Comments:Владимирцов 206, Tekin 1979, 127. Despite a widespread point of view (see e.g. ЭСТЯ 5, 277), Mong. can hardly be < Turk. The root (especially in the Turk.-Mong. area) is liable to mergers with *k`i̯ubu 'coffin' and *k`ăp`ù 'barrier' q. v.
Comments:KW 167, Poppe 43, ОСНЯ 1, 315, АПиПЯЯ 289 (but the Jpn. form should be kept separate, see *k`ápa). A Western isogloss. The root is expressive and tends to contaminate with *kăp`è 'to squeeze, pinch' (q. v.), as well as with *k`épà `side' (in Mong.: 'to grasp' > 'press' > 'flatten, flat'), but nevertheless reconstructable for PA (despite Doerfer's doubts in TMN 3, 374); borrowing in Mong. < Turk. is quite improbable, despite Щербак 1997, 133.
Comments:SKE 103 (Turk.-Kor.; despite TMN 3, 596, Kor. kǝsk- is not a "teleologischer Sternchenform"). Cf. also Nan. (Bik.) kesi- 'to cut out' - with quite inexplicable k- (a borrowing?). Reasons for prenasalization in Jpn. are unclear (perhaps a suffixed form like *k`ắsi-gu-n is reflected).
Comments:EAS 147, KW 243, Poppe 110 (but Kor. kurǝk 'small sack' is derived < kur- 'roll, wrap' and does not belong here). Despite Щербак 1977, 128, the Mong. form is hard to explain as a Turkic loanword. Irregular labialization in Turk. is probably caused by the simplification of the cluster with labial -b-.
Comments:One of several similar roots, actively interacting with each other - see notes to *k[ā]p`á 'to cover'. Mong. *kabi-čak 'groin' is a result of secondary semantic development, probably < *'scrotum' or 'hymen' (cf. the meanings in Turkic).
Comments:Цинциус 1984, 124. In Turkic the root is preserved basically in Oghuz languages; it obviously obtained initial *g- (*k- would be normally expected) under the double influence of *gēp- 'to swell (of belly)' and *gebre- 'fragile'.