Arabic:ǧurǧub-, ǧurǧubān- 2 'ventre' [BK 1 274]; cf. ǧrǧb 'manger' [ibid.]; ruǯb-, raǯab- 2 'part of body between the side and lower chest' BK 1 822
Epigraphic South Arabian:(?) SAB grb 1 'body, person' [SD 50]
Tigre:gärob 'body' [LH 574]
East Ethiopic:ZWY gäräbä 2 'big stomach of ruminants' [LGur 289] (acc. to Leslay, possibly < OROMO garbi)
Notes:Rather scarcely attested; see, however, AFRASIAN.
Note MSA: MHR gǝrǝbēt 'mass, group of people' [JM 123], JIB EAST gǝrbɛ́t do. [ibid.], likely a semantic development from 'body'.
[DRS 178]: ESA, TGR, ZWY (also MSA 'groupe des gens'); [LGur 289]: ZWY, TGR, ESA
Semantically comparable only if 'angulus oculi' is the primary meaning
Arabic:waǧn-at- 'joue, surtout joue saillante' [ibid. 2 1494]; ʔaǧn-at-, ʔiǧn-at-, ʔuǧn-at- 'pommette, partie saillante de la joue au-dessous de l'oeil' [ibid. 1 14].
ʔV- may be a prefix or another triconsonantizer, besides w-, of the biradical stem *gVn-
Gurage:(?) ENN END GYE MASQ GOG g'in, MUH g'ǝn, SOD gin 'hollow in the nape of the neck' [LGur 309].
According to Leslau, < OROMO ginni). Cf. also MUH MSQ GOG SOD gunnän, CHA gunär etc. 'head' (also 'hair of head' and 'top, summit') [ibid. 284], which Leslau interprets as *gunnän proposing no etymology
Mehri:wǝgnēt 'cheek-bone' [JM 424]
Jibbali:ɛ́gǝnt 'cheek-bone' [JJ 288]; ōgǝn 'to have prominent cheek-bones' [ibid.]
Harsusi:wegnēt 'cheek'
Notes:Common SEM status problematic: SYR and GUR examples are not easily compatible semantically and may have different origin (cf. also ETH EAST: SEL WOL MUH wägän 'side, direction' [LGur 610], GUR: SOD wägän; see comments in *g(ʷ)ann- 'breastbone; side of body', No. ), while all MSA forms may well be Arabisms (cf. also [SSL 1 293]). The ARB data, however, are supported by AFRASIAN (below)
Akkadian:ḳerbu 'intestines, insides' (in the pl.), 'mind, heart' OB on [CAD ḳ 216], [AHw 914-915]
Ugaritic:ḳrb 'Körpermitte' [Aist 282]
Hebrew:ḳäräb 'entrails, inward parts' [KB 1135]
Arabic:ḳurb- (u < *a assimilated to b ?) 'flancs, à partir des hanches jusqu'au bas-ventre' [BK 2 704]
Notes:Note a derived meaning 'inside, (in the) middle': AKK ḳerbu 'inside, inner part, middle' (the first and main meaning in AKK) OA on [CAD ḳ 216], [AHw 914-915]; UGR ḳrb (prep.) 'inmitten, in, an' [Aist 282]; MOAB b-ḳrb 'in the midst' [Segert 266].
Cf. SOQ di-ríkob (di-ríḳab) 'boyau' [LS 400]; see also QALAN-V d-ī́rǝḳɔb 'estomac de chèvre' et al. [SSL 4 100]; metathetic of *ḳVrb-?
Arabic:ǧawf- 'ventre' (also 'creux, cavité; interieur') [BK 1 357]; cf. ǧyf 'exhaler une odeur fétide (se dit d'un cadavre)', ǧīf-at- (<*ǧiwf-at-) 'cadavre, charogne, surtout en putréfaction' [BK 1 362]
Tigre:gof 'body' (also 'interior, heart, soul') [LH 594]; hardly from ARB ǧawf-, because of a wide scope of meanings in TGR only partly coinciding with ARB
Mehri:gawf 'chest' [JM 127]; mǝgǝfūt 'corpse, chest cavity of a corpse' [JM 115]
Jibbali:mgɔffɔ́t 'corpse, carcass' [JJ 72] (the root consonants are *gff)
Notes:Note ARB ǧīf-at- (<*ǧiwf-at-) 'corps', where -y-/-ī- cannot be explained from SEM *gawp-, and the MSA forms with prefixed m-.
A considerable variety of meanings throughout SEM.
Cf. ARB ǧawf- 'creux, cavité; interieur' [BK 1 357]; TGR gof 'interior, heart, soul' [LH 594]; and probably UGR gp, pl. gpt [DLU 149] where 'interieur' is one of the suggested translations (the others being 'orilla, ribera; linde, ladera'; see a comprehensive discussion [ibid.]). One wonders whether these examples represent independent meaning shifts in each language or can be made into a separate SEM root eventually derived from the present one with a current semantic development 'chest/belly' > 'interior'.
Another meaning shift well attested in SEM (see Introduction) is 'body' > 'person/self': HBR *gapp- [KB 200] (attested only in bǝ-gapp-ō 'he alone' [Ex 21:3]), PB gūp 'person, self' (see above); ARM: OFF gp 'person', JUD gūpā 'self, substance' (above). These examples can also be analysed either as an independent development in HBR and ARM or as a common HBR-ARM root derived from the present one or else as an instance of ARM influence on HBR. Anyway, however, one cannot avoid comparing them to ETH GUR: GOG SOD gubba-, END guppä- 'self, alone' [LGur 256] ("-" implying a respective pronominal suffix), with a remarkable parallelism in meaning and structure, but with -bb- (> END -pp-, cf. [LGur XXXII]) vs. HBR and ARM -p(p)-; probably all these forms are to be treated as a separate root *gaṗṗ- meaning 'alone, self, person' (then not related to the present root).
[Maizel 168; 217]; [DRS 108]: HBR (gūpā, gap), ARM, ARB, TGR; [KB 184]: HBR (gūpā, related to gap), ARM, ARB, TGR (erroneusly quoted as gāf)
Arabic:ǯ̌anāḥ- 'bras (chez l'homme); aisselle; aile (chez les oiseaux, les insectes, etc.) [BK 1 338]; ǯāniḥ-at- 'côte, surtout cette partie qui est du côté de la poitrine' [ibid.]
Soqotri:ganḥ 'devant, milieu de la poitrine' [SSL LS 1458, apud Johnstone], NOGED génnaḥ 'sternum' [ibid. 1458] (not in [LS])
Notes:As anatomic terms valid for comparison attested only in ARB and SOQ. Cf. MHR agōnǝḥ 'to fly' [LM 122], likely related; JIB gɛ́naḥ 'wing' [JJ 77] is an Arabism, according to Johnstone.
Modern Aramaic:MLH čoḳo 'Bein, Unterschenkel, Fuss' (auch als Masseinheit) [J Mlah 171] MMND šāḳa 'leg' [M MND 509]
Mandaic Aramaic:šaḳa 'limb, leg, shin' [DM 445]
Arabic:sāḳ- 'jambe, tibia' [BK 1 1167]
Modern Arabic:Malt siʔ <*siḳ "foot'
Tigre:sǝḳuḳa 'forearm, lower part of the leg' [LH 182].
Note difference in vocalic pattern (<*suḳuḳ- <*saḳuḳ- ?)
Notes:Note unexpected s- instead of *š- in AKK (and -i- vs. -ā- in HBR, ARM and ARB).
Cf. SOQ ʕišḳah d'īdi 'main à partir du poignet, ʕišḳah di-ŝabh 'cheville' et al. [SSL LS 1453]; probably related with a secondary ʕ- attached as a triconsonantizer. Another explanation is that the quoted terms are the same as ʕešḳeh 'branche (de palmier), épi' [LS 330] (cf. ARB ʕasaḳ- 'branche sèche et qui n'est plus bonne à rien; Mimosa fruticosa' [BK 2 254]) and the word-combinations quoted literally mean 'branch of the hand'/'branch of the foot' and, therefore, are not to be compared.
[Fron 49] (*šāḳ- 'coscia' /TGR,ARB,HBR,SYR,AKK/); [Holma 134]: AKK, HBR, SYR, ARB; [KB deutsch 1344]: HBR, ARM, UGR, AKK, ARB (šāḳ, most probably an error for sāḳ-), TGR (šǝḳoḳa, misquoting [Leslau Contributions 53] where the form is quoted as sǝḳoḳa); [Brock 765]: SYR, ARM, ARB, HBR, AKK
Mehri:h_af, pl. h_ǝfáwf, 'hoof, sole of the foot' [JM 438]
Jibbali:h_af, pl. ɔh_fɔ́f, 'hoof' [JJ 298]
Harsusi:h_ef
Notes:Scarce attestation in the South SEM area only; not quite reliable.
Cf. GEZ kuf 'hoof' thought to be borrowed from ARB [LGz 276]; borrowed or related, k- is hard to explain.
Note that TGR ḥǝfǝn 'hoof' [LH 104], though a full homonym of ḥǝfǝn 'both hands full' (see *ḥapn-/*ḥupn-, No. ), is probably of a different origin considering semantic diference from the latter; one wonders whether the underlying form can be *ḥupn, with a secondary -n (an old suffix or a result of contamination with ḥǝfǝn 'both hands full'?). There is also TNA ḥaf bälä 'levarsi su, alzarsi in piedi' [Bass 69], possibly to be compared to the present root.
Note that the MSA examples may in principle be Arabisms (see in this connection the same broken plural pattern in ARB, HRS and JIB), though a different vocalism in MSA rather speaks against this assumption
