'. Quoted as kiːd ~ koːd in [Massenbach 1962: 207].

Not attested.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 43.

Krell 2012: 43.

Thelwall 1977: 199.

Werner 1993: 141; Thelwall 1983: 110.

Browne 1996: 122. Renders Greek στήθος 'breast' in at least one context where the passage refers to man's chest / breast in general. Even if a special word for 'female breast' existed in Old Nubian, it is not attested.

Werner 1987: 371. Plural form: òg-ìː. Meaning glossed as 'rib cage' ('Brustkorb'), but in [Lepsius 1880: 374], the form og, pl. og-iː ~ ok-kuː is simply translated as 'breast' ('Brust'). Cf. also dùgússí, pl. dùgùssìː ~ dùgùssì-gúː in [Werner 1987: 347], where the meaning is glossed simply as 'breast' ('Brust'); however, in [Lepsius 1880: 289] the form dugussi ~ duŋussi is explicitly rendered as 'female breast' ('Weiberbrust'). Judging from the collective evidence, it seems safe to assume that óg is really 'male chest', as opposed to dùgússí 'female breast'.

Armbruster 1965: 159. Polysemy: 'breast / bosom / fathom'. Plural form: ˈog-ı. Quoted as oːg in [Massenbach 1962: 222]. Distinct from ˈɛrtı 'female breast', actually glossed as 'mamma; teat' in [Armbruster 1965: 66].

Hofmann 1986: 141. Quoted as oːg in [Massenbach 1962: 222]. Distinct from erti 'female breast; udder' [Hofmann 1986: 59].

Kauczor 1920: 48. Distinct from ɔl-i, pl. ol 'female breast' [ibid.].

Thelwall 1978: 276. Meaning glossed as 'breasts'; it is not clear if the opposition between 'male breast' and 'female breast' was neutralized in Kadaru, but etymologically, this word does go back to the Proto-Nubian equivalent of 'male breast', so we tentatively include it on the list. Cf. also ɔ́gọ́ 'breast' in [Meinhof 1918: 90] (German 'Brust').

Thelwall 1978: 276. Same notes as for Kadaru.

Not attested; cf. ūr-dè 'breast(s)' (female) in [Krell 2012: 45].

Not attested; cf. úl-dú 'breast(s)' (female) in [Krell 2012: 45].

Thelwall 1977: 200. Meaning glossed as 'chest', distinct from unne, pl. un-di 'female breast' [ibid.].

Werner 1993: 140. Distinct from ár-tí '(female) breast' [Werner 1993: 82].

Browne 1996: 192. Renders Greek καίω and its derivatives. Attested in transitive usage; eligible for inclusion.

Werner 1987: 359. Used both in the transitive and intransitive senses. Quoted as ʓug-e in [Lepsius 1880: 322]. Same root as in ʓùg 'hot' q.v.

Armbruster 1965: 95. The transitive verbal stem is a regular causative formation from intransitive ǯˈug 'to catch fire, take fire, ignite, burn' [ibid.]. Quoted as ǯug-ur in [Massenbach 1962: 203].

Hofmann 1986: 86. Quoted as ǯug in [Massenbach 1962: 203].

Kauczor 1920: 134. Graphically transcribed as o̺t-ig. Transitive verb.

Thelwall 1978: 276. Presumably a transitive form (parallel forms from non-Hill Nubian languages are all transitive in Thelwall's comparative wordlists).

Thelwall 1978: 276. Presumably a transitive form (parallel forms from non-Hill Nubian languages are all transitive in Thelwall's comparative wordlists).

Krell 2012: 48.

Krell 2012: 48.

Thelwall 1978: 276. Presumably a transitive form (parallel forms from non-Hill Nubian languages are all transitive in Thelwall's comparative wordlists). Not attested in [Thelwall 1977].

Werner 1993: 137. Transitive stem, but there is no root distinction from the corresponding intransitive stem, cf. úll-nán 'to burn (intr.)' in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Not attested.

Lepsius 1880: 388. Plural form: sun-tiː ~ sun-ti-guː. Attested only in an old source, but with reliable external correlations. Final -ti is an old fossilized singulative marker.

Armbruster 1965: 182. Plural forms: sˈun-tı-nč ~ sˈun-tı-nčı. Polysemy: 'nail / claw / hoof'. Quoted as sun-ti in [Massenbach 1962: 230].

Hofmann 1986: 158. Quoted as sut-ti in [Massenbach 1962: 230].

Kauczor 1920: 48.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested, but cf. šúkúl-é 'claw' [Krell 2012: 44].

Not attested, but cf. šùɛ̀ 'claw' [Krell 2012: 44].

Thelwall 1977: 204. Plural form: sunn-e.

Werner 1993: 125. Quoted as súŋù-dì in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Browne 1996: 201. Renders Greek νεφέλη.

Bell 1970: 135. Borrowed from Arabic ʁayma-. Quoted as geːm ~ gamaːm in [Lepsius 1880: 307, 310].

Armbruster 1965: 153. Plural forms: nˈiččı-nč ~ nˈiččı-nčı. Polysemy: 'cloud / mist'. Armbruster's internal etymology that derives the word from the verb niǯ 'to sew' (i. e. '*cloth; sc. that veils the scene') seems far-fetched. Alternately, cf. also the Arabic borrowing sahˈaːb 'cloud' [Armbruster 1965: 171].

Hofmann 1986: 71. Borrowed from Arabic ʁayma-.

Kauczor 1920: 45.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 48.

Krell 2012: 48.

Thelwall 1977: 200.

Werner 1993: 129. Quoted as tǝ́ɕɕè-dì in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Not attested.

Werner 1987: 371. Adjectival stem. Cf. also the verbal stem: órkì-r ~ òrkî-r 'to be cool, cold'. Quoted as orkir in [Lepsius 1880: 376]; cf. also orom 'cold (adj., n.)' [Lepsius 1880: 377], confirming that -ki is a suffixal component.

Armbruster 1965: 232. Adjectival derivative from the verbal stem orˈoːfɛ 'to become (get) cold' [ibid.]. Applied to objects or people; for 'cold weather', the simpler stem ˈod is used instead. Quoted as oroːfe-l ~ oroːfe-buː-l 'cold (of objects)', od 'cold (of weather)' in [Massenbach 1962: 222-223].

Hofmann 1986: 143. Adjectival derivative from the verbal stem oroːke 'to be cold' [ibid.]. Furthermore cf. also od 'cold (n.)', od-os 'to be cold' [Hofmann 1986: 141]. Quoted as oroːke-l 'cold (of objects)', od 'cold (of weather)' in [Massenbach 1962: 222-223].

Not attested. Cf. kɛd 'cold (n.)', kɛdir-er- 'to freeze (smbd.)' [Kauczor 1920: 122]. However, cf. also urgi 'cold', urki 'make it cold' in [Jabr el Dar 2006: 187].

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 49.

Krell 2012: 49.

Thelwall 1977: 200. Additional synonym: kirkiralun 'cold' [ibid.]. Semantic difference unknown.

Werner 1993: 135; Thelwall 1983: 110. Cf. also òròwì-yâm 'it is cold' in [Werner 1993: 110]. We prefer to include the lexeme that is attested in both of the available sources, even though òròwi-yâm boasts more transparent etymological connections.

Browne 1996: 91. The main entry is listed as kir- ~ kar- ~ kur- {kour} ~ ker-, where -r- is the imperfective aspect marker. The original root form is ki-; other variants are rare and due either to specific morphophonological conditions or orthographic peculiarities.

Werner 1987: 48, 362. Werner analyzes this form as a contraction from *kír-ìr (he probably means *kír-ìl), but -r- would not be a part of the root in any case (see notes on Old Nubian). Quoted as ki-r-e in [Lepsius 1880: 345].

Armbruster 1965: 188; Massenbach 1962: 232. Less frequent quasi-synonyms include bıdˈaː 'to come' [Armbruster 1965: 36] and ǯˈuː [Armbruster 1965: 91], the latter normally with the meaning 'to go' q.v.

Hofmann 1986: 164; Massenbach 1962: 232. This is the most common equivalent for the meaning 'come'; less frequent synonyms include bidaː [Hofmann 1986: 40; Massenbach 1962: 178] and suːg [Hofmann 1986: 157] (actually = 'to hurry, hasten', with 'to come' listed as a possible secondary meaning).

Kauczor 1920: 109.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 47.

Krell 2012: 47.

Thelwall 1978: 276. Quoted as ki- ~ kiː- in [MacMichael 1920: 210-211], cf. ama Fašerei ki-eːn 'I came from Fasher'. Not attested in [Thelwall 1977].

Werner 1993: 92. Quoted as ìí "come!" in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Browne 1996: 166. The main entry is listed as tar-, where -r- is the imperfective aspect marker. Both ki- and ta- render Greek ἔρχομαι without any clear distinction between the two; we have to include both as potential synonyms.

Browne 1996: 44. Renders Greek ἀποθνῄσκω. The verb ŋes(ir)- is occasionally found as the equivalent of 'die', but its primary and most frequent meaning is 'to cease, to rest' [Browne 1996: 199].

Werner 1987: 345. Cf. dìy-à 'death' [Bell 1970: 132], ā=dí 'he is dying' [Bell 1970: 135]. Quoted as diː-e ~ diː-oːs-e in [Lepsius 1880: 285].

Armbruster 1969: 49. Quoted as diː in [Massenbach 1962: 181].

Hofmann 1986: 49. Polysemy: 'to die / to extinguish'. Quoted as diː in [Massenbach 1962: 181].

Kauczor 1920: 129.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 46. The exact quoted form is tı́-mīnʓà 'he died'.

Krell 2012: 46. The exact quoted form is tí-ɲúā 'he died'.

MacMichael 1920: 213. Cf. the actual forms: Mugur ti-n-aːrum 'the Sultan has died'; usoka ti-n-alla 'where did he die?'. Morphological structure of these forms is not entirely clear, but external comparison suggests that ti- is the root and -n- is a suffixal verbal stem component. Not attested in [Thelwall 1977].

Werner 1993: 131; Thelwall 1983: 110.

Browne 1996: 120. Attested in the plural form: mug-ri-gu- {mougrigou-}.

Werner 1987: 368; Bell 1970: 118. Plural form: mùg-r-íː. Quoted as mug, pl. mug-riː in [Lepsius 1880: 365].

Armbruster 1965: 218. Plural form: wˈɛl-ı. Quoted as wel in [Massenbach 1962: 242].

Hofmann 1986: 184. Quoted as wel in [Massenbach 1962: 242].

Kauczor 1920: 44, 60. Plural form: bɔl-i.

Thelwall 1978: 276. Quoted as bɔ́l in [Meinhof 1918: 89].

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 42.

Krell 2012: 42.

Thelwall 1977: 200. Plural form: me-ɕir. Quoted as meːl in [MacMichael 1920: 204].

Werner 1993: 119; Thelwall 1983: 110. Plural form: pǝ̀ːl-tì [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Browne 1996: 200. Renders Greek πίνω. There is also a strange hapax: Old Nubian sirip- 'to drink' [Browne 1996: 159], which Browne questionably identifies as a loan from Arabic šariba; in any case, this is clearly not the default Old Nubian equivalent for the required meaning.

Werner 1987: 369. Cf. nìy-ò 'he drank' in [Bell 1970: 129]. Quoted as niː-e (ai niː-r 'I am drinking') in [Lepsius 1880: 371].

Armbruster 1965: 153. Polysemy: 'to drink / to smoke'. Quoted as niː in [Massenbach 1962: 220].

Hofmann 1986: 137. Polysemy: 'to drink / to smoke'. Quoted as niː in [Massenbach 1962: 220].

Kauczor 1920: 116.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 45.

Krell 2012: 45.

Thelwall 1977: 200.

Werner 1993: 131; Thelwall 1983: 110.

Not attested.

Werner 1987: 373. Adjectival form ('dry'). Cf. also: sàmm-è 'dryness', sàmm-íkìrò 'he dried' [Bell 1970: 129]. The verbal stem is quoted as samm-e ~ samm-oːs-e 'to dry up' in [Lepsius 1880: 382].

Armbruster 1965: 180. Polysemy: 'dry / avaricious, stingy'. Adjectival stem, derived from the verb sˈoww ~ sˈowwı 'to get dry, dry up' [ibid.].

Hofmann 1986: 157. Adjectival stem, derived from the verb soww-i 'to be dry' [ibid.]. Another, more complex, adjectival stem with the same meaning is soww-i-buː-l [ibid.]. Quoted as soww-od in [Massenbach 1962: 229].

Kauczor 1920: 81. Graphically transcribed as šo̺ńt́ad. Plural form: šwaɲɕ-ige. Derived from the verbal root šoɲ 'to become dry' [Kauczor 1920: 130], with morphophonological changes on morphemic boundaries.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 50.

Krell 2012: 50.

Thelwall 1977: 200.

Werner 1993: 123. Cf.: sìː-núm 'it is dry'. Quoted as sí-á 'dry' in [Thelwall 1983: 110]. Alternate synonym: séːd- 'dry' [Werner 1993: 122; Thelwall 1983: 110]. Semantic difference is unclear.

Browne 1996: 136. Polysemy: 'ear / leaf'. Renders Greek οὖς. See also 'hear'.

Werner 1987: 380. Plural form: ùkkìː (< *úkkí-ìː). Quoted as ukki, pl. ukkiː in [Lepsius 1880: 404].

Armbruster 1965: 209. Polysemy: 'ear / leaf'. Plural form: ˈulug-ı. Quoted as ˈulug, pl. ulg-i in [Massenbach 1962: 238].

Hofmann 1986: 176. Quoted as ˈulug, pl. ulg-i in [Massenbach 1962: 238].

Kauczor 1920: 48. The plural form is listed as ulǯ-i in [Jabr el Dar 2006: 187].

Thelwall 1978: 276. Quoted as wúlʓɛ in [Meinhof 1918: 90].

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 44.

Krell 2012: 44.

Thelwall 1977: 201. Plural form: oŋɑl-e.

Werner 1993: 137. Quoted as úlg-ì in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Browne 1996: 77. Polysemy: 'earth / dust'. Regularly renders Greek γη̃. Secondary synonym: gul- ~ gud- {goul- ~ goud-} [Browne 1996: 33], with polysemy: 'earth / ground / place / weather / time'. Among other equivalents, this word occasionally renders Greek γη̃, but for the most part it denotes 'earth' as 'locus' rather than 'earth' as 'soil' and is therefore ineligible for inclusion. (Variation between root-final -l- and -d- is not quite clear; it may be the result of earlier *gud- or *gur- occasionally fusing with the determinant -l-.)

Werner 1987: 354. Plural form: gùr-kúː. Polysemy: 'earth / land / surface'. Opposed to ìskíːd 'dust' [Werner 1987: 357]. Quoted as gur in [Lepsius 1880: 316].

Armbruster 1965: 18. Plural forms: ˈarıd-ı ~ ˈard-ı. Meaning glossed as 'earth, soil, ground, land'. Quoted as arid, pl. ard-i in [Massenbach 1962: 172]. Transparent borrowing from Arabic; opposed to gˈuː 'earth, ground, floor' [Armbruster 1965: 81], which seems to be generally used in the meaning 'earth (as surface)' rather than 'earth (as soil)'. Cf. also ˈɛskɛd 'loose earth, crumbled soil; dust' in [Armbruster 1965: 66], cognate with Old Nubian iskit- but with different semantics.

Hofmann 1986: 27. Transparent borrowing from Arabic; opposed to guː 'field, acre; earth (surface)' [Hofmann 1986: 77], with the same overall semantic distinction as in Dongolawi.

Kauczor 1920: 4. Transcribed as tɔːb 'ground' in [Jabr el Dar 2006: 186].

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 48.

Krell 2012: 48.

Thelwall 1977: 201. Quoted as izzi-di 'ground' in [MacMichael 1920: 201].

Not attested properly. In [Thelwall 1983: 110], the meaning 'earth' is rendered with the compound formation kònnùkúdì = *kòd-n-ùkúdì, literally 'sand/dust of the place'. In [Werner 1993], the word 'earth' is not present in the vocabulary, and several textual examples simply render the meaning 'earth' with the word kòd 'place, world' [Werner 1993: 99], but this seems to be 'earth' as 'ground, surface' rather than substance. We prefer to leave the slot empty before new data becomes available.

Browne 1996: 84. Rare morphophonological variants also include kip- and kop-. Renders Greek ἔδω and other verbs with the semantics of 'to eat'. This is the main Old Nubian equivalent for 'to eat', cotinued in Modern Nobiin. There is also a hapax form kal- 'to eat' in one context [Browne 1996: 83], more close to Modern Kenuzi-Dongolawi; it probably reflects a dialectal "intrusion" of sorts, and from a statistical point of view, cannot be eligible for separate inclusion on the list even if kap- and kal- are not related etymologically (which is an actual possibility).

Werner 1987: 360. Quoted as kab-e ~ kab-ir-e in [Lepsius 1880: 337].

Armbruster 1965: 116. Polysemy: 'to eat / to bite (of insect)'. Also, as a nominal stem, used in the meaning 'food / bread'. Quoted as kal in [Massenbach 1962: 204].

Hofmann 1986: 105. Quoted as kal in [Massenbach 1962: 204].

Kauczor 1920: 113. Singular object form ('to eat smth. /one thing/'). The corresponding plural object form is kam ('to eat several things') [ibid.].

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 45.

Krell 2012: 45.

Thelwall 1977: 201. Quoted as kil-eː- in [MacMichael 1920: 210] (kileː-in 'I ate', kileː-o 'thou atest', kileː-m 'he ate', etc.).

Werner 1993: 141; Thelwall 1983: 110.

Browne 1996: 101.

Werner 1987: 364. Plural form: kùmbùː-nɕìː. Quoted as kumbuː ~ komboː in [Lepsius 1880: 350].

Armbruster 1965: 132; Massenbach 1962: 211. Plural form: kˈumbu-nčı ~ kˈumbu-nč.

Hofmann 1986: 69. Quoted as gaskatti ~ gaskanti ~ goskatti in [Massenbach 1962: 189].

Kauczor 1920: 62. Plural form: koɲil ~ koɲil-i. Graphically transcribed as ko̺ɲil.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 43.

Krell 2012: 43.

Thelwall 1977: 201. Plural form: koʓoŋal-e.

Werner 1993: 84. Quoted as àì-dì in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Browne 1996: 113. Renders Greek οφθαλμός.

Werner 1987: 366; Bell 1970: 117. Plural form: màːɲ-ìː. Quoted as maːɲ, pl. maːɲ-guː ~ maːɲ-iː in [Lepsius 1880: 359].

Armbruster 1965: 143. Polysemy: 'eye / spring (of water)'. Plural forms: mˈıssı-nčı ~ mˈıssı-nč. Quoted as missi in [Massenbach 1962: 216].

Hofmann 1986: 130. Polysemy: 'eye / spring (of water)'. Quoted as missi in [Massenbach 1962: 216].

Kauczor 1920: 63. Plural form: kal-e.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 44.

Krell 2012: 44.

Thelwall 1977: 201. Plural form: kɑ́ːl-è. Quoted as kul-di ~ en=gul-di 'eye', en=gál-i 'the two eyes' in [MacMichael 1920: 206] (for the prefix en=, see notes on 'name').

Werner 1993: 115. Quoted as pí-dì in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Not attested.

Werner 1987: 374. Plural form: sìlèː-gúː. Quoted as silleː in [Lepsius 1880: 385].

Armbruster 1965: 213. Plural form: wˈadag-ı. Meaning glossed as 'animal fat, grease'. Borrowed from Arabic wadak id.

Hofmann 1986: 158. Borrowed from Arabic šaḥm. Distinct from des 'butter; plant oil; melted animal fat' [Hofmann 1986: 48].

Kauczor 1920: 45. Distinct from tɛʓ 'oil (liquid fat)' [Kauczor 1920: 44]. Quoted as ŋuːr 'fat' in [Jabr el Dar 2006: 187] (probably the same word, although the discrepancy between Kauczor's and Jabr el Dar's notation requires an explanation).

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 43. Meaning glossed as 'grease'.

Krell 2012: 43. Meaning glossed as 'grease'.

Thelwall 1977: 201.

Werner 1993: 130. Meaning glossed as 'oil, butter'. However, the same word is also quoted as téss-í 'fat' in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Not attested.

Lepsius 1880: 390. Somewhat dubious (attested only in an old source, although has reliable external parallels).

Armbruster 1965: 176. Plural form: sˈıbr-ı. Quoted as sibir in [Massenbach 1962: 227].

Not attested.

Kauczor 1920: 62. Same word as 'hair' q.v. Differently in [Jabr el Dar 2006: 186], where the word toɽi is listed in the meaning 'feather'.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 43.

Krell 2012: 43.

Thelwall 1977: 201. Plural form: till-e.

Werner 1993: 129. Same word as 'hair' q.v. The meaning 'feather' is not listed in Werner's vocabulary, but is present in [Thelwall 1983: 110]: tèːd-dì 'feather'.

Browne 1996: 64. Renders Greek πυ̃ρ.

Werner 1987: 357; Bell 1970: 134. Plural form: ìg-ìː. Quoted as iːg, pl. iːk-kuː in [Lepsius 1880: 329].

Armbruster 1965: 104. Plural form: ˈıːg-ı. Polysemy: 'fire, flame / light / blossom, flower'. Quoted as iːg in [Massenbach 1962: 197].

Hofmann 1986: 99. Quoted as iːg in [Massenbach 1962: 197].

Kauczor 1920: 47.

Thelwall 1978: 276. Quoted as íːgyìː in [Meinhof 1918: 89].

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 48.

Krell 2012: 48.

Thelwall 1977: 201. Quoted as uzzug in [MacMichael 1920: 201].

Werner 1993: 139. Quoted as ússì in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Browne 1996: 131. Renders Greek ἰχθύς.

Werner 1987: 340. Plural form: àngìssì-ríː ~ àngìssì-gúː ~ àngìssìː. Quoted as àngíssì in [Bell 1970: 116]; as aŋissi in [Lepsius 1880: 271].

Armbruster 1965: 118. Plural forms: kˈaːrɛ-nčı ~ kˈaːrɛ-nč. Quoted as kaːreː in [Massenbach 1962: 205].

Hofmann 1986: 106. Quoted as kaːreː in [Massenbach 1962: 205].

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 41. Probably an Arabic borrowing (cf. Arabic ħuːt- 'fish').

Krell 2012: 41.

Not attested.

Not attested. The meaning is annotated as "Arabic loan" in [Thelwall 1983: 110], but the form itself is not listed.

Browne 1996: 146. Meaning glossed as 'to whirl, fly'. Somewhat dubious (attested only in the idiomatic expression parra medanasa, literally "to fly-running", of one's breath), but indirectly supported by external data.

Werner 1987: 382. Quoted as waie 'to fly', ai wai-r 'I am flying' in [Lepsius 1880: 409].

Armbruster 1965: 72. Quoted as firri in [Massenbach 1962: 188].

Hofmann 1986: 65. Quoted as firri in [Massenbach 1962: 188]. Cf. also deg 'to move around; to fly' [Hofmann 1986: 47]; sib 'to fly' [Hofmann 1986: 153] (glossed as 'to fly; to move quickly' in [Massenbach 1965: 227]).

Kauczor 1920: 292. Cf. tob-ur 'to fly off' ("auffliegen, davonfliegen").

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Krell 2012: 46.

Krell 2012: 46.

Thelwall 1978: 276.

Werner 1993: 150. Literally = 'to put wing' (áwár = 'wing'). Quoted as áwár-k ǝ̀ːr- in [Thelwall 1983: 110].

Browne 1996: 123. Renders Greek πούς.

Werner 1987: 372. Plural form: òːy-ìː. Polysemy: 'foot / leg'. Quoted as oːi, pl. oːiː ~ oːi-nʓiː in [Lepsius 1880: 375].

Armbruster 1965: 164. Plural forms: ˈossı-nčı ~ ˈossı-nč. Polysemy: 'foot / leg / footprint, track'. Quoted as ossi in [Massenbach 1962: 223].

Hofmann 1986: 143. Polysemy: 'foot / leg'. Quoted as ossi in [Massenbach 1962: 223].

Kauczor 1920: 45, 65. Graphically transcribed as ko̺go̺d. Plural form: kog-e ~ ko-e.

Thelwall 1978: 278. Quoted as kútı́ in [Meinhof 1918: 90].

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 44.

Krell 2012: 44.

Thelwall 1977: 201. Completely different complex stem quoted in [MacMichael 1920: 205]: fabatkidi.

Werner 1993: 111; Thelwall 1983: 111.

Browne 1996: 113. Polysemy: 'to be full / to be ready'. Occasionally spelled as merid- {merd̄-}, which must be the older, non-contracted form. The majority of contexts in which the word is attested bear the sense of 'ready' rather than 'full', but at least in one context the word translates Greek γεμίζω 'to fill', and additional data from Modern Nobiin indirectly confirm that this must have been the basic equivalent for 'full' in Old Nubian as well.

Werner 1987: 367. Verbal stem: 'to fill'. Quoted as midd-e 'to be full', midd-o ~ midd-on 'full' (participial form from midd-e) in [Lepsius 1880: 363].

Armbruster 1965: 85. Participial form from stative verb ǯˈaŋgı-buː 'to be full', itself derived from ǯˈaŋgı 'to get full; to fill'. Quoted as ǯaŋg 'to fill', ǯaŋgi-buː 'to be full' in [Massenbach 1962: 200].

Hoffman 1986: 61. Verbal stem: 'to be full', derived from eyye 'to fill up (intr.)'. Quoted as eyye-buː in [Massenbach 1962: 186].

Kauczor 1920: 89. Verbal stem: 'to become full' (cf. eːɲ-olʓa 'it is full').

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Thelwall 1977: 202.

Werner 1993: 97. Also kàtt-àrì id. Adjectival derivate from a verbal root. Quoted as kàt-àːrè in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Browne 1996: 174. The precise meaning is: 'to give to 2nd / 3rd person'. The corresponding verbal stem with the meaning 'to give to 1st person (me, us)' is den- ~ din- [Browne 1996: 42]. Both verbs expectedly render Greek δίδωμι.

Werner 1987: 378. The precise meaning is: 'to give to 2nd / 3rd person'. Cf. tìr-ò 'he gave' [Bell 1970: 134] (the form tèːr, according to Werner's morphophonological analysis, is a contraction from *tìr-ìr). Quoted as tire in [Lepsius 1880: 397]. The corresponding verbal stem with the meaning 'to give to 1st person (me, us)' is dèːn-îr [Werner 1987: 345].

Armbruster 1965: 199. Meaning glossed as: 'to give (to other than the speaker)'. The corresponding verbal stem with the meaning 'to give to 1st person (me, us)' is dˈɛn ~ dˈɛːn [Armbruster 1965: 47]. Quoted as tir vs. deːn 'to give' in [Massenbach 1962: 235].

Hofmann 1986: 170. Meaning glossed as: 'to give (to smbd.)'. The corresponding verbal stem with the meaning 'to give to 1st person (me, us)' is deːn [Hofmann 1986: 47]. Quoted as tir vs. deːn 'to give' in [Massenbach 1962: 235].

Kauczor 1920: 113. Singular action form ('to give once'); the corresponding suppletive stem ('to give multiple times') is huk-i [ibid.].

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 47.

Krell 2012: 47.

Thelwall 1978: 278. Quoted as te- ~ ti- in [MacMichael 1920: 212], cf. the forms: tè-ni 'give it to me', ti-ri 'give it to him', ti-ren 'I have given it to you'. Not attested in [Thelwall 1977].

Werner 1993: 131. Cf. tì-n-nán 'to give', tì-t 'give!' in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Browne 1996: 27. Verbal root: 'to be good'. Renders Greek ἀγαθός. Another, very rare, somewhat dubious, equivalent is the verbal stem mas- [Browne 1996: 111].

Werner 1987: 366. Plural form: màs-kúː. Numerous textual examples show that this word is the most common and generic equivalent for 'good' in Modern Nobiin. In contrast, Nobiin gèn, glossed as 'better; good' in [Werner 1987: 353], seems to have really been well preserved only in the comparative sense ('better'). Comparison of textual evidence from Old Nubian and Modern Nobiin gives serious evidence for considering the situation as a lexical replacement. However, cf. genna 'good' [Lepsius 1880: 311] and mas 'good' [Lepsius 1880: 360] without any noticeable difference in semantics; it may be so that the differentiation observed in XXth century language use is quite recent.

Armbruster 1965: 174. Polysemy: 'good / in good condition or health'. Plural forms: sɛrˈɛː-rı ~ sɛrˈɛː-nčı ~ sɛrˈɛː-nč. Quoted as sˈere ~ sereː, pl. sere-ri in [Massenbach 1962: 227]. Synonym: gˈɛn [Armbruster 1965: 77]. Plural form: gˈɛn-ı. Polysemy: 'good / healthy'. The difference between the two words is vague, but perusal of attested contexts shows that the older word gˈɛn is more frequently used in the meanings 'sound', 'healthy', 'in good condition' etc., whereas the more abstract idea of 'goodness' (as opposed to 'badness') is more frequently expressed by sˈɛrɛ. In [Massenbach 1962: 190], the adjective geːn is only quoted in a comparative meaning ('better').

Hofmann 1986: 153. Quoted as sˈere ~ sereː, pl. sere-ri in [Massenbach 1962: 227]. Several other, less frequent, synonyms, are also listed, most of them identifiable as Arabic borrowings: ʕaːdel [Hofmann 1986: 19], libaːb [Hofmann 1986: 121], etc.

Kauczor 1920: 81. Plural form: ken-e.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 49.

Krell 2012: 49.

Thelwall 1977: 202. Quoted as azei-n in [MacMichael 1920: 207].

Werner 1993: 132. Meaning glossed as 'pleasant, beautiful'; cf. also the adverb tísíng-ér 'well' [ibid.]. In [Thelwall 1983: 111], however, the word is directly listed as tísíŋè 'good'.

Browne 1996: 43. Verbal root: 'to be green'. Renders Greek χλωρός.

Werner 1987: 345. Plural form: dèssì-kúː. Polysemy: 'green / fresh / raw'. Quoted as dessi in [Lepsius 1880: 284].

Armbruster 1965: 49. Plural forms: dˈɛssɛ-nčı ~ dˈɛssɛ-nč. Polysemy: 'green / light blue'. Quoted as desse, pl. desse-ri in [Massenbach 1962: 181].

Hofmann 1986: 48. Quoted as desse ~ dosse 'green / raw / unripe' in [Massenbach 1962: 181].

Kauczor 1920: 82.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Thelwall 1977: 202.

Werner 1993: 130.

Not attested.

Werner 1987: 376. Plural forms: šìgìr-tìː ~ šìgìr-tìː-nɕìː. No difference between 'body hair' and 'head hair'. Quoted as šiŋir-ti in [Lepsius 1880: 390]; cf. also specifically ur-iš šiŋir-ti 'head hair' ibid. (where ur = 'head' q.v.).

Armbruster 1965: 52. Plural forms: dˈıl-tı-nčı ~ dˈıl-tı-nč. No difference between 'body hair' and 'head hair'. Quoted as dil-ti 'hair, wool' in [Massenbach 1962: 182]. The latter source also lists the word siːr 'hair' for both Kenuzi and Dongolawi dialects, but there is no equivalent for it in Armbruster's dictionary.

Hofmann 1986: 154. No difference between 'body hair' and 'head hair'. Quoted as siːr in [Massenbach 1965: 228].

Kauczor 1920: 62. Plural form: tel. Graphically transcribed as te̺lti.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 43.

Krell 2012: 43.

Thelwall 1977: 202. The first component = 'head' q.v. Quoted simply as tillei 'hair' in [MacMichael 1920: 205].

Werner 1993: 129. Polysemy: 'hair / wool'. Quoted as tèːd-dì 'hair, wool' in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Browne 1996: 63. The spelling may actually reflect iː- (as in modern Nile-Nubian languages). Renders Greek χείρ.

Werner 1987: 349; Bell 1970: 127. Plural form: èd-dì-gúː. Assimilated from *ey-di, where -di is a fossilized singulative suffix. Quoted as eddi, pl. edd-iː ~ eddi-guː in [Lepsius 1880: 291].

Armbruster 1965: 103. Plural forms: ˈıː-nčı ~ ˈıː-nč. Quoted as iː in [Massenbach 1962: 197].

Hofmann 1986: 99. Quoted as iː in [Massenbach 1962: 197].

Kauczor 1920: 66; Jabr el Dar 2006: 187. Defined as a plurale tantum.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 45.

Krell 2012: 45.

Thelwall 1977: 202. Literally = 'arm-neck' (the simple form essi is glossed as 'arm'). Quoted as en=esi, pl. en=es-aːli 'hand' in [MacMichael 1920: 206] (for the prefix en=, see notes on 'name').

Werner 1993: 142. Quoted as ǝ́ssì in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Browne 1996: 139. Very rarely spelled as or-. Renders Greek κεφαλή.

Werner 1987: 380; Bell 1970: 136. Plural form: ùr-kúː. Quoted as ur, pl. ur-kuː in [Lepsius 1880: 406].

Armbruster 1965: 211. Plural form: ˈur-ı. Quoted as ur in [Massenbach 1962: 239].

Hofmann 1986: 177; Massenbach 1962: 239.

Kauczor 1920: 61. Plural form: or-eni. Graphically transcribed as o̺r.

Meinhof 1918: 90. Not attested in Stevenson's wordlists.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 44.

Krell 2012: 44.

Thelwall 1977: 202. Plural form: ùr. Quoted as urr in [MacMichael 1920: 205].

Werner 1993: 109; Thelwall 1983: 111.

Browne 1996: 136. Renders Greek ἀκούω. The verb is transcribed in at least six different ways: ulg-ir- ~ ulg-ar- ~ ulk-ar- ~ ulg-ur- ~ ulk-ir- ~ ulg-er-, reflecting idiolectal or unique orthographic peculiarities. Transparently derived from ul(u)g- 'ear' q.v.

Werner 1987: 380. Transparently derived from úkkí 'ear' q.v. Quoted as ukki-re in [Lepsius 1880: 404].

Armbruster 1965: 79. Polysemy: 'to hear / to listen / to smell'. Quoted as giǯ-ir in [Massenbach 1962: 191].

Hofmann 1986: 73. Polysemy: 'to hear / to understand'. Quoted as giǯ-ir in [Massenbach 1962: 191], with polysemy: 'to hear / to feel / to smell'.

Kauczor 1920: 119.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 46.

Krell 2012: 46.

Not attested.

Werner 1993: 142. Quoted as ǝ̀ŋŋ- in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Browne 1996: 7. Polysemy: 'heart / soul'. Renders Greek καρδία as well as ψυχή. The transcription with ei may indicate the pronunciation *ayil rather than *ail. Stem-final -l- is of a suffixal nature (fossilized determinant).

Werner 1987: 342; Bell 1970: 132. Plural forms: ày-rìː ~ ày-kúː. Quoted as ai ~ ai-l (plural: ai-l-iː) in [Lepsius 1880: 267].

Armbruster 1965: 1. Plural forms: ˈaː-nčı ~ ˈaː-nč. Polysemy: 'heart / self'. Quoted as aː 'heart, soul, life' in [Massenbach 1962: 169].

Hofmann 1986: 17. Quoted as aː 'heart, soul, life' in [Massenbach 1962: 169]. Cf. also dugus 'intestine, bowel' [Hofmann 1986: 53], said to be used in the meaning 'heart' when addressing children.

Kauczor 1920: 60. Plural: al-i.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 45.

Krell 2012: 45.

Thelwall 1977: 202.

Werner 1993: 82; Thelwall 1983: 111.

Not attested.

Werner 1987: 370; Bell 1970: 130. Plural form: nìːšì-gúː. Quoted as niːši, pl. niːšiː ~ niːši-guː in [Lepsius 1880: 372].

Armbruster 1965: 164. Plural forms: nˈıššı-nčı ~ nˈıššı-nč. Quoted as niši in [Massenbach 1962: 221].

Hofmann 1986: 138. Quoted as niši in [Massenbach 1962: 221].

Kauczor 1920: 64. Plural form: nɔ-ni (suppletive on the synchronic level, but both forms go back to the same Proto-Nubian root).

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 43.

Krell 2012: 43.

Thelwall 1977: 203. Plural form: ŋizz-ɛ.

Werner 1993: 103; Thelwall 1983: 111.

Browne 1996: 5.

Werner 1987: 342; Bell 1970: 132. Quoted as ai in [Lepsius 1880: 267]. Accusative case: ày-gà.

Armbruster 1965: 11. Accusative case: ˈaı-gı ~ ˈaı-gi. Genitive: ˈa-nn. Quoted as ay in [Massenbach 1962: 170].

Hofmann 1986: 22. Quoted as ay in [Massenbach 1962: 170].

Kauczor 1920: 96. Direct stem. Most of the oblique forms are generated by means of a different root variant: accusative o ~ o-ge, genitive o-n-, possessive form o-ne 'my'.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 40.

Krell 2012: 40.

Thelwall 1977: 203; MacMichael 1920: 207.

Werner 1993: 36. Quoted as ǝ́í in [Thelwall 1983: 111]. Genitive: ǝ́ː-n. Accusative: ǝ́ ~ ǝ́-k.

Not attested.

Werner 1987: 350. According to Werner's analysis, contracted from *fáːyìr-ìr, but the basic root is still faːy- (the first -ir- would be an aspectual suffix, historically). Quoted in a slightly more archaic form as faːw-ir-e ~ faːw-r-oːs-e in [Lepsius 1880: 301].

Armbruster 1965: 31. Polysemy: 'to kill / to extinguish / to numb'. Quoted as beː ~ bay in [Massenbach 1962: 176].

Hofmann 1986: 36. Polysemy: 'to kill / to extinguish'. Quoted as beː ~ bay in [Massenbach 1962: 176]. The causative formation from diː- 'to die' q.v., diː-kir, can apparently also be used in the meaning 'kill' [Hofmann 1986: 49].

Kauczor 1920: 113. Singular action stem ('to kill one person; to kill smbd. in one movement'), as opposed to plural action stem tob [ibid.].

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 46.

Krell 2012: 46.

Thelwall 1977: 203.

Werner 1993: 114; Thelwall 1983: 111.

Not attested.

Werner 1987: 364. Plural form: kùr-tìː ~ kùr-tì-ríː. Quoted as kúr-tì in [Bell 1970: 134]; as kur-ti, pl. kur-tiː ~ kur-ti-guː in [Lepsius 1880: 351] (in the meaning 'joint': oːi-n kurti = 'knee', eddi-n kurti = 'elbow'). The fossilized suffix -ti is encountered frequently in Nobiin (see 'ashes', 'hand', etc.).

Armbruster 1965: 133. Plural forms: kˈur-tı-nčı ~ kˈur-tı-nč. Quoted as kˈur-ti in [Massenbach 1962: 211].

Hofmann 1986: 119. Polysemy: 'knee / joint'. Quoted as kˈur-ti in [Massenbach 1962: 211].

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 45.

Krell 2012: 45.

Thelwall 1977: 203. Plural form: kurti-n-ur-si. Literally = 'head of knee' (cf. úr 'head').

Werner 1993: 138; Thelwall 1983: 111.

Browne 1996: 63, 64. Renders Greek γιγνώσκω. Also attested as ia-r- ~ ie-r- {eiar- ~ eier-}, where the suffix -r- marks the imperfective aspect. Phonetically might have been pronounced with a long vowel (*iː-).

Werner 1987: 357. This verb looks like a complex formation, possibly to be segmented as i-r-be-er, where i-r- is the same stem as in Old Nubian and -be- is a further suffixal extension; this is not certain, since evidence for such a suffix is very scarce, but the verbal stem has a rather unique shape all the same. Quoted as irbi-r-e ~ irbi-r-e-de in [Lepsius 1880: 334].

Armbruster 1965: 210. Polysemy: 'to know / to understand'. Quoted as uɲor in [Massenbach 1962: 239].

Hofmann 1986: 103. Quoted as iy-ir 'to know / to count' in [Massenbach 1962: 199].

Kauczor 1920: 119.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 46.

Krell 2012: 46.

Not attested.

Werner 1993: 94. Quoted as ìyá- in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Browne 1996: 136. Polysemy: 'ear / leaf'. Renders Greek φύλλον.

Werner 1987: 380. Same word as 'ear' q.v. (Werner does not list the meaning 'leaf' in the dictionary, but it is evident from numerous textual examples in his monograph). Quoted as ukki, pl. ukkiː in [Lepsius 1880: 404].

Armbruster 1965: 209. Polysemy: 'ear / leaf'. Plural form: ˈulug-ı. Quoted as ˈulug, pl. ulg-i in [Massenbach 1962: 238].

Hofmann 1986: 177. Same word as 'ear' q.v. The meaning is listed as 'oberstes Blatt von Weizen oder Gerste', but there is no better equivalent for the generic meaning 'leaf of plant' in Hofmann's dictionary. Quoted as ˈulug, pl. ulg-i in [Massenbach 1962: 238].

Kauczor 1920: 8. Cf. in [Jabr el Dar 2006: 187]: "according to the elders, ayit 'leaf' is an old word; the current word is adaŋ"; Kauczor's aːid-aŋ, Jabr el Dar's adaŋ obviously < *ayit-aŋ with extra suffixation (originally a collective form?).

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 42.

Krell 2012: 42. The first component is 'tree' q.v.

Thelwall 1977: 203.

Werner 1993: 115. Plural form: pídí-dí (this form is simply listed as the singular 'leaf' in [Thelwall 1983: 111]). Same stem as in 'eye' q.v.

Browne 1996: 150. Polysemy: 'to be / to lie / to remain'. Somewhat questionable due to lack of unambiguous contexts, but comparative data of modern Nobiin shows that the root could indeed have been the basic equivalent for 'to lie' in Old Nubian as well.

Werner 1987: 351. Polysemy: 'to lie / to sleep'.

Armbruster 1965: 206. Used both in the dynamic ('to lie down') and static ('to be lying, to rest') sense. Quoted as turb ~ tubb in [Massenbach 1962: 237].

Hofmann 1986: 174. Polysemy: 'to lie down / to lie / to sleep'. Quoted as turub in [Massenbach 1962: 237].

Kauczor 1920: 292. Denotes the stative verb ('to be lying'); cf. ʓer-kiŋ 'to lie down'.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested properly. The verb kèrà-, listed in [Thelwall 1983: 111] with the meaning 'to lie (down)', is only listed with the meaning 'to sleep' in [Werner 1993].

Not attested.

Bell 1970: 128. Plural form: dìbèː-nèì [Bell 1970: 116]. Quoted as dibeː in [Lepsius 1880: 285].

Armbruster 1965: 122. Quoted as kibdaːd in [Massenbach 1962: 207]. Borrowed from Arabic.

Not attested.

Kauczor 1920: 45.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 45.

Krell 2012: 45.

Thelwall 1977: 203.

Werner 1993: 130. Quoted as tèmmèʓì in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Not attested.

Werner 1987: 369. Plural form: nàssí-kúː. Meaning glossed as 'big, long', but most of Werner's textual examples confirm the primary semantics of 'long'. Quoted as nassi ~ nassi-r, pl. nassi-kkuː in [Lepsius 1880: 369].

Armbruster 1965: 156. Polysemy: 'long / tall'. Plural forms: nosˈoː-rı ~ nosˈoː-nčı ~ nosˈoː-nč. Quoted as nosso, pl. nosso-ri in [Massenbach 1962: 221].

Hofmann 1986: 138. Quoted as nosso, pl. nosso-ri in [Massenbach 1962: 221].

Kauczor 1920: 81. Plural form: doʓ-e.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 41.

Krell 2012: 41.

Thelwall 1977: 203.

Werner 1993: 128; Thelwall 1983: 111. Polysemy: 'long / far'.

Not attested.

Lepsius 1880: 335. Attested only in the oldest source, but there is no reason to doubt the authenticity of the word (particularly in the light of external data).

Armbruster 1965: 112. Plural forms: ˈıssı-nčı ~ ˈıssı-nč. Quoted as issi in [Massenbach 1962: 199].

Hofmann 1986: 102; Massenbach 1962: 199.

Kauczor 1920: 45, 65. Plural form: iti.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 42.

Krell 2012: 42.

Not attested.

Werner 1993: 92; Thelwall 1983: 111.

Browne 1996: 122. Meaning glossed as 'man, husband'; the word consistently renders Greek ἀνήρ rather than άνθρωπος, so the required semantics of 'male human being' is quite appropriate here.

Werner 1987: 371. Quoted as ogoʓ, pl. ogʓi-riː ~ ogoʓi-riː in [Lepsius 1880: 375]. The form in Lepsius' dictionary is closer to the Old Nubian equivalent; final -l in Werner's attestation may be a fossilized determinant.

Armbruster 1965: 159. Polysemy: 'man (male) / husband'. Plural forms: ˈogıǯ-ı ~ ˈogǯ-ı. Quoted as ogiǯ, pl. ogǯ-i in [Massenbach 1962: 222].

Hofmann 1986: 141. Plural form: ogǯ-iː. Quoted as ogiǯ, pl. ogǯ-i in [Massenbach 1962: 222].

Kauczor 1920: 63. Plural form: kor-i. Graphically transcribed as ko̺rti.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 41.

Krell 2012: 41.

Thelwall 1977: 203. Plural form: kur. Quoted as kor-ti ~ kor-togei in [MacMichael 1920: 199].

Werner 1993: 85. Quoted as ét, pl. ét-tì in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Browne 1996: 45. Renders Greek πολλοί. Attested once as dig- (possibly a dialectal form, since it is closer to the Kenuzi-Dongolawi form of this word than to modern Nobiin).

Werner 1987: 113, 346. Cf. also the predicative form: díyy-à ~ dìyy-à 'it is a lot, it is enough'. Quoted as diː-i in [Lepsius 1880: 285].

Armbruster 1965: 51. Meaning glossed as 'great in quantity or number, abundant, plentiful, numerous'. Plural forms: dıg-rˈı-nčı ~ dıg-rˈı-nč. Adjectival stem; cf. also the adverb dıg-rˈıː-g 'much, exceeedingly, very'. Quoted as digri in [Massenbach 1962: 181].

Hofmann 1986: 50. Quoted as digri in [Massenbach 1962: 181].

Kauczor 1920: 82.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 41.

Krell 2012: 41.

Thelwall 1977: 203.

Werner 1993: 88; Thelwall 1983: 111.

Browne 1996: 24. Dubious: the meaning is listed as 'body, flesh', and the word consistently renders Greek σάρξ 'flesh' and σώμα 'body' rather than κρέας 'meat'. On the other hand, no relevant passages with the meaning 'meat (of animal, etc.)' are attested in the texts, so there is no better candidate for this meaning.

Werner 1987: 340. Oblique stem: áríɕɕ-á. Quoted as árìʓ in [Bell 1970: 127]; as ariʓ ~ arʓi, pl. arʓ-iː in [Lepsius 1880: 272].

Armbruster 1965: 134. Plural forms: kˈusu-nčı ~ kˈusu-nč. Quoted as kˈusu ~ kussu in [Massenbach 1962: 212].

Hofmann 1986: 119. Quoted as kˈusu ~ kussu in [Massenbach 1962: 212].

Kauczor 1920: 48.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 43.

Krell 2012: 43.

Thelwall 1977: 204. Quoted as koːzi in [MacMichael 1920: 204].

Werner 1993: 110; Thelwall 1983: 111. Cf. also kàdì 'meat without bones' [Werner 1993: 95].

Browne 1996: 137. Renders Greek σελήνη.

Werner 1987: 381. Quoted as ùnát-tì in [Bell 1970: 136]. Plural form: ùnàt-tìː. Comparison with Old Nubian, as well as Nobiin úːn 'crescent moon' [Bell 1970: 136], suggests a development from *un-aC-ti, although synchronically the word is not segmentable. Quoted as unatti ~ onatti in [Lepsius 1880: 405].

Armbruster 1965: 209. The non-derived root stem ˈuːn 'moon / month' is also attested; it seems to be more frequently used in the temporal than in the celestial meaning. However, cf. the following distinction in [Massenbach 1962: 239]: un 'moon / crescent moon' vs. un-ˈat-ti 'moon / full moon'.

Hofmann 1986: 25. Polysemy: 'moon / month'. The simple form un is not attested; however, the distinction between un 'moon / crescent moon' and un-ˈat-ti 'moon / full moon' in [Massenbach 1962: 239] seems to apply to the Kenuzi dialect as well as Dongolawi.

Kauczor 1920: 63. Plural form: nɔn-i. Polysemy: 'moon / month'.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 47.

Krell 2012: 47.

MacMichael 1920: 204. Dubious entry, since the word is not attested in Thelwall 1977; cf., however, ɑs 'month' [Thelwall 1977: 204].

Werner 1993: 142. Quoted as ǝ́ŋŋǝ̀l in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Browne 1996: 198. This is the most common equivalent for the required meaning in Old Nubian texts. Consistently renders Greek ὄρος.

Werner 1987: 368. Plural form: mùléː-nɕìː. Meaning glossed as 'hill, mountain'. Quoted as muleː 'mountain' in [Lepsius 1880: 366].

Armbruster 1965: 86. Plural forms: ǯˈɛbɛl-ı ~ ǯıbˈaːl. Transparent borrowing from Arabic. Quoted as ǯebel in [Massenbach 1962: 201].

Hofmann 1986: 82; Massenbach 1962: 201.

Kauczor 1920: 34.

Thelwall 1978: 278. In [Meinhof 1918: 89], the meaning 'mountain' is glossed as kágár = kakar 'stone' in Stevenson's lists (q.v.).

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 48.

Krell 2012: 48.

Thelwall 1977: 202. Meaning glossed as 'hill'. Plural form: kuɾ-aːn. Quoted as kuːr 'mountain' in [MacMichael 1920: 201].

Werner 1993: 110; Thelwall 1983: 111.

Browne 1996: 134. This word is encountered less frequently than ŋaǯ-, but also renders Greek ὄρος in at least two different contexts, as well as Greek σκόπελον 'mound' in a third one. It seems impossible to uncover the proper difference between the two; we include them as a technical synonyms. Still a third "candidate" is kul- {koul-} [Browne 1996: 101], which also renders Greek ὄρος, but only in a single context; for statistical reasons, we do not include it in the calculations.

Browne 1996: 4. Renders Greek στόμα. Additionally, Old Nubian amid- {āmid-} is also glossed by Browne as 'mouth' [Browne 1996: 11], although its Modern Nobiin reflex amir means 'lips'; in any case, it is only attested once, unlike the much more frequent agil-, and should not be included.

Werner 1987: 339. Plural forms: àg-ìː ~ àg-r-íː. Quoted as ag, pl. ag-iː ~ ak-kuː in [Lepsius 1880: 265].

Armbruster 1965: 9. Polysemy: 'mouth / opening / blade of knife'. Plural form: ˈagl-ı. Quoted as agil in [Massenbach 1962: 170].

Hofmann 1986: 20. Polysemy: 'mouth / door'. Quoted as agil in [Massenbach 1962: 170].

Kauczor 1920: 45.

Thelwall 1978: 278. Quoted as ɔ́gèl in [Meinhof 1918: 90].

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 44.

Krell 2012: 44.

Thelwall 1977: 204. Quoted as en=agul in [MacMichael 1920: 206] (probably = 'my mouth' or 'your mouth', cf. the same prefix in 'name' q.v.).

Werner 1993: 78; Thelwall 1983: 111. Polysemy: 'mouth / speech / word'.

Browne 1996: 168. Renders Greek ὄνομα.

Bell 1970: 129. Quoted as taŋis ~ taŋsi in [Lepsius 1880: 393].

Armbruster 1965: 66. Plural forms: ˈɛrrı-nčı ~ ˈɛrrı-nč. Quoted as eri ~ erri in [Massenbach 1962: 185].

Hofmann 1986: 59. Quoted as eri ~ erri in [Massenbach 1962: 185].

Kauczor 1920: 44.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 50.

Krell 2012: 50.

MacMichael 1920: 203. External as well as internal (cf. 'mouth') comparison shows that eːn= is most likely a prefixal component (probably 'my /name' or '/your/ name'). The entry still remains somewhat dubious, since the word is not attested in Thelwall 1977.

Werner 1993: 142. Quoted as ǝ́rì in [Thelwall 1983: 111] (connection with ǝ́rì 'demon', mentioned there, should probably be regarded as a case of homonymy). Cf. also kǝ́dí 'name', kǝ́d-àm 'it is called' [Werner 1993: 103], not confirmed in [Thelwall 1983].

Not attested.

Werner 1987: 358; Bell 1970: 132. Plural form: ìyyìː (< *ìyyí-ìː). Quoted as iː ~ iː-i, pl. iː-iː ~ iː-guː in [Lepsius 1880: 327].

Armbruster 1965: 64. Plural forms: ˈɛyyɛ-nčı ~ ˈɛyyɛ-nč. Quoted as eye ~ eyye 'neck' in [Massenbach 1962: 186]. Alternate synonym: gˈumur [Armbruster 1965: 82]. Plural form: gˈumur-ı. Quoted as gumur, pl. gumr-i 'nape; neck' in [Massenbach 1962: 193]. The difference between the two words is not quite clear, but, given the semantics in Massenbach's description, ˈɛyyɛ is more likely to refer to the 'neck' in general or to 'front part of neck' in particular, whereas gˈumur is more likely to refer to 'back side of the neck; nape'.

Hofmann 1986: 61. Quoted as eye ~ eyye 'neck' in [Massenbach 1962: 186]. Alternate synonym: ɣumur 'neck' [Hofmann 1986: 78]. See notes on Dongolawi for the potential semantic difference between the two.

Not attested.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 45.

Krell 2012: 45.

Thelwall 1977: 204.

Werner 1993: 88; Thelwall 1983: 111.

Browne 1996: 118. Renders Greek καινός.

Werner 1987: 368. Quoted as miriː, pl. miriː-guː in [Lepsius 1880: 364].

Armbruster 1965: 65. Plural form: ˈɛːr-ı. Quoted as eːr in [Massenbach 1962: 185]. Polysemy: 'new / fresh'. Alternate synonym: ǯɛdˈiːd [Armbruster 1965: 87], borrowed from Arabic.

Hofmann 1986: 58; Massenbach 1962: 185.

Kauczor 1920: 284.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 49.

Krell 2012: 49.

Thelwall 1977: 204.

Not attested. Said to be an "Arabic loan" in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Browne 1996: 122. Renders Greek νύξ. Also attested in the form oyade- {ōāde-}.

Werner 1987: 341. Plural forms: àwàːn-ɕìː ~ àwàr-ìː ~ àwà-kúː. Quoted as áwà 'night-time' in [Bell 1970: 130]; as auar ~ aua in [Lepsius 1880: 274].

Armbruster 1965: 208. Plural forms: ˈuguː-nčı ~ ˈuguː-nč. Cf. ug-rˈɛːs 'day' [ibid.]; both words are derived from the root ˈug-, which Armbruster defines as 'day (of 24 hours)'. Quoted as uguː, pl. uguː-nɕi in [Massenbach 1962: 238].

Hofmann 1986: 175. Quoted as uguː in [Massenbach 1962: 238]. Cf. also tuːr 'evening; night' [Hofmann 1986: 174]; liːle 'night' (borrowed from Arabic).

Kauczor 1920: 45.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 49.

Krell 2012: 49.

Thelwall 1977: 204.

Werner 1993: 107. Quoted as òːt in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Not attested.

Werner 1987: 374; Bell 1970: 129. Plural form: sòrìŋ-gúː. Quoted as surin ~ sorin, pl. sorin-guː in [Lepsius 1880: 388].

Armbruster 1965: 180. Plural form: sˈorıɲ-ı. Quoted as sˈorin, pl. sorɲ-i in [Massenbach 1962: 229].

Hofmann 1986: 156. Plural form: sorn-iː. Quoted as sˈoriɲ, pl. sorɲ-i in [Massenbach 1962: 229].

Not attested.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 44.

Krell 2012: 44.

Thelwall 1977: 204.

Werner 1993: 88; Thelwall 1983: 111.

Browne 1996: 114. Formally a negative verb ('not to be'), joined with the stem of the negated verb in a compound formation.

Werner 1987: 159. Formally a negative verb ('not to be'), joined with the stem of the negated verb in a compound formation. In some forms, represented with vowel gradation as =min- or =meːn- (cf. the root shape in Old Nubian), but the main present and past conjugation paradigms all feature the stem variant =muːn.

Armbruster 1965: 146. Formally a negative verb ('not to be'), joined with the stem of the negated verb in a compound formation. The suffixal forms are =mun-an for 3rd p. plural and =mun-un for all other persons. In certain other contexts, the verb shows a different vocalism: =mɛn [Armbruster 1965: 140]. Quoted as =mun ~ =men in [Massenbach 1962: 218].

Hofmann 1986: 132. Formally a negative verb ('not to be'), joined with the stem of the negated verb in a compound formation. Quoted as =mun ~ =men in [Massenbach 1962: 218].

Kauczor 1920: 227. Formally a negative verb ('not to be'), joined with the stem of the negated verb in a compound formation.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

MacMichael 1920: 211. Negative suffix or negative root stem, attested in such forms as kiː-m-en 'I did not come', soː-m-i 'do not go' etc. Not attested in [Thelwall 1977], but there is no reason to distrust the information in the earlier source.

Werner 1993: 49. Negation of assertion in Midob is expressed with the suffixal extension =áː-, appended to the verbal root.

Browne 1996: 132-133. This word functions both as a numeral ('one') and an indefinite article ('a', 'some'). The variation between wer- and wel- looks random, but wer- is the more archaic variant as suggested by external comparison.

Werner 1987: 382. Quoted as weːr ~ weːl ~ weː ~ weːi in [Lepsius 1880: 411]. Final -r belongs to the root, as may be seen from various bound and derived forms, e. g. wèːr-àː 'it is one' or ùrr-ágí 'first'; the vowel-final variant is apparently the result of contextual simplification.

Armbruster 1965: 219. Plural form: wˈɛːr-ı. Quoted as weːr in [Massenbach 1962: 242].

Hofmann 1986: 184; Massenbach 1962: 242.

Kauczor 1920: 90. Predicative form: beː-n ~ be-n. Transcribed as bɛː in [Jabr el Dar 2006: 186].

Thelwall 1978: 278. Quoted as bɛ́ːrɔ in [Meinhof 1918: 89].

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 41.

Krell 2012: 41.

Thelwall 1977: 204. Quoted as meir-ti in [MacMichael 1920: 198].

Werner 1993: 33; Thelwall 1983: 111. The simple root stem pèːr 'one' [Werner 1993: 115] seems to be restricted to certain bound contexts.

Browne 1996: 80. Consistently renders Greek άνθρωπος rather than ἀνήρ (with one or two insignificant exceptions), so the required semantics of 'human being' (irrespective of sex) is quite appropriate here; cf. also the derived it-k- {et̄k-} '(hu)mankind' [ibid.]. Stem-final -t- is segmentable as the old singulative suffix, since it disappears in the plural: i- {ei-} 'people' [Browne 1996: 63].

Werner 1987: 356; Bell 1970: 125. Plural form: ì-d-ìː. The old singulative suffix -d (still detachable in Old Nubian) has become completely fossilized in Nobiin. Quoted as id in [Lepsius 1880: 328]. Suppletive plural: úttúː 'people' [Werner 1987: 381], quoted as uttuː in [Lepsius 1880: 408].

Armbruster 1965: 5. Plural form: ˈadɛm-ı. Quoted as adem in [Massenbach 1962: 170]. Borrowed from Arabic. The older word ˈıd, glossed by Armbruster as 'man (vir); husband; person' [Armbruster 1965: 105], seems to be generally employed in various compound formations, or functions as an archaism.

Hofmann 1986: 188; Massenbach 1962: 244. Borrowed from Arabic zawl 'person'.

Kauczor 1920: 65. Plural form: i-ri.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Werner 1993: 93; Thelwall 1983: 111. Plural form: í-ʓʓétí.

Browne 1996: 19. Renders Greek ὑετός. The stem is more frequently attested within the compound verb aru-agar- 'to rain on; to cover, protect', but there is at least one context in which it functions independently. Highly problematic is the relation between aru- and a different, phonetically similar form for 'rain': awi- {auei-} [Browne 1996: 14], attested only in two different contexts. The difference may be dialectal, since aru- is closer in form to modern Kenuzi-Dongolawi, while awi- is closer in form to Modern Nobiin; however, that does not solve the issue of whether the two are really variants of the same root or not, and if yes, what is the original stem and what was the cause of the sound change. Since the form with -r- has an overall wider distribution in Nubian than the Nobiin form with -w-, we include aru- as the main entry.

Werner 1987: 341; Bell 1970: 131. Polysemy: 'rain / mourning' (in [Bell 1970]). Quoted as aui in [Lepsius 1880: 274]. On p. 269 of the same source, cf. also amuːr ~ ambuːr 'rain', of unclear origin.

Armbruster 1965: 20. Plural forms: arˈu-nčı ~ arˈu-nč. Quoted as aru in [Massenbach 1962: 173].

Hofmann 1986: 26. The form is a contraction from *aru-n-essi, where *aru- is the old word for 'rain', -n- is the genitive marker, and essi = 'water' q.v. The non-contracted form is still attested as aru-n-essi in [Massenbach 1962: 173], along with a-nn-essi.

Kauczor 1920: 47. Polysemy: 'sky / rain'.

Thelwall 1978: 278. Quoted as árà in [Meinhof 1918: 89].

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 47.

Krell 2012: 47.

Thelwall 1977: 205. Quoted as aːli in [MacMichael 1920: 203].

Werner 1993: 82. Quoted as árè in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Browne 1996: 26. Actually renders Greek πορφυρου̃ς 'purple' rather than 'red', but external data strongly confirm that 'red' must have been the basic meaning. No other equivalent for 'red' is known.

Werner 1987: 352; Bell 1970: 126. Plural form: gèːl-ìː ~ géːl-kúː. In [Bell 1970], the meaning is glossed as 'red, yellow'. Quoted as geːl 'red' in [Lepsius 1880: 310].

Armbruster 1965: 76. Plural forms: gˈɛːlɛ-nčı ~ gˈɛːlɛ-nč. Quoted as geːle, pl. geːle-ri 'red, brown' in [Massenbach 1965: 190].

Hofmann 1986: 70. Quoted as geːle 'red, brown' in [Massenbach 1965: 190].

Kauczor 1920: 82.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 49.

Krell 2012: 49.

Thelwall 1977: 205. Quoted as kayl-ei in [MacMichael 1920: 207].

Werner 1993: 98. Quoted as kéːl-è in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Browne 1996: 36. Meaning glossed as 'path'; renders Greek ὁδός. Cf. also ta- 'path, street' [Browne 1996: 163] (renders Greek ἀμφόδος 'a k. of road').

Werner 1987: 344. Plural form: dàww-ìː. Meaning glossed as 'path'. Quoted as dau 'way, road' ('Weg') in [Lepsius 1880: 283].

Armbruster 1965: 45. Plural forms: dˈɑrıb-ı ~ dˈɑrb-ı. Quoted as darib ~ darub in [Massenbach 1962: 180]. Borrowed from Arabic.

Hofmann 1986: 45. Quoted as darib ~ darub in [Massenbach 1962: 180]. Borrowed from Arabic.

Kauczor 1920: 61. Plural form: ɔb-in ~ ɔb-in-di. Alternate synonym: okul [Kauczor 1920: 45].

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 48.

Krell 2012: 48.

Thelwall 1977: 205. Quoted as toːn-di in [MacMichael 1920: 203].

Werner 1993: 126; Thelwall 1983: 111. Meaning glossed as 'way, path' in [Werner 1993]; as 'road, path' in [Thelwall 1983].

Browne 1996: 54. Dubious; only attested twice, and the corresponding Greek equivalents are not indicated, nor does the word have any reliable external parallels in modern forms of Nubian.

Werner 1987: 359. Plural form: ʓùː-nɕìː. Quoted as ʓuː in [Lepsius 1880: 322]; cf. also asil 'root' [Lepsius 1880: 273], borrowed from Arabic.

Armbruster 1965: 211. Plural forms: ˈursɛ-nčı ~ ˈursɛ-nč. Quoted as urse, pl. urse-nɕi in [Massenbach 1962: 239].

Hofmann 1986: 114. Plural form: koːy-iː. Polysemy: 'sinew / vein / root'. Quoted only in the meaning 'nerve, vein' as koy, pl. koy-i in [Massenbach 1962: 209]. Cf. also bun 'lower part, bottom; behind; root' [Hofmann 1986: 43]; butti 'root, stem' (? < *bun-ti) [Hofmann 1986: 44].

Kauczor 1920: 61. Plural form: irt-eni.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 42.

Krell 2012: 42.

Not attested.

Werner 1993: 94. Also ìrɕí-dì id. Quoted as ír-dì in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Not attested.

Lepsius 1880: 310. Dubious (attested only in an old source).

Armbruster 1965: 79. Participial form from the verbal stem gırˈıːdɛ-buː- 'be in a rounded state or condition, be round, be circular', itself derived from gırˈıːdɛ 'to revolve, turn oneself round; take a turn, walk round' [ibid.]. Applied to 3D objects.

Hofmann 1986: 78. Reduplicated stem. Also used in the verbal meaning: 'to spin (a ball of yarn)'. Only quoted in the meaning 'ball of yarn; to spin' in [Massenbach 1962: 193].

Kauczor 1920: 275. Adjectival derivative from the verb dilɕ-i 'to put / scoop together, make into a pile'. The word functions both as an adjective ('round, ball-shaped') and a noun ('ball').

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Werner 1993: 102. Formally derived from the verb kùkkùlá- 'to make a heap' [Werner 1993: 102].

Armbruster 1965: 177. Meaning glossed as 'round, circular'; applied to 2D objects (plates, trays, etc.).

Not attested.

Werner 1987: 375; Bell 1970: 129. Plural form: sìw-ìː. Quoted as siːw in [Lepsius 1880: 386].

Armbruster 1965: 176. Polysemy: 'sand (coll.) / sand-bank, sand-dune'. Plural forms: sˈiw-ı ~ sˈıːw-ı. Quoted as siːw in [Massenbach 1962: 228].

Hofmann 1986: 155. Quoted as siːw in [Massenbach 1962: 228].

Kauczor 1920: 44. Different from wende 'fine sand' [Kauczor 1920: 48].

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 48.

Krell 2012: 48.

Thelwall 1977: 205; MacMichael 1920: 205.

Werner 1993: 137. Polysemy: 'sand / dust'. Quoted as ùkù-dì in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Browne 1996: 149. This is the most frequent and basic verb to introduce direct speech, rendering Greek λέγω and similar verbs. Much more rare, and dubious in the required meaning, is the verb il- ~ il-d- {eil- ~ eil-d-} 'to say' [Browne 1996: 68], also attested as a noun: il- ~ il-d- 'voice' [ibid.]. It also occasionally renders Greek λέγω, along with several other different verbs with the semantics of 'speaking' or 'telling', and thus, may have been closer in semantics to 'tell' or 'pronounce'. In any case, its frequency of usage prevents it from being included along with pes-. Still another weak candidate is we- {we- ~ ouē-} 'to say', attested in, at most, a couple of contexts [Browne 1996: 204]; external evidence suggests that it may be a Kenuzi-Dongolawi dialectism in the texts.

Werner 1987: 356. Cf. íːg-ò 'he said' in [Bell 1970: 134]. Quoted as iːg-e in [Lepsius 1880: 329].

Armbruster 1965: 57, 216. The allomorph ˈɛ- seems to be a "lenited" variant of wɛː-, originally developed in specific unstressed / "fused" contexts and later extrapolated to certain other parts of the verbal paradigm. Quoted as eː ~ weː in [Massenbach 1962: 184]. Distinct from ˈan 'say; say to, tell, bid; let, allow' [Armbruster 1965: 14] (contexts show that this verb is generally closer to English 'tell' than 'say').

Hofmann 1986: 183. Probably the same distribution between the two variants as in Dongolawi. Quoted as eː ~ weː in [Massenbach 1962: 184]. The verb an is also listed in the meaning 'to say' [Hofmann 1986: 25], but its semantics seems to be more or less the same as in Dongolawi.

Kauczor 1920: 77.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Not properly attested; Krell quotes the form ı̀knàhār [Krell 2012: 47], which is clearly the same as in áy-ı̀knàhár 'this' q.v. and is fairly dubious (could be just a "parasitic" word that is sometimes mistaken for a basic item or appended to it).

Krell 2012: 47.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Werner 1993: 104. Differently in [Thelwall 1983: 111]: àŋŋà 'say!' (imperative), àŋŋà-nán 'to say' (infinitive); not confirmed in [Werner 1993].

Browne 1996: 195. Renders Greek εἰ̃δον, etc.

Werner 1987: 227. Cf. nà-l-ò 'he saw' in [Bell 1970: 132] (the form nèːl, according to Werner's morphophonological analysis, is a contraction from *nàl-ìl). Quoted as nal-e ~ nal-oːs-e in [Lepsius 1880: 368]. Cf. also guːɲ-e 'to see' [Lepsius 1880: 315] = gúːɲ-ìr 'to show; to examine' [Werner 1987: 354] (the meaning in Werner's dictionary seems to have been glossed more accurately).

Armbruster 1965: 149. Polysemy: 'to see / to look'. Quoted as nal ~ nel in [Massenbach 1962: 219].

Hofmann 1986: 134. Quoted as nal ~ nel in [Massenbach 1962: 219].

Kauczor 1920: 109. Quoted as gili 'see' in [Jabr el Dar 2006: 187].

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Thelwall 1978: 278.

Krell 2012: 46.

Krell 2012: 46.

Thelwall 1978: 278. Quoted as el- in [MacMichael 1920: 213], attested in the sentence ter uzzei el-um 'he saw the corn'. Not attested in [Thelwall 1977].

Werner 1993: 104. In [Thelwall 1983: 111], the verb 'to look' is incorrectly substituted for 'to see': kóːd-ná 'look at...!'

Browne 1996: 100. Renders Greek σπέρμα.

Bell 1970: 127. Glossed as the plural form 'seeds', although the form is not a morphological plural. In [Werner 1987: 363], only the corresponding verb stem is attested: kòʓìr ~ kòkìr 'to plant'.

Armbruster 1965: 198. Plural forms: tˈɛːrı-nčı ~ tˈɛːrı-nč. Cf. also bitˈaːn 'child (of any age), offspring; male child, son; boy; young (of animals); fruit, seed (of plants)' ([Armbruster 1965: 36]; glossed only as 'child, youngling, young (of animal)' in [Massenbach 1962: 178].

Hofmann 1986: 169. Polysemy: 'seed / fruit'. Also used in the verbal meaning 'to plant'. Cf. also ewit-ti [Hofmann 1986: 61], a nominal derivative from the verb ewir 'to plow' [ibid.]. Quoted as eːwir-ti ~ eːwit-ti 'crop; seed' in [Massenbach 1962: 186].

Kauczor 1920: 63. Plural form: ter-i. Graphically transcribed as te̺rti.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 42.

Krell 2012: 42.

Thelwall 1977: 205.

Not attested. Said to be an "Arabic loan" in [Thelwall 1983: 111].

Browne 1996: 8. Polysemy: 'to sit / remain / live'. Commonly renders Greek κάθημαι.

Werner 1987: 339. Cf. àːg-ò 'he sat' in [Bell 1970: 135]. Quoted as aːg-e 'to sit' in [Lepsius 1880: 266].

Armbruster 1965: 6. Polysemy: 'to sit down, sit / to squat / to reside, live / to remain, stay / to be present'. Quoted as aːg ~ aː in [Massenbach 1962: 170].

Hofmann 1986: 19. Polysemy: 'to sit / to dwell'. Quoted as aːg ~ aː in [Massenbach 1962: 170].

Kauczor 1920: 292. This stem denotes both the active (ak-i-ɲ 'to sit down') and stative (ak-er 'to be sitting') verbs. Polysemy: 'to sit / to dwell, reside'.

Thelwall 1978: 280.

Thelwall 1978: 280.

Krell 2012: 47.

Krell 2012: 47.

Thelwall 1977: 205.

Werner 1993: 77. Meaning glossed as 'to sit, stay, lie'.

Browne 1996: 171. This verb is encountered less frequently than ak-, but only in the meaning 'to sit' (= Greek κάθημαι). The semantic difference between ak- and tik- is just as hard to establish as it is in modern Nile-Nubian languages; provisionally, we include both as technical synonyms.

Werner 1987: 378. This word is glossed as 'to sit' ('sitzen') in Werner's monograph. However, in [Lepsius 1880: 396] the word tiːge is explicitly glossed as 'to sit down' ('sich setzen'). Textual examples in both sources do not permit to see a clear picture; it may be so that in modern Nobiin dialects, the old dynamic verb 'to sit down' is steadily infringing on the territory of the old static verb àːg- 'to be sitting', or, in fact, this process may have already begun in Old Nubian. For now, we include both forms as synonymous (technical or transit synonymy).

Armbruster 1965: 196. Polysemy: 'to sit / to squat / to reside, live / to remain, stay / to be present'. Quoted as teːg in [Massenbach 1962: 234]. As in Nobiin, the precise difference between aːg and tɛːg is hard to determine, and we include both forms as synonyms.

Hofmann 1986: 168. Quoted as teːg in [Massenbach 1962: 234]. As in Nobiin, the precise difference between aːg and teːg is hard to determine, and we include both forms as synonyms.

Werner 1993: 136; Thelwall 1983: 112. Meaning glossed as 'to sit, stay'. Difference between àːg- and tǝ́g- remains unclear, as in other Nubian languages.

Not attested.

Werner 1987: 369. Plural form: nàwàr-íː. Quoted as náwà in [Bell 1970: 131]; as naua ~ nauar, pl. nauar-iː in [Lepsius 1880: 369].

Armbruster 1965: 10. Plural forms: ˈaǯın-ı ~ ˈaǯn-ı. Polysemy: 'skin, hide / leather' (applied to people and animals alike). Quoted as aʓin, pl. aʓin-ɕi in [Massenbach 1962: 171].

Hofmann 1986: 21. Quoted as aʓin, pl. aʓin-i in [Massenbach 1962: 171].

Kauczor 1920: 44. Transcribed as dɔr, pl. dor-i in [Jabr el Dar 2006: 186].

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 43.

Krell 2012: 43.

Thelwall 1977: 205.

Werner 1993: 76; Thelwall 1983: 112. Polysemy: 'skin / leather'. The word tǝ́llí, glossed in [Werner 1993: 136] as 'skin, leather bag', seems to mean 'skin' as a container, judging by examples of usage.

Browne 1996: 199. Attested only once, but correlates well with external data (the same root in modern Nile-Nubian languages). Additionally, the form piː- {piei-} is also glossed as 'to sleep' in [Browne 1996: 151], since in one context it does render Greek κοιμω̃μαι. However, the basic and most frequent meaning of piː- is 'to be, remain, lie' (see under 'to lie'), and this is probably just an accidental use of the verb 'to lie' in place of 'to sleep'.

Werner 1987: 369. Quoted as neːr-e ~ neːr-oːs-e in [Lepsius 1880: 370].

Armbruster 1965: 151. Polysemy: 'to sleep / to fall asleep, go to sleep'. Quoted as neːr in [Massenbach 1962: 220].

Hofmann 1986: 136. Quoted as neːr in [Massenbach 1962: 220].

Kauczor 1920: 291. Glossed as 'to go to sleep', but analysis of contextual examples shows that the same verb usually expresses the static meaning 'to be sleeping' as well.

Thelwall 1978: 280.

Thelwall 1978: 280.

Krell 2012: 46.

Krell 2012: 46.

Thelwall 1977: 205.

Werner 1993: 98; Thelwall 1983: 112.

Browne 1996: 114. Verbal root: 'to be small'. Renders Greek ὀλίγος and many other partial synonyms. This is the most frequent Old Nubian equivalent for 'small'. Additionally, cf. also ŋo(r)- 'small', attested only once [Browne 1996: 204]; tuk...- {touk...-}, with a lacuna, also attested only once [Browne 1996: 182] - neither of these two words are included due to scarcity of occurrences.

Werner 1987: 364; Bell 1970: 127. Polysemy: 'small / young'. Cf. also tuːɲ 'small', pl. tuːɲ-iː 'small ones, young ones, children' in [Lepsius 1880: 401], only attested as the plurale tantum tùːɲì ~ tùːɲìː 'children; the young' in [Werner 1987: 379]. Lepsius also remarks that the word is most frequently found in the plural, referring to human children or young of animals (fish, dogs, etc.). The corresponding suppletive singular form is toːd 'small, young' [Lepsius 1880: 298] = tòːd id. [Werner 1987: 378].

Armbruster 1965: 122. Plural form: kˈıɲɲa-rı. Quoted as kiɲa ~ kinna, pl. kiɲa-ri in [Massenbach 1962: 207].

Hoffman 1986: 112. Plural form: kinna-riː. Quoted as kiɲa ~ kinna, pl. kiɲa-ri in [Massenbach 1962: 207].

Kauczor 1920: 31. The suffix -ndu is in itself a productive diminutive morpheme. Said of singular objects. The corresponding suppletive plural form is dweː-eni [Kauczor 1920: 82].

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 41.

Krell 2012: 41.

Thelwall 1977: 203. Meaning glossed as 'little (volume)'; cf. also maːn-tita 'little (size)' [ibid.].

Werner 1993: 121. Quoted as sàŋáɕì 'small, few' in [Thelwall 1983: 112]. Cf. also tèré 'small / young' [Werner 1993: 130].

Browne 1996: 20. Renders Greek καπνός. Attested only once.

Werner 1987: 379. Plural form: tùllìː-nɕìː. Quoted as tulli in [Lepsius 1880: 401], with polysemy: 'smoke / tobacco / pipe'.

Armbruster 1965: 205. Quoted as tulla in [Massenbach 1962: 237]; the latter source also lists the verbal stem tull- 'to smoke', from which tull-a is supposedly derived, but no such stem is given in [Armbruster 1965].

Hofmann 1986: 79. Polysemy: 'smoke / tobacco'. Quoted as gusutti in [Massenbach 1962: 193], also as gusuti in [Massenbach 1962: 237].

Kauczor 1920: 48.

Thelwall 1978: 280.

Thelwall 1978: 280.

Krell 2012: 48.

Krell 2012: 48.

Thelwall 1977: 205.

Werner 1993: 102. Polysemy: 'smoke / incense'. Quoted as kúmé-dí in [Thelwall 1983: 112].

Browne 1996: 203. Also attested with the imperfective suffixal extension as ŋoǯ-ir- {ŋoǯr̄-}, and with a strange inserted nasal as ŋonǯ- (possibly due to assimilative influence of the word-initial nasal). This verb is the most frequent and basic equivalent of Greek ἵστημι and its close synonyms. Alternately, cf. also: (a) meǯǯ- [Browne 1996: 116], attested only once (related to the Modern Nobiin word for 'stand', but definitely not the most common means of expression in Old Nobiin); (b) ok- ~ og- 'to stand; to be (over)' [Browne 1996: 124], a word with rather vague semantics that seems to reflect something like 'to be placed, located (somewhere)' rather than specifically 'stand (upright)'.

Werner 1987: 367. Polysemy: 'to be (somewhere) / to stand'. Quoted as menʓ-e in [Lepsius 1880: 362].

Armbruster 1965: 194. Polysemy: 'to stand / to stand still, stop / to remain, stay, wait'. Quoted as teːb in [Massenbach 1962: 234].

Hofmann 1986: 168. Quoted as teːb in [Massenbach 1962: 234].

Kauczor 1920: 292. Cf. tek-i 'to set up, make to stand'.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Krell 2012: 47.

Krell 2012: 47.

Not attested.

Werner 1993: 129. Incorrectly translated as kǝ̀ː- in [Thelwall 1983: 112] = 'to rise, get up' in [Werner 1993: 104].

Browne 1996: 135. Plural form: wiɲǯ-ri ~ wiɲǯ-ri-gu ~ unǯu-ri. Renders Greek ἀστήρ.

Werner 1987: 383. Plural form: wìnʓì-gúː. Quoted as wiːnʓi, pl. wiːnʓiː ~ wiːnʓi-guː in [Lepsius 1880: 413].

Armbruster 1965: 221. Plural forms: wˈıssı-nčı ~ wˈıssı-nč.

Hofmann 1986: 186. Quoted as wissi in [Massenbach 1962: 243].

Kauczor 1920: 50. Plural form: orni-ni. Graphically transcribed as o̺rnu-ndu. The suffixes -ndu / -ni have diminutive semantics.

Thelwall 1978: 280.

Thelwall 1978: 280.

Krell 2012: 47.