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Дравидийская этимология :

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\data\drav\dravet
Прадравидийский: *áli
Значение: waterlily
Праюжнодравидийский: *alli
Прателугу: *alli
Комментарии: Reconstructed on the PSDR-Telugu level. // Present in 2/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *am-
Значение: to press down
PRNUM: PRNUM
Праюжнодравидийский: *am- ~ *am-ŋ-
Прателугу: *an-c- ~ *am-k-
Комментарии: Most frequently met in the nasal/velar combination type (intr. *am-ŋ-, tr. *am-k-); Telugu and Malayalam, however, preserve the suffixless form. // Present in 2/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *áma-
Значение: mother (hon.)
PRNUM: PRNUM
Праюжнодравидийский: *ammā ~ *ammai
Прателугу: *amma
Праколами-гадаба: *amma
Прагонди-куи: *amma-
Брахуи: ammā
Комментарии: The most common, and most certainly, primary meaning of the stem is 'mother'; however, much like *ápa-, this is the "formal" root for this relative, and is in that function opposed to *aj- q. v. // Present in 5/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *amái-
Значение: to fit together; to be useful; to prepare
Праюжнодравидийский: *amai- ~ *amar-
Прателугу: *amai- ~ *amar-
Комментарии: Outside SDR and Telugu only found in Kuwi (ambrinai 'to suit'), where it is most likely borrowed from Telugu (unless other parallels in Central Dravidian eventually show up). The root is completely homonymous with *amai- 'to be calm, settled', right down to the same opposition of the -ai-stem and the -r-stem; however, it does not seem prudent to join the two under one entry, although occasional semantic contamination may be present. A particular problem is the root's relationship with *sav- (*sam-?) 'to be ready'; I find it hard to trace both variants to a single PDR root and would suggest phonetic contamination (i. e. *sav- > *sam- in many dialects under the influence of *amai-) between two roots with similar meanings. // Present in 2/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *amai-
Значение: to be calm, settled
PRNUM: PRNUM
Праюжнодравидийский: *amai- ~ *amar-
Комментарии: A rather local SDR root but certainly quite "Dravidian" in form. Burrow & Emeneau compare it with *am- 'to be pressed down, crushed' (> 'to settle'), but I would rather opt for homonymity here (occasional semantic contamination with *amai- 'to fit together' is also possible). As always it is possible to derive *ama-r- from *amai-r-. // Present in 1/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *amb-
Значение: arrow
Праюжнодравидийский: *amb-
Прателугу: *amb-
Праколами-гадаба: *amb
Прагонди-куи: *amb-
Комментарии: Forms like Tamil appu-kkaṭṭu 'sheaf of arrows'; Telugu ampar_a (pl.) 'arrows'; and possibly Gondwan plural forms in ap- hint at the PDR status of the morphological gradation *amb- (sg. stem) ~ *amp- (plural and derivative forms). // Present in 4/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *ámbai-
Значение: to crawl [walk on hands and feet]
Праюжнодравидийский: *ambai-kāl-
Прателугу: *amb[V]-
Комментарии: SDR displays a compound with *kāl- 'leg, foot', but the Telugu form is apparently simple. In DEDR the items are tentatively compared with Kur. umbāxārnā 'to walk on hands and knees', but vocalic correspondences are impossible. // Present in 2/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *ámbali
Значение: rice-water; rice gruel
PRNUM: PRNUM
Праюжнодравидийский: *ambali
Прателугу: *ambali
Праколами-гадаба: *ambal
Прагонди-куи: *ambeli
Прасеверно-дравидийский: *amṛī
Комментарии: The presence of the root in North Dravidian clearly validates its PDR status (otherwise one could argue that all Central Dravidian languages - as well as some South Dravidian ones - have borrowed the form from Telugu). // Present in 5/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *an-
Значение: fit, convenient
Праюжнодравидийский: *an-
Прателугу: *an-uv-
Прадравидийский: *aṇ-
Значение: upper part, up; to lift up (the head)
Праюжнодравидийский: *aṇ-
Комментарии: A strictly SDR root but very hard to think of as a borrowing. // Present in 1/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *áṇa-
Значение: elder brother
PRNUM: PRNUM
Праюжнодравидийский: *aṇṇa-
Прателугу: *anna
Праколами-гадаба: *an- (*-ṇ-)
Прагонди-куи: *ana
Комментарии: Loss of retroflex articulation in PGn is normal in this position. // Present in 4/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *aṇái
Значение: bank, dam
Праюжнодравидийский: *aṇai
Прателугу: *ana
Комментарии: A good SDR-Telugu agricultural isogloss; PDR status is unclear. // Present in 2/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *aṇái- ~ *anḍ-
Значение: to join, unite
PRNUM: PRNUM
Праюжнодравидийский: *aṇai ~ *anḍ-
Прателугу: *anṭ-
Праколами-гадаба: *anḍ-
Прагонди-куи: *anḍ-
Прасеверно-дравидийский: *ā̆nṛ-s-
Брахуи: han-inging
Комментарии: A common PDR stem commonly displaying two variants, with *anḍ- being the exclusive one in all of Central Dravidian and *aṇái- safely reconstructed only for PSDR (and Telugu, if anãgu 'to mix' really belongs here). Some of the forms with -ṇṭ- may be due to contamination with *anṭ- 'to stick'. The two stems, bisyllabic and monosyllabic with retroflex cluster, may well be related on a higher level (with the original root being *aṇ-, which then may have been preserved as an archaism in Tam. aṇṇu), but separate origins cannot be excluded either. // Present in 6/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *aṇá-ŋ-
Значение: to suffer; to suppress
PRNUM: PRNUM
Праюжнодравидийский: *aṇ-ŋ- ~ *aṇa-ŋ-
Прателугу: *aṇa-ŋ-
Праколами-гадаба: *aṇ-k-
Комментарии: Cf. also Betul Gondi an-c-ānā "to press". Considering that one of the meanings in Tamil is "be slain", it is possible to suggest historical derivation from P(S)DR *aṇai- 'to extinguish, die' (in which case the Gondi match hardly fits, but it is an isolated one-dialect form anyway). In DEDR the Kolami-Gadba forms are grouped with PDR *aẓí- 'to perish, be ruined', but the nasal consonant in PKG is too well defined to ignore; the current etymology seems to be just as plausible semantically and better phonetically. // Present in 3/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *aṇáŋ- (?)
Значение: lower part of mouth; neck
PRNUM: PRNUM
Праюжнодравидийский: *aṇaŋ- (?)
Комментарии: A phonetically complex phorm that is nevertheless well reconstructible for PSDR and has potential external parallels. // Present in 1/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *anc-
Значение: edge, border
Праюжнодравидийский: *anc-
Прателугу: *anc-
Комментарии: Compared with Old Indian añcala- "edge" (< añc- "to bend, etc."), but it is strange that the resonant suffix is not found in Dravidian. Either the Dravidian forms reflect a different verbal derivative that has not been preserved in Indo-Aryan or the resemblance is accidental. // Present in 2/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *áncV
Значение: relay post
Праюжнодравидийский: *ancal ~ *anci
Прателугу: *ance
Комментарии: Reconstructible for the PSDR-Telugu level; further etymology is unclear. // Present in 2/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *and-
Значение: to be within reach
Праюжнодравидийский: *and-
Прателугу: *and-
Прагонди-куи: *and-
Комментарии: Very sporadic representation, but correspondences are regular. // Present in 3/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *ánḍi
Значение: mango stone
PRNUM: PRNUM
Праюжнодравидийский: *anḍi
Комментарии: Despite being represented fairly well in SDR and even having possible Nostratic links, the root's position within Dravidian is not very strong since there exists a strong possibility of its being borrowed from IA: cf. Hindi ā̃ṭhī 'kernel or pip of fruit', Bengali, Oriya ā̃ṭhi id., etc. < IA *aṣṭi-; Turner 955). Definitely borrowed from Oriya are the NDR forms (Kur. aṭhū, Mlt. aṭi, as evidenced by the aspirated retroflex in Kur.). Nevertheless, coincidental resemblance cannot be excluded either. // Present in 1/6 branches.
Прадравидийский: *and-/*čand-
Значение: beauty
Праюжнодравидийский: *and-/*čand-
Прателугу: *and-/*cand-
Комментарии: The forms with initial affricates may be Sanskrit borrowings.
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