Комментарии:An expressive kinship "nursery" word with the typical structure *VCV; the root must have denoted some elder relative, both male and female. Deriving TM *asī from a Chinese (ТМС 1,55) or Sino-Korean (SKE 15) source is quite impossible. The Mongolian reflexes are problematic: Mong. eǯei 'mother, elder sister' (whence Yak. eǯīj, Dolg. eǯij, see Кал. V 27, Stachowski 43) is probably < Turkic.; Mong. ečige 'father' reflects rather PA *ĕ́t`è q. v. One should, however, note an isolated Dagur form ačā 'father' (Тод. Даг. 122), whence certainly Solon ača id. and possibly Evk. (Vit.) ači 'ancestor' (ТМС 1, 59).
Комментарии:Lee 1958, 119 (Kor.-TM), АПиПЯЯ 291, ТМС 1, 11. The TM form is not borrow < Mong., pace Rozycki 11. *agaɣar (cf. the length in all dialects) < *aɣa-ɣar, with regular dissimilation. The Jpn. form may be attributed here if it originally meant "rainy season" (cf. "rain, thunder" in TM); autumn is not so rainy in present-day Japan, but it must have been different in the original homeland.
Комментарии:SKE 5, Martin 234, Колесникова 1972а, 77-78, АПиПЯЯ 80, 283 (confused with *ák`a), Лексика 225. Despite Poppe 95 Mong. aɣur 'steam, anger' hardly belongs here (see under *ap`i). The root should be distinguished from *ák`a, although they tend to be confused: thus, Mong. *ag 'crack' could quite possibly reflect *ák`a. Some phonetic comments: Mong. *aguji regularly < *aɣuji with velar fricative dissimilation; Korean has lost the first vowel in a long derivative (a rather frequent phenomenon).
Комментарии:Poppe 58. A Western isogloss. May be derived from the root reflected in TM as *agī- 'to walk without a road', 'wilderness' (ТМС 1, 13; its borrowing from Mong. aɣui 'wide', suggested by Poppe 1972, 101, Doerfer MT 123, is highly dubious). Note that vowel length in PT *aglak is unknown; if the original meaning of the root was 'to nomadize', one is tempted to compare also PT *āgɨl 'settlement' (originally perhaps 'nomadic settlement'; see Лексика 492-493, 522-523, ЭСТЯ 1, 65-66, 83-85, TMN 2, 82-84, Stachowski 257), whence probably MMong., WMong. ajil id. ( > Evk. ail etc., see Doerfer MT 125). Not borrowed from Turkic, but rather genuine may also be WMong. ajimak 'a group of ajil's' (TMN 1, 184-185: Mong. > Khak., Tuva ajmaq (see also ЭСТЯ 1, 110), Man. ajman etc.).
Комментарии:KW 3, Владимирцов 282 (Turk.-Mong.), EAS 97, 139, Poppe 66 (with an unreliable Korean parallel), АПиПЯЯ 290, Дыбо 12. A Western isogloss. Because of a semantic difference, TM forms are hardly borrowed from Mong., despite Doerfer MT 46.
Комментарии:ТМС 1, 24. A Western isogloss. The TM languages reflect a compound *aKa-nīkü (with *nīkü 'duck' < PA *nī̀kV q. v.); the same compound in a somewhat distorted shape may be also present in the PT and PM forms.