Comments:VEWT 108, TMN 3, 99, Егоров 323, Федотов 2, 413. Chuv. čǝbǝt- is phonetically strange; it may reflect a secondary denasalization (Мудрак Дисс. 50), but may actually be a trace of a different root, cf. PA *č`íp`ú or *č`abo.
Kirghiz:čɨm 1; čemirček 'травянистое растение со съедобным корнем' (cf. also čɨmɨldɨq 'повилика', čɨmɨldɨrɨq, čɨmɨndɨq (dial.) 'чина')
Kazakh:šɨm 1
Noghai:šɨm 1
Gagauz:čim 1, čimen 1, 2
Comments:The primary root is *čɨm 'turf', whence *čim-gen 'meadow', borrowed in Pers. čaman (see EDT 423; not vice versa, despite TMN 2, 99-100); but many of the modern forms meaning 'meadow' or 'bouquet' are already backloans from Persian.
Comments:Дыбо 322-323, Лексика 256. See ibid. a number of other forms, probably going back to the same stem, but restructured phonetically because of the root's expressive nature.
Comments:The Chuvash form points to *-ɨ-. The root is very localized, but seems to be distinct from *čɨm- / *čum- 'top; stick with a knob' (although a contamination was of course possible).
Comments:VEWT 107, EDT 408-409, Лексика 334. Chuv. čuxan 'poor' may be of different origin (cf. an aberrant reflex of *g), cf. čux 'mediocre', čuxъ 'poor' ( < *jok?).
Comments:VEWT 113, EDT 405, 406. The Oghuz adverb 'much', in the 12th c. (KB) 'very, extremely', is probably the same word as čoq 'bad, vile'(Ogh. 11) (cf. also the Tuva parallel). Turk. > Mong. (Khalkha) cox in coxxara 'very black'. The identification of čoq-(la-) 'gather, collect' with čoɣ-la- 'to bind, pack' (ДТС) or čoq- 'to bend' (EDT) is rather dubious. Vocalic length is unclear (cf. the voicing of -k- in Western Oghuz).
Karakhanid:čoq- 'to rush at the prey (of a bird)' (MK)
Turkish:čoku- 1, čukur 6
Tatar:čuqɨ- 1, čoqɨ- 2
Middle Turkic:čo/uqu- (Sangl., Pav. C. (5)); čuqur 6 (Sangl.; starting with Old Kypch.); čux-la- 3 (MA 137)
Uzbek:čụqi- 1, čuqu-la- 2, 3, čuqur 6
Uighur:čoqu- 1
Azerbaidzhan:čuxur 6
Turkmen:čoq- 1, čuqanaq, čuxur 6
Khakassian:sox-la- 1
Oyrat:čoqu- 1, 3
Kirghiz:čoqu- 1, čuqu- 3
Kazakh:šoqɨ- 1, šuqɨ- 1, 3
Noghai:šoqɨ- 1, šuqɨ- 2, 3
Bashkir:suqɨ- 1, soqo- 2, 3
Gagauz:čuqur 6
Karaim:čoq- 'to sting', čoɣɨ- 1 (K), č/сuqu/ɨr 6
Karakalpak:šoqɨ- 1, šuqɨ- 2, 3
Kumyk:čoqu- 1
Comments:VEWT 114, 119, EDT 406. Kypchak languages suggest a distinction between *čokɨ- 'to peck' and *čukɨ- 'to dig, delve', absent elsewhere, and possibly a result of interdialectal loans.
Shor:šoqta- 'to besprinkle idols with an exclmation šoq!' R 4, 1024)
Oyrat:čoɣɨr- 2 (Lebed. R 3, 2014), čoqto- 'to besprinkle idols with an exclamation čoq!' (R 3, 2009)
Chuvash:śъk 5
Kirghiz:čoqun- 3, 4
Noghai:šoqɨn- 3
Bashkir:suqɨn- 3
Karakalpak:šoqɨn- 3
Kumyk:čoqun- 3
Comments:VEWT 113-114, Егоров 328, Федотов 2, 426-427. Räsänen's attempt to explain the verb as "baptism through immersion" (linking Kypch. čoqur 'pit' and Taranchi čoqur- 'to sink' (R 3, 2007) appears unconvincing. The former word is derived from čok- 'to delve', and the latter should be corrected to čökür- according to more modern sources. The semantic transfer of a pagan ceremony to the Christian one seems quite natural in an islamicized society. The same root may be represented by the exclamation (made during a libation), Oyr. čoq!, Shor šoq!, and further - the approbatory exclamation Kirgh. čok!, Kaz. šoq! etc. Quite unlikely is the hypothesis of a loan from Hebrew (Y. Malov, quoted in Федотов). In fact, the meaning in Chuv. ('pledge') and the external parallels suggest that the religious component in the meaning of *čok- is relatively late (having evolved after the separation of Bulgars): 'pledge' > 'sacrifice' > 'praying' > 'baptizing'. Turk. > Hung. csök 'sacrifice', see Gombocz 1912.
Comments:EDT 419-420, VEWT 115, TMN 3, 89, Дыбо 152. Turk. > Mong. čolaq (Щербак 1997, 113). The existing forms are derived from a verb *čol- 'become defective' (cf. the attested OUygh. čol- and forms like Kirgh. čolu-).
Comments:VEWT 115, TMN 3, 95-99, EDT 422, Егоров 319. Cf. also *čamčak / -ɨ- 'big spoon' (VEWT 98; < *čom-čak?). Various forms meaning 'to squat' may belong here as well (cf.: Tur. čömel-, Az. čömäl-, Gag. čömel-, Turkm. čommal-, Tat. čümäš-, Kaz. šömej-, KBalk. čömel- ('trip over'; cf. also čömel-t- 'to turn over; dip someone into water'), with a secondary semantic development ('dip, dive' > 'fall or sit down, squat'); cf. similar semantic shifts in PT *čök-.
Karaim:(K) čočqa 3, čočuq jataɣɨ 'afterbirth'; (T) čočxa 'young boy (not a Karaim)', (H) cocka 2
Karakalpak:šošqa 3
Kumyk:čočqa 3
Comments:VEWT 113, ЭСТЯ 4, 28, EDT 400. See Stachowski 1985 with an extensive list of material but with a strange conclusion that the word "onomatopoetischer Herkunft ist und somit durch Autogenese zustande kam".
