Комментарии:SKE 140, Poppe 35, Lee 24, 26, 28. Low tone in Jpn. is probably due to contraction. Cf. also Old Koguryo *maiš 'garlic' (thus in Miller 1979, 15; Lee reads *mail).
Комментарии:Poppe 35, АПиПЯЯ 74. Turk. *beŕe 'to ornament' (ЭСТЯ 2, 105-106) would be a good match; but it may be in fact a crasis < *bedŕe (see *pédá).
Комментарии:SKE 142, EAS 79, Martin 247. Cf. also similar forms (maybe specialized usages of the same root): MKor. mātā̆i / mátắi 'top', Jpn. maT- 'emphatic prefix'; Evk. mātālīkān 'up to the top', moton 'even'.
Комментарии:Ozawa 98-99, Лексика 168. The Jpn. parallel shows that, despite Clark 1980, 43, there is no need for assuming Mong. < Turk. (which is difficult because of *m-, but still possible; the Mong. variant bečin is certainly < Turkic).
Комментарии:The Turkic form may belong here if it represents a secondary development *bu(-n) 'this' < *bun 'self'; the vocalism, however, speaks against the comparison (*bạ(-n) would be expected). The root reveals contaminations with *méŋu 'whole' q. v. Illich-Svitych (ОСНЯ 2, 70) compares the Turk.-Mong. stem with PKartv. *m(a)-, PU *mū / *mō etc.
Комментарии:KW 260, АПиПЯЯ 111, 278. The root is very similar to *mi̯ólo 'full, fill' and may indeed be derived: *mi̯ol-t`i. Such an explanation, however, would involve a metatony in Japanese and borrowing in TM (milte- < Mong. melte-), so we prefer to separate the two roots for the time being.
Комментарии:EAS 78, Владимирцов 324, Poppe 72. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss, but the Mong. form can hardly be explained as borrowed from Turkic, despite TMN 4, 33, Щербак 1997, 107. Cf. perhaps MKor. màńắn 'forty' < 'big number'?
Комментарии:The TM-Mong. match suggests that the original meaning was 'stomach sickness', with a later development into a more general 'sickness, disease' and 'misfortune, bad (circumstabces)' elsewhere.
