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Altaic etymology :

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Proto-Altaic: *sū́ri
Nostratic: Nostratic
Meaning: to go away, drive away
Russian meaning: уходить, прогонять
Turkic: *sǖr-
Tungus-Manchu: *suru-
Korean: *sɨ́r-
Comments: SKE 237, EAS 71, Martin 245. Doerfer (TMN 3, 252) protests against comparing Turk. and Tung. because TM *u (Benzing's *ö) does not correspond to PT *ü. This is of course not true; but the root still has a slight irregularity, namely, high tone in Korean (generally not typical for a verbal root, and not corresponding to Turkic length).
Proto-Altaic: *sV́ ( ~ *š-)
Nostratic: Nostratic
Meaning: this, that (3d pers. pronoun)
Russian meaning: этот,тот (мест. 3-го л.)
Turkic: *-sɨ/-si
Japanese: *sǝ́-
Comments: АПиПЯЯ 277. The root is rare in Altaic, but has reliable external parallels (see МССНЯ, 1, 7). It may also be represented in Turk. *sajɨ- 'each, every', Mong. sajiki 'the same').
Proto-Altaic: *šàčú
Nostratic: Nostratic
Meaning: a k. of soup
Russian meaning: вид супа
Tungus-Manchu: *šasi-kan ( ~ -i-, -ü-)
Korean: *čǝ́s
Japanese: *sùsí
Comments: An Eastern isogloss (Kor. *čǝ́s is = *čǝ́č, an assimilation < *sǝ́č).
Proto-Altaic: *šálpu
Meaning: a celestial body
Russian meaning: назв. небесного тела
Mongolian: *čolbun
Tungus-Manchu: *čalbaka ( ~ š-)
Japanese: *súmpárú
Comments: Phonetically OJ subaru is a quite satisfactory match for Mong. and TM forms, so Miller's (Miller 1988) attempts to derive it either from Arabic al-zubra 'mane' (name for the two stars of the 11th lunar station) or from MKor. spɨr 'horn' are probably not necessary.
Proto-Altaic: *šaŋku
Meaning: a k. of berry
Russian meaning: вид ягоды
Turkic: *čaŋɨĺ
Mongolian: *čaŋgis
Japanese: *sunkuri
Comments: Basically a Turk.-Jpn. isogloss; Mongolian may be < Turkic.
Proto-Altaic: *šā̀ke ( ~ *č`-)
Meaning: small finger, index finger
Russian meaning: мизинец, указательный палец
Turkic: *čɨka-ń
Mongolian: *sige- / *čige-
Tungus-Manchu: *čāgdi ( ~ *š-)
Comments: Дыбо 323, Лексика 257. A Western isogloss.
Proto-Altaic: *šā̀k`a
Nostratic: Nostratic
Meaning: white
Russian meaning: белый
Turkic: *čakɨr
Mongolian: *čagaɣan
Tungus-Manchu: *šāk-
Comments: Владимирцов 248, Цинциус 1984, 12-13, АПиПЯЯ 293. A Western isogloss. The Mong. variants *čaji- / *čeji- reflect most probably a merger with the root *šā̀ŋu 'clear, light' q. v.
Proto-Altaic: *šā̀ŋu
Nostratic: Nostratic
Meaning: clear, light
Russian meaning: ясный, светлый
Turkic: *čAŋ
Mongolian: *čaŋ
Tungus-Manchu: *šā(ŋ)-
Japanese: *sùm-
Comments: Mong. has also *čaji- / *čeji- 'be white, whitish', associated in the modern language rather with *čaga-ɣan 'white' (see *šā̀k`a), but phonetically rather going back to *čaŋi- < *šaŋu. Despite Rozycki 193, the TM forms are hardly borrowed < Mong.
Proto-Altaic: *šéčo
Nostratic: Nostratic
Meaning: to scatter, pour out
Russian meaning: рассыпать, разливать
Turkic: *sạč-
Mongolian: *saču- / *čaču-
Tungus-Manchu: *š[e]še-
Korean: *čằčhắi-
Japanese: *sǝ́sǝ́-k- (~ -ua-)
Comments: KW 423, Poppe 63 (Turk.-Mong.). Mong. is not < Turk., despite TMN 3, 217, Щербак 1997, 144. There are some phonetic uncertainties: Korean has also a variant čǝ̀čí- 'to soak' (see PKE 30); in TM one observes a variation between *-i- and *-e-.
Proto-Altaic: *šek`a
Nostratic: Nostratic
Meaning: upper part of throat
Russian meaning: верхняя часть горла
Turkic: *sakak
Mongolian: *sakaɣu
Tungus-Manchu: *čeKe- ( ~ š-)
Comments: Лексика 221. A Western isogloss; cf. perhaps MKor. sjǝ́k 'bridle'.
Proto-Altaic: *šĕ̀rčú
Nostratic: Nostratic
Meaning: sparrow
Russian meaning: воробей
Turkic: *serče
Tungus-Manchu: *š[i]ču-kān
Japanese: *sùnsúmaí
Comments: The root is expressive, but well reconstructable for PA.
Proto-Altaic: *šero
Nostratic: Nostratic
Meaning: to bake, boil
Russian meaning: печь, варить
Mongolian: *sira-
Tungus-Manchu: *čere- ( ~ *š-)
Korean: *sằr-m-
Comments: The etymology appears plausible despite poor attestation in TM.
Proto-Altaic: *šèru
Nostratic: Nostratic
Meaning: lattice, cross-bars
Russian meaning: решетка, плетенка
Turkic: *sar-
Mongolian: *sara-
Tungus-Manchu: *šerin
Korean: *sár
Japanese: *sùntare
Comments: A common derivative *šèru-p`V- is reconstructable for Turko-Mongolian (PT *sara-p, *sara-pa-n, PM *sara-b-či). The root evidently denoted some sort of lattice used in construction.
Proto-Altaic: *šĭ́mi
Nostratic: Nostratic
Meaning: to suck, soak
Russian meaning: сосать, впитывать
Turkic: *simü-
Mongolian: *sime
Tungus-Manchu: *šime-
Korean: *sɨ́mɨ́i-
Japanese: *sím-
Comments: Ozawa 223, KW 358, Lee 1958, 117, АПиПЯЯ 17, Martin 242, Whitman 1985, 127, 212, Martin 1996, 82. Korean has a not quite clear high tone; otherwise correspondences are quite regular.
Proto-Altaic: *šimuč`V
Meaning: small finger
Russian meaning: мизинец
Turkic: *čɨmɨč-
Tungus-Manchu: *šimučken
Comments: Дыбо 322, Лексика 257. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. *č- in Turk. is due to assimilation.
Proto-Altaic: *šĭp`V
Nostratic: Nostratic
Meaning: to sweep
Russian meaning: мести, подметать
Turkic: *sipür-
Mongolian: *siɣür-
Tungus-Manchu: *čipi- (~š-,-ü-)
Korean: *psɨ́r-
Comments: EAS 150, Владимирцов 212, Poppe 30, 47, Мудрак Дисс. 43-44. Mong. cannot be explained as a loanword, despite Щербак 1997, 144, or as "bloßer Zufall", despite TMN 4, 288. In Kor. one has to suppose a secondary development *psɨ́r- < *spɨ́r-.
Proto-Altaic: *ši̯ábu
Meaning: to sit; be seated, implanted
Russian meaning: сидеть; сажать, быть посаженным
Mongolian: *saɣu-
Korean: *sà'ò-rí
Japanese: *súwá-
Comments: АПиПЯЯ 277. Initial *š- must be reconstructed because of Kor. *s-. Kor. sà'òrí appears to be genuine (cf. the match with Jpn. *súwá-r-), but a loan from Mong. saɣuri(n) 'seat' (whence certainly Manchu sōrin) cannot be excluded, see Lee 1964, 192-193.
Proto-Altaic: *ši̯ábu
Meaning: small, narrow
Russian meaning: маленький, узкий
Turkic: *sEb-re-
Mongolian: *saɣa-
Tungus-Manchu: *šoba- ( ~ -p-)
Japanese: *súmp-
Comments: The root is rather sparsely attested in Turk. and TM, and the vocalic reconstruction is not quite secure (note that Jpn. -mp- speaks rather against the reconstruction of diphthong - unless the form is not actually a contraction of *súwu-mp- with a labial suffix).
Proto-Altaic: *ši̯àč`í
Nostratic: Nostratic
Meaning: a k. of rope, fabric
Russian meaning: вид веревки, ткани
Turkic: *sačuk
Tungus-Manchu: *čeče
Korean: *sắčh
Japanese: *sì(n)tú
Comments: The TM form is somewhat irregular: we would rather expect *šiči. Note, however that in Manchu we may be dealing with assimilation (čeče < *šeče), while other TM forms may in fact be borrowed from Manchu.
Proto-Altaic: *ši̯ằĺì
Nostratic: Nostratic
Meaning: piece of meat, flesh
Russian meaning: мясо, кусок мяса
Mongolian: *silbi
Tungus-Manchu: *čilki ( ~ š-)
Korean: *sắrh
Japanese: *sìsì
Comments: Дыбо 311 (Mong.-Tung.); Martin 232, Miller 1986a, 49, АПиПЯЯ 95, 279 (differently). The root must be kept distinct from *si̯ŏlo q. v., but contaminations were possible.
Total of 2805 records 141 page

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