Comments:EAS 54, KW 125, Владимирцов 285, Poppe 11, 79, ОСНЯ 3, 73-76, Цинциус 1984, 71, ЭСТЯ 1, 299, Дыбо 318-321, Мудрак Дисс. 194, Лексика 253-255, Rozycki 76. A Western isogloss. Assumption of Mong. < Turk. (Щербак 1997, 116) is impossible. Cf. also Mong. (h)arba- 'to spread (of fingers)'. It is also interesting to note the equation (see Lee 1958, 109) of Manchu fereχe siŋguri (lit. 'fingered mouse') 'bat' = MKor. pā̆rk-čúi id. (čui 'mouse'). This may be a trace of the root in Korean; however, also possible is a local merger (in Korean and Manchu) of this root with PA *p`ore 'feather, wing' - in that case the compounds would mean rather 'winged mouse'.
Comments:Lee 1958, 109. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss, with usual vowel loss between two stops in Kor. Cf. *pàt`á. On possible reflexes in Turkic and Mongolian (a result of contamination) see under *p`ắt`à(-kV).
Comments:EAS 96, PKE 32, Цинциус 1984, 72. A Western isogloss. Despite Poppe 1966, 198, 1972, 99, Doerfer MT 98, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. A Western isogloss: the Korean parallel mentioned in PKE 32 (č:i- 'be inferior to, weakened') is unreliable - probably a misreading of či- id.
Comments:KW 118, АПиПЯЯ 294, Poppe 56, Lee 1958, 109. Despite Doerfer MT 236, TM is not borrowed from Mong. Mong. *h- (not b-) before a long vowel indicates PA *p`.
Comments:АПиПЯЯ 68, 90 (with literature), 274, Martin 243. See also notes on *bŏga. Medial *-j- is reconstructed to account for the loss of -l- in Korean; Mong. *h- before a long vowel indicates PA *p`-.
Comments:The parallel seems interesting (with a semantic development 'call' < > 'name' > 'omen', 'fate'), but back *ā in Turkic is not quite clear (one should rather expect *ēt); perhaps we should reconstruct dialectal variants *p`ḗte / *p`ḗta. See also notes to *pōto.
Comments:The comparison of PTM *piri with PT *jạ̄r (АПиПЯЯ 13) should be abandoned, since it does not explain PT closed *ạ (on the etymology of the Turkic word see rather *ǯḗro). For a possible Korean parallel see under *p`i̯ṓlo. Cf. *p`èrì.
