Cf. ŝāpām 'moustache' [ibid. 1348], otherwise from *ŝa(ʕ)p-at- (No. ). Note the translation 'upper lip' given for PB ŝāpām in [Ja 1618]

    Note the forms with no fem. suffix -t and with -w as a "complementary" third radical: sipwā 'lip' [ibid. 985], sypwwh, det. sypwwth, pl. sypwwn, sypwwyn 'lip, border, bank' [Sok 376]. Cf. sǝpāmā 'upper lip' [Ja 1618], ŝpmh 'border of a garment, upper lip' [Sok 572] (metathetic <*ŝamp- <*ŝanp-? or to be compared directly to HBR ŝāpām 'moustache'?)

    Probably < *ŝa(n)ṗ-(at-) {} *ĉa(n)ṗ-(at-). Cf. examples with -b as a third radical: ARB šnb 'avoir des belles dents et la bouche fraîche' [BK 1 1274], šawānib- 'moustache' [ibid. 1275] and SOQ ŝébǝh 'lèvre' [LS 424], [SSL LS 1472] (see also [SSL 1 287]); note also EBL.

    Of interest is a meaning shift in ESA: SAB s₂ft 'promise; vow; instruction, order' [SD 131], QAT s₂ft 'to promise' [Ricks 170].

    Note a derived verb *ŝnp (common SEM or, less likely, an Arabism in TNA?): ARB šnf 'avoir la lèvre supérieure relevée, retroussée' [BK 1 1277], TNA šänfäwä 'avere le labbra sproporzionante, p. e. il superiore essere più lungo dell inferiore o vicersa' [Bass 234].

    Cf. AKK sapsapu 'lower lip' MA, SB [CAD s 167], [AHw 1027]; a reduplicated stem with s instead of š or a variant root? Cf. EGYP МHЕ

    [Fron 44] (*ŝap-at- 'labbro' /TNA šänfäf 'labbro', not in [Bass], ARB, SYR, HBR, UGR, AKK/); [Holma 32]: AKK, HBR, ARB, SYR; [KB 1346]: HBR, ARM, UGR, AKK, ESA, ARB, TNA

    Cf. also fanīk- 'endroit où les deux mâchoires se joignent; endroit de la bouche compris entre la lèvre inférieure et le menton à la naissance de la barbe' [ibid.] (with a secondary -n-?)

    Possibly 'joint of the upper and lower jaws', cf. ARB and TGR.

    -n- in one of the ARB examples may in principle imply SEM *pank- > *pakk-.

    Cf. a variant root *pagg- 'jaw': HBR PB pag [Ja 1132]; ARM: JUD paggā [Ja 1132], SYR paggā [ibid. 555].

    Note a noun 'halter, bit' derived from both *pakk- (MND pukta, pikta 'bridle' [DM 367; 371]) and *pagg- (AKK pagūmu 'Halfterriemen?' OB on [AHw 810], strangely compared by Soden with pugūdātu 'Zaum' borrowed from ARM [ibid. 875]; HBR PB bēt p. 'halter' [Ja 1132]; JUD paggē (pl.) 'bit' [ibid.]).

    Cf. ARB fkk 'dégager, séparer, disjoindre; être cassé (se dit des mâchoires)' [BK 2 623], probably to be explained by contamination of two homonymous roots, the present one and a verbal root meaning 'to undo, separate' (cf., for example, TGR fäkkä 'to split, break' [LH 670], JIB efkék 'to undo' [JJ 55]).

    [Brock 567]: SYR, JUD (paggā), ARB

    Cf. AFRASIAN above.

    The meanings 'old (man)', 'to be old' are undoubtedly derived: HBR zāḳēn 'of mature age, old' [KB 278], ARM OLD zḳn 'to grow old' [JH 339], ARB d_iḳn- 'vieillard' [BK 1 775].

    Possibly related, though with an unclear semantic evolution, are SAB d_ḳn, md_ḳn, md_ḳnt 'place of prayer in house or tomb; entrance hall, antechamber' [SD 39] and also b-d_ḳn 'in front of' [Biella 98].

    [Fron 44] (*d_aḳan'barba' /SOQ,ARB,SYR,HBR,UGR,AKK/); [DRS 339]: AKK, UGR, HBR, PHO, ARM, SOQ, ARB, SAB; [DLU 135]: UGR, HBR, PHO, JUD, AKK, EBL, ARB; [KB 278]: HBR, UGR, AKK, ARM, ARB; [Brock 164]: SYR, ARM, HBR, ARB, AKK; [LS 134]: SOQ, ARB, HBR, ARM, AKK, ESA; [Holma 36]: AKK, HBR, ARB, ARM

    Cf. arû 'to vomit' MB, SB [CAD a2 316] [AHw 72]

    Used three times in the Bible, always in Kǝtīb; in Qǝrē replaced by ṣōʔā 'discharge' for aesthetic purposes (the same occurs with the word šēnā 'urine', replaced by mē raḡlayim 'water of the feet')

    According to Leslau, "est à considérer comme un augmentatif par m de la racine ḥrʔ" [ibid.]; cf. also metathetic ḥámreh 'saleté, lie' [ibid. 181]

    Cf. SAB h_rʔ 'to throw so. into a panic' [SD 61], which may be understood as a D-stem meaning something like 'to make so. defecate out of fear'; for discharging one's belly in panic see a well-known passage from Sanherib's stele: ...ḳereb narkabātēšunu umaššerūni zûšun 'they voided their excrements into their chariots' (apud [CAD z 150]).

    Note the form with -m suffixed in SOQ.

    [DLU 197]: UGR, HBR, SYR, ARB; [KB 348]: HBR, UGR, ARM, ARB, TNA; [Brock 253]: SYR, ARM, HBR, ARB, TGR; [LS 191]: SOQ, ARB, HRB, SYR, TGR; [LGur 82]: GUR, ETH, HBR, ARB

    Cf. a related verbal root *nḫr 'to snore': AKK naḫāru SB [CAD n1 128], [AHw 713]; GEZ nǝḫra [LGz 396] (cf. also TGR näharä 'to grow angry' [LH 323], TNA näharä 'infuriarsi' [Bass 438], with a tenable meaning shift but irregular -h-).

    Note a likely related AKK nāḫiru 'whale' [CAD n1 137], with an underlying meaning 'snorer' or 'spouter', and UGR nḫr 'Meerstier, etwa Delphin' [Aist 205] (also related or possibly borrowed from AKK).

    [Fron 44] (*naḫīr- 'narice' /MHR,ARB,SYR, HBR,SYR,UGR anḫr 'delfino',AKK); [Holma 20]: AKK, HBR, SYR, ARB; [KB 686]: HBR, ARM, SOQ, AKK, ARB; [Brock 424]: SYR, ARM, HBR, ARB, AKK; [LS 265]: SOQ, MSA, ARB, HBR, AKK

    Cf. a variant root nuh_h_-, nah_āh_at- 'moelle' [ibid. 1219]

    Cf. PHO mḥ 'fat' [HJ 610] (uncertain), mḥ (adj.) 'fat, rich' [ibid.] and HBR mēăḥ 'fatling' [KB 567] (a meaning shift from 'brain, marrow'?).

    Cf. *mVʕmVʕ- 'brain', No. .

    [Fron 42] (*muh_h_- 'midollo, cervello' /ARB,SYR,HBR,UGR,AKK/); [Holma 12]: AKK, HBR, SYR, JUD, PUN (mḥ 'Fett'); [KB 567]: HBR, ARM, ARB, AKK, UGR; [Brock 379]: SYR, ARM, HBR, PUN, ARB, AKK

    Unless < *liḥ(a)y-(at-) 'cheek, jaw', No. ; on h_ < SEM *ḥ and *ɣ see Introduction (another explanation is that lah_û is an early W. SEM borrowing)

    Metathetic from -t- infixed stem (cf. constr. *maltǝʕōt in Ps 58.7). Cf. lōăʕ, a hapax in Pr 23:2, translated as 'gullet' in [KB 532]; the context, however, allows for both interpretations, 'gullet' and 'jaw', the latter supported by the meaning 'jaw' attested in PB [Ja 700]

    Related with suffixed -n and a highly specified meaning shift? Note also what looks a variant root with an enigmatic -d as a third radical: luɣd- (also luɣdūd-, liɣdīd-) 'lobe de l'oreille, le bas de l'oreille; chair tendre entre le palais et le canal de la déglutition' [ibid. 1005]

    The first -n- may be explained as a nominal suffix (see Introduction), while the second -n probably reflects the PSEM dual suffix *-āni/*-ayni non-productive in MSA. Note a meaning shift

    Note that Leslau unconvincingly considers HBR mǝtallǝʕōt (below) related to GEZ maltāḥt 'jaw' (see discussion in [LGz 319]), while Maizel compares these forms as variant roots [Maizel 255].

    Cf. a variant root in ARM MAʕL nīʕa 'Kiefer' [Berg 61] (related [ibid.] to ARM lōʕā).

    Cf. *liḥ(a)y-(at-) 'cheek, jaw', No. .

    [Holma 31]: AKK, ARB (laḥy-), HBR (lǝḥī); [KB 654]: HBR, GEZ (maltāḥt); [Brock 361]: SYR, JUD, HBR (lōăʕ), AKK (lūʔu, lētu)

    To ARB ǧanīn- 'embryon', cf. GEZ ganin 'foetus, embrio' [LGz 198] (according to Leslau, borrowed from ARB), TGR ǧǝnna 'foetus, new-born child' [LH 552] (ǧ suggests an Arabism). Besides these two presumed ARB loan-words in ETH, however, there is also TGR gǝnay 'miscarriage, monster; small child' [ibid. 589], which does not look an Arabism and, therefore, creates a problem: if its meanings are comparable to 'foetus, embrio' with plausible semantic shifts, this word should be united with ARB ǧanīn- 'embryo' to make a separate, though poorly attested, SEM root probably to be further compared to the present one.

    Of possible AFRASIAN parallels, cf. N. CUSH: BEJA gínha, gínʔa 'Herz, Brust, Bauch' [Rein Bed 98], ginạ 'heart' [Hudson 46] (unless an Arabism).

    Cf. [DRS 147-8] (Nos. 2, 13 and 14; comparison quite different from this one)

    The latter gives the meaning 'Lunge' only; indeed, there is no context among those quoted in [CAD] which couldn't be interpreted as 'lung'. Note also h_išû 'a part of the human body' [CAD h_ 206]

    Originally may have a more specified meaning 'lung(s)'; besides 'lungs' in AKK and 'asthma' in some of the ARB forms, cf. SAB ḥs₂y-m 'asthma, whooping (?)' [SD 72] (see the context in [Biella 193]: d_-ʔs₁yw ... bn ḥs₂y-m _{w-sʕl-m "what they encountered of bronchial trouble and coughing").}

    According to Kaufman, a loan from AKK is possible, because the AKK, MND and ARB forms "can hardly be cognate since the Akkadian is almost certainly cognate with the word for "chest": Hbr ḥāze, ARM ḥăd_ê, ARB ḥid_aʔ-" [Kauf 55]. (Note that ARB ḥid_āʔ- /with long -ā-!/ is translated as 'vis-̀-vis, en face de', and not 'chest', in [BK 1 399]; cf. No. .) This is hardly the point. The MND haša 'bowels' [DM 127] does look like a loan, though for quite a different reason: -š- instead of the expected *-s- may point to an Akkadism or Arabism (cf. also h_ašašia do. [ibid. 128], with h_- typical of Arabic borrowings with ḥ). As for the AKK and ARB examples, they are, on the contrary, to be treated as cognates, since no reliable instances of SEM *d_ > AKK š are attested, whereas there are quite a few cases of SEM *ḥ reflected as h_ in AKK (see Introduction).

    [Holma 88]: AKK, ARB