Комментарии:A rather local root. The Kolami word could be thought of as a borrowing from Telugu, but that does not explain the irregular vowel length in M. B. Emeneau's recordings (although the entry does bear the tag of 'recording uncertain'). The second syllable (*-ug-) is detachable as a 'weak' suffix, but no individual *and- 'sāl tree' is attested. // Present in 3/6 branches.
Комментарии:A local root, participating in expressive reduplications (cf. Tulu aṇakasaṇaka) and not at all reliable; the potential Malto match (without the suffix *-k-), however, is too interesting to be left unnoticed. // Present in 3/6 branches.
Комментарии:PGn (PKK) *aǯ- lacks an -n-, probably for back-formation reasons (PKK *aǯ- < caus. stem *as-). The relation to Brahui hīj-ing 'to be scared, startled' is unclear. // Present in 3/6 branches.
Комментарии:A dubious cultural term (acc. to Burrow & Emeneau, possibly related to Old Indian aŋgaṇa- "court"). Similarly, Kolami-Gadba forms may actually represent later reborrowings from Telugu. // Present in 3/6 branches.
Комментарии:A bisyllabic root with the inlaut nasal cluster (*-ŋ- = *-ŋg-) in a strong position. Auslaut *-l- is most probably lost in SDR where bisyllabic roots of this kind (with a second long vowel) never end in liquid resonants. // Present in 4/6 branches.
Комментарии:Irregular (expressive?) vowel lengthening is observed in some Gondwan languages. This is one of the two main PDR roots for 'father', the other being *t-and_-; judging by the difference in meaning, the latter was the more 'formal' appellation (which is why it is more frequently met with archaic pronominal prefixes than *ápa-), whereas the latter is clearly a "children's" word. // Present in 4/6 branches.
Значение:cake (of rice flour; of special interest to children)
Комментарии:Certain problems are caused by the Tamil-Malayalam forms which feature initial ā-; also unclear is the fact that Old Indian has the word as apūpá-, pūpa- (Turner 491). This does not include the possibility of Proto-Dravidian origin (cf. the Brahui parallel), but if the vowel length in Tamil and the trisyllabic structure of the OI form are related (e. g. āppa- < *apūpa-), this may hint at an obscure borrowing source for both subgroups. // Present in 3/6 branches.
Комментарии:The Telugu forms are somewhat dubious (only the derivative in -aḷi- is found, which could be a borrowing from Kannaḍa). Nevertheless, this is at least a fairly sutrdy SDR root, and it certainly has nothing to do with PDR *čap- 'clap hands' despite Burrow & Emeneau's comparison (the latter always preserves the affricate). // Present in 2/6 branches.
Комментарии:The entry in DEDR is a perfect example of the frequently witnessed confusion of data: it gives Konḍa rēs- 'to stir and mix, to plate (metals)' as a potential cognate, but later on the same form (rēs-) resurfaces in DEDR 3949 as 'to make plating (of metals)' and still later on in DEDR 4610 as 'to stir, mix' (!!!). This is, of course, due to the fact that proper reflexation of PDR auslaut vocalism in syncopated roots in Gondwan is rather hard to establish. // Present in 4/6 branches.
Комментарии:Safely reconstructed for the PSDR-Telugu level; the Naiki form is dubious (possibly a Telugu borrowing), which makes the PDR status of the word somewhat less probable. On the other hand, a credible internal etymology or borrowing source for the word is unavailable. // Present in 2/6 branches.
Комментарии:In Telugu (and Kolami, if rāvi is not a re-borrowing from Telugu) there has probably occurred an early dissimilation *arajai > *aragai, from whence the dialectal variation between -g- and -v-. // Present in 4/6 branches.
Комментарии:A Central Dravidian isogloss. The element *-gil- may be an old suffix (cf. the derivative form *kavŋ-gil- from *kavŋ- 'armpit'); however, the root *ar- still has no reliable parallels outside Central Dravidian. // Present in 2/6 branches.