HED H: 373; Weeks 1985: 169-170; Kloekhorst 2008: 361. Polysemy: 'omnis / totus'. OH+. The most probable morphological analysis is ḫum-ant-, but ḫu-mant- with the adjectival suffix -want-/-mant- is also possible. The root (ḫu- or ḫum-) seems isolated within Anatolian and IE. The Luwian term for 'all' is an etymologically unclear punada/i- (C) [Melchert 1993: 178] (polysemy: 'omnis / totus'). A second Luwian candidate is an etymologically unclear tanim(m)a/i- 'all, every' (C&H) [Melchert 1993: 205]. Lycian huwedr(i) 'all (omnis)' and Milyan uwedr(i) 'all (omnis)' [Melchert 2004: 26, 134] originate from Anat. *suwadr 'fullness' (see 'full').

HW² H: 388; HED H: 210; Kloekhorst 2008: 318. Polysemy: 'ashes / dust / soda ash / soap'. Common gender. OH+. The consonantal stem ḫass- is apparently more archaic. No cognates within Anatolian. Represents the basic Indo-Hittite term for 'ashes'.

Not attested.

CHD S: 253; HEG S: 893; Kloekhorst 2008: 733. Polysemy: 'belly / innards / foetus' (both of humans and animals). Common gender. OH+. The most probable morphological analysis is sarḫu-ant-, but theoretically sarḫ-want- with the adjectival suffix -want- / -mant- is also possible. The root sarḫ(u) seems isolated within Anatolian and IE (connection with Armenian argand 'womb' is phonetically problematic, according to Martirosyan, whereas Ancient Greek ὀρύГʁ [name of a play of Epicharmus], ὀρoύГʁ [Hsch.] 'sausage' could hardly be inherited). The Hittite word pantuḫa- (NH) probably does not mean 'belly', cf. the translation 'bladder (?)' in [CHD P: 95] with discussion ('belly (?)' or 'bladder (?)' in [HEG P: 418]).

CHD S: 92; HEG S: 767; Weeks 1985: 164; Kloekhorst 2008: 709. Widely applicable. OH+. Double ll points to an old cluster (*ln vel sim., but hardly *lH, although discussion of speculative laryngealistic theories is irrelevant in this context). Without Anatolian cognates, but with some weak IE comparanda (Lat. salvus 'complete, intact', Ancient Greek ὅλος 'whole, complete', etc.). The Luwian (C&H) term for 'big' could be an etymologically unclear word ura/i- [Melchert 1993: 243], but it is not certain whether ura/i- denotes the generic term 'big' or only a more specific 'great'.

The exact Hittite reading of the well-attested ideogram mušen 'bird' is still unclear. The traditional Hittite reading of mušen is a hapax: suwai-, common gender (see [HEG S: 1215] w. lit.), although in [Cohen 2010] it is demonstrated that the translation 'rejection (vel sim.)' for suwais fits the known context equally well (cf. more categorically in [Kloekhorst 2008: 795]). It should be noted that phonetically Hitt. suwai- is a very nice match for the basic IE term for 'bird' (with the rare, but secure correspondence Hitt. s- ~ Luw. t- ~ IE 0-). The second possible candidate is Hitt. wattai-, which is also a hapax, see [Kloekhorst 2008: 987] for detail. Hitt. wattai- seems to lack any etymological cognates. The third candidate for 'bird (in general)', Hitt. peri-, is less probable, see [CHD P: 312] and cf. [HEG P: 575].

Weeks 1985: 61; Kloekhorst 2008: 939. OH+. A ḫi-conjugation verb. The nature of the consonantal alternation g (sg.) ~ kk (pl.) is not entirely clear. Further to Tocharian and Ancient Greek roots meaning 'to break, split'.

HEG T: 107; Weeks 1985: 188; Kloekhorst 2008: 829. OH+. Polysemy: 'black / dark', as it is standardly glossed. Except for the thematic vowel, regularly corresponds to Germanic *dankwa-z ~ *denkwa-z 'dark'. Cf. Luwian (C) takkui- 'black(?), dark(?)'.

HED E-I: 305; Weeks 1985: 48; Kloekhorst 2008: 256. Neutral gender, heteroclitic paradigm: esḫ-ar / isḫ-an-. OH+. Cognate with Luwian (C) asḫar 'blood' and the basic IE term for 'blood'.

HW² H: 425; Weeks 1985: 49; HED H: 233; Kloekhorst 2008: 325. Neutral gender; paradigm: ḫastai / ḫasti-. OH+. Cognate with Luwian (C) ḫas 'bone' (although st > s is unclear) and the basic IE term for 'bone'.

HEG T: 34. OH+. The same root *takk- 'breast' is contained in Hitt. takk-aliya- 'to embrace' (OH+) with a different suffix. In [Nikolaev 1985: 64] Hitt. takk-ani- 'breast' is treated as a North Caucasian loan: Proto-Nakh *dokʼ 'heart' (< Proto-North Caucasian *yĕrkʼwĭ 'heart'). This solution is phonetically attractive, but not very probable for general reasons. There is, indeed, a small number of Proto-Nakh loans in the Hittite lexicon, but it seems that all of them belong to the cultural vocabulary. We are not aware of any Hittite-Nakh contacts that would be intense enough to cause borrowing of items on the Swadesh wordlist. Cf. also an expression for 'female breast': teda-n [HEG T: 343; Kloekhorst 2008: 875], which can be a nursery word or a reduplicated formation from the IE root 'to suck'.

Kloekhorst 2008: 924. Incorrectly glossed by Kloekhorst as 'to kindle, to set fire to'. OH+. A causative formation from ur-/war- 'to burn (intr.)'. Probably cognate with Balto-Slav. *wĭr- 'to boil, cook', Slav. *war- 'heat'. A second candidate is Hitt. same-nu-, same-siya-, but these verbs have a technical ritual meaning: 'to burn smth. for fumigation, etc.', see [CHD S: 122 ff.]. Apparently the Luwian term for 'to burn (tr.)' is the causative stem ki-nu- (used with the fire-like logogram FLAMMAE(?)), a cognate of Ancient Greek καίГq̇ 'to burn (tr.)'.

CHD S: 180; HEG S: 837; Kloekhorst 2008: 723. Common gender. OH+. Cognate with Luwian (C) tammuga- 'nail (refers both to fingernails and toenails)' [Melchert 1993: 204] and the basic IE term for 'nail' with the rare, but secure correspondence Hitt. s- ~ Luw. t- ~ IE 0-. The Luw. word is indeed known from the ritual context, where nail clippings are mentioned, but Melchert’s supposition that Luwian possessed two separate terms for 'nail' and 'nail clippings' looks typologically odd.

HW² A: 60; HED A: 37; Kloekhorst 2008: 169. Common gender. OH+. Isolated within Anatolian and probably IE as well. The connection to Latin albus 'white', Germanic *alb- 'something white' seems semantically dubious, although possible.

HED E-I: 258; Kloekhorst 2008: 234. OH+. Derived from the noun ega- 'cold, frost, ice'. A cognate of Germanic, Celtic and Baltic words for 'icicle' and 'ice'.

HEG U: 156; Kloekhorst 2008: 992. OH+. A mi-conjugation verb; paradigm: uw=a- / u=e-. Corresponds to Luwian (C&H) awi- 'to come'. Apparently consists of the centripetal preverb *aw- and the common IE root *ey- 'to go' (cf. the similar structure of the verb pa=i- 'to go' q.v.). Another candidate is the frequent Hitt. ḫi-conjugation verb ar- [HW² A: 208; HED A: 108; Kloekhorst 2008: 196], but its basic meaning is rather 'to arrive (at)', not the more specific 'to come'.

HW² A: 51; HED A: 17; Kloekhorst 2008: 167. A ḫi-conjugation verb. OH+. The nature of the consonant alternation g (sg.) ~ kk (pl.) is not entirely clear. Seems isolated within Anatolian and IE. Figuratively the verb hark- 'to get lost, lose oneself, disappear, perish' [HED H: 157; Kloekhorst 2008: 306] can also be used in the meaning 'to die', but it is not the default word for this meaning. The same concerns the verb mer- / mar- 'to disappear, to vanish' [HED M: 148; Kloekhorst 2008: 577]. In the Luwic branch 'to die' is expressed by the root *wal-: Luwian (H) wala/i- ~ wara/i- 'to die' [Melchert 1993: 250]. Thus *wel- was the basic Indo-Hittite root for 'to die', superseded by *mer- after the split of Tocharian. Hitt. ag- ~ akk- is an unclear innovation in this case.

Unknown, normally written by the ideograms ur, ur.gi7. The common IE root is known from Hitt. ^LÚkuwan- ~ kun- 'hound-man' and Luwian (H) zwani- 'dog'.

HED E-I: 261; Kloekhorst 2008: 236. OH+. A mi-conjugation verb; paradigm: egu- / agu-. Anatolian cognates are Palaic ahu- 'to drink' and maybe Luwian (C) u- 'to drink(?)'. An IE cognate is Tocharian A & B yok- 'to drink'. After the split of Tocharian the root was lost (a possible retention may be seen in Lat. ēb-rius 'drunk').

HW² H: 478; HED H: 247; Kloekhorst 2008: 328. OH+. A regular participial formation from the verb ḫad- 'to dry'. An IE cognate is Ancient Greek ἄζω 'to dry up'. Another candidate is Hitt. tars-ant- (a participle from the rare verb tars- 'to become dry, make dry') [HEG T: 219; Kloekhorst 2008: 848], but tars-ant- is apparently applicable exclusively to food stuff.