Комментарии:KW 40, Lee 1958, 106, АПиПЯЯ 81, Menges 1984, 282-283, ТМС 1, 101. In PA it is somewhat difficult (but probably necessary) to distinguish between *bi̯òga 'place', *baja 'to be located' and *bi̯ogo 'open place' q. v.
Комментарии:The root is somewhat difficult to distinguish from *baja q. v. (and in Jpn., indeed, the two roots could have merged - with additional mixture with *p`āji 'part' q. v.). Jpn. *pia must be a contraction < *pǝja (*puja).
Комментарии:Лексика 406. Jpn. *-ǝ- in the first syllable is irregular, due to assimilation or bad compatibility of *a (which would be expected) and *ǝ.
Комментарии:Дыбо 313, Лексика 284. Martin 247, Whitman 210. The vocalism in Mong. *bul-či- is probably influenced by the descriptive root bul- (bult-, buld-, bült- etc.) 'to be swollen, swell', see *pi̯óla. Note that PT, Mong. and Jpn. reflect a common derivative *bi̯ol-t`i- (*bi̯oli-t`V-).
Комментарии:A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Palatalized *-ń- in TM is a secondary assimilation result. The root must have denoted some wild predator. It is tempting to compare similar forms in Mong. and Jpn., denoting some (mythical?) aquatic predator: PJ *bàni 'crocodile', WMong. (БАМРС) banuqai 'a rare aquatic creature, dwelling in water during daytime and on the shore during nighttime' - but the semantic change seems too far-fetched.
Комментарии:KW 69, Владимирцов 361, Poppe 21, 81, Новикова 1972, 117. In Jpn. we have to assume a secondary vocalic development in a long word: *pútí-(u)si > *pítú(n)si (the word is most probably a compound with *úsí 'cow' in the second part, cf. the Korean match).
Комментарии:АПиПЯЯ 282. The root seems quite secure, but reveals a variation of the vocalic reflex in the 2d syllable: *bi̯ṓre ( > Turk., TM), *bi̯ṓri- ( > Jpn.).
