Comments:KW 355, Владимирцов 198, Poppe 31, 62, АПиПЯЯ 17, Мудрак Дисс. 40-41, 44. Irregular voicing in Mong. can be explained by the root's expressive nature. Cf. also Mong. siǯiŋ 'a person urinating in his bed' - probably reflecting the derivative *šī́gdi < *šī́k`di, attested also in Turkic, TM, Korean and Japanese.
Comments:An interesting common Altaic economical term. Let us note, however, that non-standard affixation in Japanese, as well as irregular tone correspondence, may suggest a borrowing from Korean.
Comments:KW 107. A Western isogloss. All forms reflect a morphological derivative *tagi-gu(r/l) (which explains both labialization in the second syllable and front row in Mong.). The Turkic form deserves special comment: Ramstedt 1924 derived it from *tüke- `be exhausted' (see under *t`ukì), i.e. "being exhausted, having come to an end" = "is not". The semantic derivation seems quite probable, but PT *degül is phonetically not derivable from *tüke-; it appears rather to be derived from an otherwise unattested PT *degü- < PA *tagi, but with the same semantic shift. There is yet another possibility available: regarding -(ü)l in Turkic as a remnant of the negative particle = PM *ülü `not', i.e. *degül = "not filled, incomplete".
Comments:A designation for some root-crop or grass root. Mong. deg-ne-, Karakh. taɣ-na (although its PT antiquity is somewhat dubious, see above) may reflect a common derivative *tagù-nV. The resemblance of Jpn. tsuku-ne also may be not accidental (although synchronically -ne is, of course, analysable as ne 'root').
Comments:АПиПЯЯ 76. Jpn. has *-ǝ- instead of *-a- because of bad compatibility of *a and *ǝ in PJ. {Cf. WMo daliji- 'lean to one side', dali-, dalbi- 'awry' etc.}.
Comments:In Turk. one would expect *-ɨ-; the reflex -u- is probably due to the effect of the original labial in -ĺb-. Note that some forms (Tat., Bashk., Yak.) actually reflect *-ɨ-, so perhaps for PT one should rather assume here a form like *dɨĺo-.
